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Throughout 1994 the Government of the Republic of Angola and 
the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) 
remained embroiled in a brutal civil war.  However, the 
Government, led by President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, and 
UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, also engaged in peace negotiations 
in Lusaka under the auspices of the United Nations and with the 
help of three observer countries, Portugal, Russia, and the 
United States.  The two parties signed a peace agreement, the 
Lusaka Protocol, on November 20 which calls for a cease-fire, 
the withdrawal and disarming of UNITA, and the creation of a 
new national army made up of fighters from both sides.  
However, at year's end, very little progress had been made in 
implementing the Lusaka Protocol.

Fighting resumed in October 1992, after UNITA declared the 
results of the September 1992 elections fraudulent.  The United 
Nations considered these elections free and fair.  Since the 
renewed fighting UNITA has captured control of as much as 70 
percent of the country, but the majority of the population has 
remained in, or fled to, government-controlled areas.  The 
Government continued to have the diplomatic support of the 
international community and the U.N. Security Council 
throughout the year.  By May the Government began to redress 
the military situation and by year's end had retaken several 
strategic points from UNITA.  The cease-fire established by the 
Lusaka Protocol went into effect on November 22.  Despite 
violations on both sides, confirmed by U.N. observers, the 
cease-fire appeared to be generally holding through the year's 

To counter UNITA, the Government continued a major buildup in 
1994 of its military and police organizations and also 
continued to arm urban civilians.  These civilians, sympathetic 
to the governing party, the Popular Movement for the Liberation 
of Angola (MPLA), assisted government forces during the 
outbreak of hostilities that led to the resumption of the civil 
war.  All of these organizations, including the Government and 
UNITA, were responsible for persistent human rights abuses.  
The MPLA controlled tightly the 220-member National Assembly 
and harassed the few opposition deputies, including UNITA 
deputies, in attendance.  MPLA leader President dos Santos 
continued to manipulate the party in order to consolidate 
political control and neutralize potential opposition.

The Ministry of Interior is responsible for internal security; 
it created the Rapid Intervention Police, a paramilitary group, 
in late 1992 to quell civil unrest.  The Ministry has on 
occasion loaned the Rapid Intervention Police to the armed 

Angola has great economic potential with extensive petroleum 
and diamond reserves, rich agricultural land, and latent 
hydroelectric resources.  However, the economy continued to 
contract in 1994 as a result of war and misguided economic 
policy.  Areas under government control in 1994 suffered from 
hyperinflation--from 800 to 1,000 percent, scarcity of consumer 
goods, massive unemployment and underemployment, and continuing 
pervasive corruption.  UNITA-controlled areas reportedly 
experienced similar problems, with perhaps the exception of 
pervasive corruption.  Subsistence agriculture, traditionally 
the main source of income for the majority of Angola's 
approximately 10 million citizens, continued to be severely 
constrained by war-related damage, including heavy use of land 
mines by both sides.

Human rights deteriorated further in the face of an intensified 
armed conflict and the failure of the Government and UNITA to 
stop egregious violations of humanitarian law.  Military and 
security forces on both sides flagrantly disregarded 
fundamental humanitarian values in their treatment of prisoners 
of war (POW's), their extrajudicial killings of unarmed 
civilians, including humanitarian relief workers, women, 
children, and the elderly.  Both sides repeatedly interfered 
for political purposes with internationally provided 
humanitarian assistance.  Informed observers estimated that 
approximately 1,000 persons died daily at the beginning of 1994 
and that at least 100,000 persons have perished since fighting 
resumed in 1992.  Other human rights abuses included 
mistreatment of detainees, deplorable prison conditions, 
arbitrary arrest and detention, unfair trials, broad 
restrictions on freedom of speech, press, and association, and 
violence against women and children.


Section 1  Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including 
           Freedom from:

     a.  Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing

There were credible accounts that government military officers 
killed civilian men, women, children, and elderly persons 
suspected of being UNITA sympathizers after they recaptured 
N'Dalatando in May (see Section 1.g.).  As the war worsened 
throughout 1994, common criminal violence often was 
indistinguishable from politically motivated violence.  
Fighting between members of the military and police and among 
military, police, and bandits in a large open-air market on the 
outskirts of Luanda regularly resulted in fatalities.  There 
were eyewitness accounts of police killing unarmed civilians, 
including youths and street children in Luanda, and of violent, 
unexplained deaths, such as the August discovery of a 
well-known journalist who was found stuffed in a garbage can in 
a Luanda suburb.  Unknown assailants assassinated the Vice 
Governor of Malange Province in early July.  It is widely 
believed that the killing was for political reasons.

