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U.S. REPORT UNDER THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON
CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS
JULY 1994
Article 8 - Prohibition of Slavery
Slavery and Involuntary Servitude. Abolition of the
institution of slavery in the United States dates
from President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation,
effective in 1863, and the Thirteenth Amendment to
the U.S. Constitution adopted in 1865. The
Thirteenth Amendment also prohibits the holding of a
person in involuntary servitude. The U.S.
Department of Justice prosecutes involuntary
servitude cases under three statutes designed to
implement the Thirteenth Amendment, 18 U.S.C.
1581, 1583, and 1584, and under 18 U.S.C. 241,
which criminalizes conspiracies to interfere with
the exercise of constitutional rights. In this
context, 18 U.S.C. 241 criminalizes conspiracies
to interfere with a person's Thirteenth Amendment
right to be free from involuntary servitude. The
other involuntary servitude statutes make unlawful:
(1) holding or returning a person to a condition of
peonage ( 1581); (2) carrying a person away to or
enticing a person to involuntary servitude ( 1583);
and (3) holding a person to a condition of
involuntary servitude ( 1584). Peonage is a form
of involuntary servitude based on real or alleged
indebtedness.
In 1988, the U.S. Supreme Court defined involuntary
servitude to mean a condition of servitude in which
the victim is forced to do labor for another
individual through the use or threatened use of
physical or legal coercion. United States v.
Kozminski, 487 U.S. 931 (1988). Thus, Department of
Justice prosecutions of involuntary servitude
require evidence showing the use or threatened use
of physical or legal coercion by the defendant as a
sufficient means of holding the victim to a
condition of forced labor. Psychological coercion
alone used to hold a person to forced labor does not
constitute involuntary servitude. Id. at 948-49.
Evidence of coercive measures such as withholding a
victim's mail or isolating the victim from members
of his family in an effort to dissuade the victim
from leaving his place of labor is not by itself
sufficient for an involuntary servitude conviction.
However, the age, mental competency, or other
specific characteristics of a victim may be relevant
in determining whether a particular type or a
certain degree of physical or legal coercion is
sufficient to hold that victim to involuntary
servitude. Id. at 948. For example, a child who is
told he can go home through a strange area at night
may be subject to physical coercion where an adult
would not be, and an illegal immigrant threatened
with deportation may be subject to legal coercion
where a citizen of the United States would not be.
Unfortunately, cases of involuntary servitude
continue to arise under these statutes. The
Department of Justice's enforcement efforts in
recent years have principally involved two
categories of prosecutions: (1) migrant worker
cases; and (2) cases involving persons with
particular vulnerabilities.
The migrant worker cases typically involve the
recruitment of workers through deceit or force to
perform agricultural work at a labor camp. The
workers are generally informed after a few days that
they are being charged for meals, shelter, and other
necessities and that they may not leave until they
have worked off their debts. The operators of the
camp often employ threats and acts of violence to
create a climate of fear and intimidation that
prevents the workers from leaving the camp.
In United States v. Warren, a 1983 prosecution in
the Middle District of Florida, four defendants were
convicted of holding persons to involuntary
servitude by picking up individuals under false
pretenses, delivering them to labor camps in North
Carolina and Florida, requiring them to work long
hours for little or no pay, and keeping them in the
camps through poverty, threats and acts of violence.
The government introduced evidence at trial to show
that disobedient workers were beaten, threatened
with a gun or a smoldering piece of rubber hose, and
denied food or medicine as punishment for failure to
work as expected by the camp operators. Several
workers were able to leave the camp only after a nun
arranged for them to obtain money from family
members whom the workers had been unable to contact
on their own. The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals
upheld the convictions. United States v. Warren,
772 F.2d 827 (11th Cir. 1985).
The "vulnerable person" cases typically involve
victims whom the defendants are able to hold in a
condition of involuntary servitude based in part on
some specific characteristic of the victim. Persons
with particular vulnerabilities include illegal
immigrants, elderly or very young persons and
mentally retarded persons.
In United States v. Vargas, a 1991 prosecution in
the Southern District of California, three
defendants were convicted on one count of holding a
person to involuntary servitude. Claudia Vargas
recruited seventeen-year-old Juanita Hernandez-
Ortiz, in Mexico City, Mexico, in 1989 to work as a
maid for her family, first in Mexico and then in the
United States. The defendants originally agreed to
send money to Ms. Hernandez' family, to give her
room and board, and, eventually, to send her to
school. Instead, the Vargases forced Ms. Hernandez
to enter the country illegally, then took all of her
identification documents and threatened to turn her
over to immigration officials. Throughout 1990 and
1991, the defendants' physical abuse of Ms.
Hernandez escalated. Raul Vargas on one occasion
used a broom handle to beat Ms. Hernandez, and his
mother tore clumps of hair from Ms. Hernandez' head.
By April 1990, the defendants were forcing Ms.
Hernandez to live in the garage, locking her in with
little or no food when they would be gone for days
at a time. A county child protective services
worker eventually took Ms. Hernandez from the Vargas
home.
Migrant worker and vulnerable person cases are not
the only involuntary servitude prosecutions pursued
by the Department of Justice. In United States v.