In January the National Assembly Subcommittee for Human Rights 
released an investigative report, which failed to find the 
Government culpable for the events of "bloody Friday January 
23, 1993," when military, national police, and civilians 
massacred unknown numbers of Bakongo residents of Luanda, 
Lubango, Benguela, and Namibe provinces.  The head of the 
political opposition party, Partido Democratico Para O 
Progresso-Alianca Nacional Angolana (PDP-ANA), whose members 
are almost exclusively Bakongo, proclaimed the report a 
whitewash, alleging that it contained testimony by policemen 
who participated in the "ethnic cleansing" and that the 
investigation was carried out by National Assembly deputies 
politically aligned with the ruling MPLA.  Opposition National 
Assembly deputies boycotted the plenary session scheduled to 
debate the report for fear of MPLA reprisals.  The report was 
approved ultimately, but the session did not have a quorum.

In June UNITA admitted to executing summarily South African 
mercenaries fighting for the Government and subsequently 
published their photographs in UNITA's newspaper Terra Angolana.

     b.  Disappearance

Throughout 1994, both Government and UNITA officials accused 
one another of abductions, disappearances, and the killing of 
civilians.  The details of these incidents are unavailable.

The Government's Ministry of Assistance and Social Reinsertion 
encouraged programs of U.N. agencies and international 
nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) to search for family 
members of orphans and abandoned children.

     c.  Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading 
         Treatment or Punishment

There were unsubstantiated reports that the police tortured 
detainees.  Interior Ministry personnel routinely beat 
detainees held in Comarca de Luanda, a prison on the outskirts 
of Luanda, to extract information or confessions prior to 
bringing them to trial.  In many cases, the police routinely 
beat and then released arrestees rather than go through the 
effort of preparing a formal case.  No new information was 
available on the Laboratoria, where, according to credible 
reports, government personnel tortured detainees in 1993.

The Government, the Angolan Human Rights Association, and the 
National Assembly Subcommittee on Human Rights acknowledged 
publicly that conditions in Angola's prisons are inhumane. 
Cells designed for 10 prisoners contain 30 and are divided by 
open toilets and sewage.  Prisoners die of malnutrition and 
tuberculosis.  Many prisons, lacking financial and other 
support from the Government, failed to supply prisoners with 
food and medicine, and prisoners had to depend on international 
relief organizations and their families and friends for basic 
support.  Although the Government reportedly authorized access 
early in the year to all prisons for members of the National 
Assembly's Subcommittee on Human Rights, by midyear the 
deputies abandoned the project to improve prison conditions due 
to government opposition.

While detailed information is lacking, there are reliable 
reports that the Government and UNITA are both culpable of 
abuse of human rights of prisoners and of prisoners in 
uniform.  The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 
had only limited access in 1994 to prisoners.

     d.  Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile

Transfer of the judicial process and prison system portfolios 
from the Interior Ministry to the Justice Ministry did not 
occur as agreed to by the Council of Ministers in 1993, and 
Interior Ministry officials systematically, arbitrarily, and 
secretly detained people for all categories of crime, without 
trial, for indeterminate periods of time.  The rights of 
detainees were not respected.

Under Angolan law, a person caught in the act of a crime can be 
arrested and detained immediately.  Otherwise, the law states 
that arrests require a warrant signed by a judge or a 
provincial attorney general, followed by a public statement of 
the grounds for arrest.  The prosecuting attorney and defense 
attorney have a maximum of 90 days to prepare a case.  
Detainees are to be allowed prompt access to family members and 
a lawyer.

The number of POW's and other political and security detainees 
held by the Government at year's end was unknown.  The 
Secretary-General of the Angola Human Rights Association (AHRA) 
remained in detention, and the Supreme Court had not responded 
to his appeal.  The trial of the President of the AHRA was 
repeatedly postponed and remained pending at year's end.

While there were no known well-known UNITA sympathizers under 
government detention in Luanda in 1994, the Government kept 
senior UNITA leaders in Luanda under surveillance and did not 
allow them to travel abroad.  The two highest ranking civilian 
UNITA leaders were not allowed to travel abroad from October 
1992 until November 1994.  The Government made efforts to 
integrate senior UNITA leaders into Angolan society.

UNITA arrested two Angolan humanitarian relief workers in 
Huambo in July for violating "state security."  One was held 
incommunicado; the other was held indefinitely without charge 
but was allowed visitors.  When government forces recaptured 
Huambo in November, these two relief workers disappeared.  The 
ICRC estimated that there were hundreds of persons, both 
military and civilian, arrested and detained by UNITA in 
connection with the conflict or for security reasons.  UNITA 
did not allow the ICRC full access to their detainees, despite 
promises to do so, and only a limited number of detainees could 
be visited by the ICRC in the cities of Huambo and Uige.  At 
the end of 1994, and with the recapture of Huambo by government 
forces, there was no information about the whereabouts of the 
detainees.  The ICRC also acknowledged that UNITA has held an 
unknown number of MPLA activists captured in other areas such 
as Caimbambo since the renewal of hostilities in 1992.

     e.  Denial of Fair Public Trial

In October 1991, the Code for Penal Process was amended 
nominally to guarantee a public trial, establish a system of 
bail, and recognize the accused's right to counsel and to 
testify.  Despite these legal safeguards, and despite Ministry 
of Justice calls for judicial reform, significant shortcomings 
in the administration of justice persisted.  As noted in 
Section 1.d., the Ministry of Interior frequently arbitrarily 
arrested and detained people, often without the objective of a 
trial.  Trials for political and security crimes are handled 
exclusively by the Supreme Court.  There were no known 
political or security trials in 1994.

The court system is comprised of a Supreme Court at the 
appellate level and municipal and provincial courts (the latter 
under the authority of the Ministry of Justice) of original 
jurisdiction.  Although the 1992 law on constitutional revision 
speaks of an independent judiciary, as does the 1991 amended 
Constitution, in practice the judiciary is not independent.  
The President of the Republic has strong appointive powers, 
including of Supreme Court judges (for life terms), with no 
requirement for National Assembly confirmation.  At the end of 
the year, the President had filled only 9 of the 16 positions.  
The Court serves as an appellate tribunal for questions of law 
and fact, but it does not have authority to interpret the 
Constitution.  The Constitution reserves this role for a 
Constitutional Court, a bench that remained empty throughout 
the year.

Municipal courts normally deal rapidly with routine civil and 
misdemeanor cases on a daily basis.  Judges are normally 
respected laymen, not licensed lawyers.  The judge and two 
laymen selected by the full court act as jury.  Routine cases 
are normally dispatched by a court within 3 months.  The 
verdict is pronounced the day following the conclusion of the 
trial, in the presence of the defendant.

UNITA has not set up an independent judicial system, but it has 
a military and civilian court system in several provinces.  
Trials are never public.  UNITA President Dr. Jonas Savimbi 
appoints the judges.  The juries consist of elderly men chosen 
from the community.  Reportedly the accused person has the 
right to a lawyer.  Two national humanitarian assistance 
workers arrested in Huambo were to be tried in private and were 
not permitted outside counsel; however, they disappeared when 
government forces recaptured the city.

     f.  Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or 

The Government routinely maintains surveillance of certain 
groups, such as UNITA and other opposition National Assembly 
deputies, opposition party leaders, known or suspected Angolan 
or foreign UNITA sympathizers, and foreign diplomats.  The law 
requires judicial search warrants, and in practice the law is 
respected.  However, as far as known there were no search 
warrants issued before the roundup of Lebanese and other 
foreign businessmen in 1993.

     g.  Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian 
         Law in Internal Conflicts

Both government and UNITA forces were responsible for 
widespread abuses of humanitarian standards during the course 
of the war.  There were credible reports that the Government 
carried out indiscriminate bombing between March and May on the 
provincial capital of N'Dalatando.  The Government never 
revealed the death toll, but a large percentage of the 
casualties was reportedly civilian.  In June the Chief of Staff 
of the armed forces admitted government fighter aircraft 
mistakenly bombed a village school in Waku Kungo, Cuanza Sul,  
reportedly killing 89 children.

Both the Government and UNITA used land mines indiscriminately, 
causing a large number of fatalities and injuries.  There were 
also credible reports that government soldiers targeted 
displaced women, stealing their humanitarian food rations and 
raping them.