Lewis, the Department prosecuted eight leaders of a
religious sect known as the House of Judah for their
activities in forming and monitoring work details
among the male children who lived on the sect's
compound in rural Western Michigan. The sect
leaders, including prophet William Lewis (a/k/a My
Lord Prophet) and members of his leadership council,
prohibited members from leaving the compound,
assigned persons to patrol the perimeter of the
compound with weapons, and publicly beat members who
refused to obey commands, attempted to leave or
otherwise displeased sect leaders. The young male
children were assigned to work details and were
beaten when they did not work or performed their
work poorly. Twelve-year-old John Yarbough died
five days after one of the beatings he received for
failing to report for assigned work. All seven
defendants who went to trial were convicted on
charges of conspiring to hold John Yarbough to
involuntary servitude and of holding John Yarbough
and others to involuntary servitude; the eighth
defendant pled guilty prior to trial. United States
v. Lewis, 644 F. Supp. 1391 (W.D. Mich. 1986).
One of the major issues in the Lewis case was how
the presence of the children's parents, also members
of the sect, at the compound affected the
defendants' culpability. In affirming the
convictions in Lewis, the Sixth Circuit Court of
Appeals held that the defendants did not share the
immunity of the children's parents based on the
parents' right to discipline their children. United
States v. King, 840 F.2d 1276, 1280 (6th Cir. 1988).
In another case involving the holding of children in
involuntary servitude, United States v. Van Brunt,
the Department of Justice successfully prosecuted
eight defendants who were leaders of a pseudo-
religious/athletic cult based in Los Angeles,
California, and Clackamas County, Oregon. These
defendants were indicted in Oregon on charges
involving the systematic physical abuse of over 50
children. The children were coerced into performing
arduous athletic accom- plishments to attract
corporate financial support and sponsorship for the
cult. All the children of cult members were
allegedly abused, including the daughter of Eldridge
Broussard, the group's founder and leader, who died
as a result of a severe beating. A few months later
following the indictment, Eldridge Broussard died of
natural causes. All seven of the remaining
defendants pleaded guilty a month before trial was
scheduled and were sentenced to serve prison terms
of 2 1/4 years to over 8 years.
Since 1977, the Department of Justice has prosecuted
28 involuntary servitude cases involving 100
defendants. The cases have resulted in 36
convictions and 46 guilty pleas.
Hard Labor. Hard labor is no longer available as a
criminal sanction under federal criminal law, though
it remains a possible punishment under the Uniform
Code of Military Justice and some state laws. In
these jurisdictions, a judge may sentence a person
to "a term of imprisonment with hard labor." There
is no specific constitutional or statutory
prohibition against hard labor. The Eighth
Amendment, as discussed above, prohibits the
infliction of any punishment that is "cruel and
unusual." While hard labor does not necessarily
constitute cruel and unusual punishment, prison work
requirements which compel inmates to perform
physical labor which is beyond their strength,
endangers their lives, or causes undue pain
constitute cruel and unusual punishment. Ray v.
Mabry, 556 F.2d 881 (8th Cir. 1977). The Supreme
Court has, on more than one occasion, found hard
labor to be an excessive punishment grossly
disproportionate to the crime for which it was
imposed. Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349
(1910).
Several states possess the statutory authority to
place offenders in programs that employ "hard
labor." While the term "hard labor" has remained
unaltered in a few states, the U.S. military
services, and some U.S. territories, "hard labor . .
. [is] not correspondent to work in the stocks or
other 18th century punishments which were then
considered reasonable." Justiniano Matos v. Gaspar
Rodriguez, 440 F. Supp. 673, 675 (D. Puerto Rico
1976). In theory, "hard labor" refers to a form of
punishment and suggests more than mere institution
work assignments. In practice, however, the jobs
assigned to prisoners sentenced to "hard labor" are
often the very same as those assigned to prisoners
sentenced to a term of imprisonment. In the
majority of states and territories where the "hard
labor" terminology has survived, courts and
corrections agencies have translated the sanction
into modern community corrections programs (halfway
house placement, work release, boot camps, etc.).
There are typically four placement alternatives for
offenders sentenced under hard labor statutes: (1)
correctional institution work crew, (2) work release
program with a local building contractor, public
agency, sanitation crew, etc., (3) apprenticeship
program with a mentor skilled in a particular trade,
or (4) vocational training.
An example of a work program where an offender could
be placed is provided by the Home Builders Institute
(HBI), the educational arm of the National
Association of Homebuilders. HBI provides a
"Project Trade" program for adult offenders in
prison and a "Job Corps" program for juveniles in
trouble. Offenders typically receive remedial
education, vocational training, counseling, and
health care. These programs are designed "to turn
America's hardest-to- employ" into productive,
independent citizens through classroom and work
assignments in eleven separate construction trade
training programs. See HBI "Project Trade
Abstract," Washington, D.C., Home Builders
Institute.
Forced Labor. The United States does not engage in
practices of forced labor. On June 7, 1991, the
United States ratified International Labor
Organization Convention No. 105 concerning the
abolition of forced labor. The Convention, which
entered into force for the U.S. on September 25,
1992, requires ratifying states to undertake to
suppress and not make use of forced labor in five
specific cases: as a means of political coercion or
education, or as punishment for holding or
expressing political views or views ideologically
opposed to the established political, social or
economic system; as a method of mobilizing and using
labor for purposes of economic development; as a
means of labor discipline; as punishment for having
participated in strikes; and as a means of racial,
social, national or religious discrimination.
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