The Government and UNITA both impeded provision of emergency 
relief supplies and assistance by the ICRC, other 
nongovernmental voluntary organizations, and United Nations 
agencies.  The military was also responsible for the murder of 
an Angolan humanitarian relief worker in Malange; and 
provincial authorities often harassed relief workers and 
refused to comply with regulations governing the distribution 
of humanitarian assistance.  In UNITA-held Huambo, soldiers 
forcibly removed relief food in July from CARE International 
warehouses.  UNITA caused the mortality rate to rise 
considerably by withholding clearance for the majority of the 
humanitarian flights from May to late August to the besieged 
provincial capitals of Malange and Kuito, and sometimes fired 
on aircraft.  In response the Government denied humanitarian 
assistance flights to Huambo and Uige.

Credible sources, including eyewitnesses, reported that both 
sides forcibly conscripted children as young as 12 into 
military service throughout Angola.

Section 2  Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

     a.  Freedom of Speech and Press

Although the 1991 Constitution provides for freedom of 
expression, in reality free speech is muted in the National 
Assembly, and the Government tightly controls the media, 
including media access to controversial public figures.  
Luanda's commercial radio station (LAC) and the weekly 
newspaper Correio da Semana are privately owned but are not 
independent.  The majority of LAC and Correio stockholders are 
MPLA leaders who hue closely to the party line.  In mid-1994 
even LAC was told to cancel a popular daily program somewhat 
critical of the Government.  Media policy and censorship are 
controlled by a committee composed of the Minister of 
Information, the press spokesman for the Presidency, and the 
directors of the state-owned radio, television, and newspaper.  
Additionally, the Prime Minister has staff devoted exclusively 
to censoring the government-owned and controlled newspaper 
Jornal de Angola.

Although national radio has separate stations in each 
provincial capital, broadcasters must clear all programs with 
national radio headquarters in Luanda.  There are five private 
radio stations in Luanda which censor themselves.  
Transmissions of Vorgan, UNITA's radio station, are heard 
throughout Angola.  UNITA's newspaper, Terra Angolana, cannot 
be found in Luanda.

The Government resorted to even stricter censorship in response 
to enhanced public awareness of human rights, which has evolved 
despite the war.  Journalists admit they are under self- 
censorship and that repeated "errors in judgment" result in 
dismissal.  The only source of news about the war acceptable to 
the Government is the spokesperson for the Chief of Staff of 
the armed forces.  The Government is more liberal with foreign 
news agencies, such as the Voice of America and the British 
Broadcasting Corporation, in part because most people lack the 
equipment needed to receive international transmissions.

Credible members of the independent Angolan Journalists 
Syndicate (SJA) alleged in 1994 that the Government continued 
to restrict press freedom, including access to controversial 
public figures.  The cause of death of the journalist mentioned 
in Section 1.a. was determined to be homicide by an unknown 
assailant.  The SJA did not the challenge the determination.  
Regarding the death of two journalists in 1993, the SJA said 
that the Government has never published the results of their 
investigation, and the SJA is powerless to do anything about it.

Foreign journalists must register with the government press 
center to obtain access to officials and to travel within 
Angola.  Both the Government and UNITA invited journalists to 
planned press events and to visit areas under their control.

Academic life has been severely circumscribed by the war, and 
the university is barely functioning.  There is academic 
freedom; academics do not practice self-censorship.

     b.  Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The Constitution provides for the right of peaceful assembly 
with 3-day notification and the right of association.  However, 
in practice the Government carefully controls both assembly and 
association.  For example, authorities in Luanda vetoed plans, 
properly submitted in advance, for a commemoration on the first 
anniversary of Bakongos killed in a military- and police-
inspired massacre in January 1993, warning of serious 
repercussions for anyone who congregated on the anniversary 
(see Section 1.a.).

Regulations allow the Government to deny required registration 
to private associations on security grounds.  The Government 
uses its powers arbitrarily to limit association activities 
deemed inimical to its interests, such as in the case of the 
Angolan Human Rights Association (see Section 4).

UNITA did not allow freedom of assembly and association in 
areas under its control.

     c.  Freedom of Religion

Freedom of religion, including separation of church and state, 
is provided for in the Constitution and respected in practice.

     d.  Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign 
         Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

The civil war greatly inhibited freedom of movement within the 
country and forced large numbers of persons to flee combat 
areas.  According to U.N. statistics, since late 1992, 2 
million people have fled to government-controlled territory 
from the interior just ahead of UNITA's advancing troops, where 
they remain.  However, wartime conditions prevented physical 
access to many areas of the country by humanitarian 
organizations, and the exact number of persons severely 
affected by the war remained unknown.

While citizens have the legal right to change residence and 
workplace in government-controlled areas, the scarcity of 
habitable dwellings as well as massive unemployment and 
underemployment effectively impeded most voluntary changes.  
The Government restricted travel of its citizens abroad, 
largely by limiting access to foreign exchange or, in the case 
of UNITA leaders, denying permission outright.  At the same 
time, MPLA deputies and high-level government officials had 
unlimited access to foreign exchange and the right to travel 

There are substantiated reports that the Government impeded 
opposition party leaders from traveling from Luanda to their 
constituencies in the interior.

Section 3  Respect for Political Rights:  The Right of Citizens 
           to Change Their Government

While the Angolan people for the first time exercised their 
constitutional right to change their government through 
peaceful means in the September 1992 presidential and 
legislative elections, the resumption of the war stalled the 
democratization process, and a second round of presidential 
elections had to be postponed indefinitely.  Consequently, 
governmental power, including in the National Assembly, 
remained exclusively in the hands of a small group within the 

The National Assembly consists of 220 deputies, 130 elected on 
a national basis and 90 elected to represent the provinces.  
Eleven of the 70 UNITA deputies elected in the 1992 election 
took their seats in 1994.  There are several deputies 
representing smaller parties.  However, few opposition deputies 
participated in National Assembly debate.  MPLA deputies have 
admitted publicly that National Assembly debate was 
superfluous, and the Assembly simply rubberstamped the 
Presidency's initiatives.

The Minister of the Interior attempted to impeach an opposition 
deputy for having criticized the Government in the 
international media.  The opposition deputy apologized formally 
to the Government in order to retain his seat.  Several months 
later, policemen reportedly attempted to kill that same 
deputy.  The Government's investigation of the incident was not 
completed at year's end.

The peace negotiations in Lusaka reached a successful 
conclusion on November 20 when representatives of the 
Government, UNITA, and the United Nations signed the Lusaka 
Protocol.  A Joint Commission of delegations of the Government, 
UNITA, and the three observer nations, chaired by the U.N. 
Secretary General's Special Representative, began meeting in 
Luanda in December to implement the Lusaka Protocol.  Limited 
progress had been made at year's end.

In 1993 the Government prepared guidelines for local government 
elections, scheduled to take place 2 years after the 1992 
presidential and legislative elections.  However, at the end of 
1994, the Council of Ministers had taken no action on the 
guidelines, effectively shelving local elections indefinitely.

While there are no legal barriers to the participation of 
indigenous people in the political process, they are 
underrepresented in the National Assembly and do not 
participate actively in politics (see Section 5).  Women 
occupied 32 of the 220 National Assembly seats.  One of the 
nine Supreme Court judges is a woman, and there are three women 
in the Prime Minister's Cabinet.

Section 4  Governmental Attitude Regarding International and 
           Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations 
           of Human Rights

Both the Government and UNITA impeded independent 
investigations of human rights abuses in their respective 
territory.  There were no actively functioning Angolan 
nongovernmental human rights associations or groups.  The 
Angolan Human Rights Association (ADHA) was inactive in 1994, 
because its leaders, both the president and the secretary 
general, were deeply embroiled in defending themselves against 
spurious law suits, reportedly instigated by the Government.  
ADHA published a report on Angola's prisons in January that was 
the genesis of constant Interior Ministry harassment and 
subsequent imprisonment of the Association's leaders.

The National Assembly Human Rights Subcommittee, which got off 
to a promising start in 1993, was ineffective in 1994 owing to 
MPLA opposition.  It was unable to create mechanisms to enforce 
existing laws to protect the rights of Angolans, and human 
rights issues received very low priority in National Assembly 

While frequently harassing and limiting relief operations, the 
Government and UNITA did allow a variety of international NGO's 
access to much of the territory under their respective 
control.  They were much less willing, however, to allow human 
rights investigations.  The Government granted the ICRC only 
limited access to prisons in 1994.

Section 5  Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, 
           Disability, Language, or Social Status

Angola is a multiracial society, and the Constitution states 
that all citizens are equal regardless of race, ethnic origin, 
sex, religion, or social status.


The deterioration of the social and economic situation, a 
consequence of the war and poor governance, has had a negative 
effect on the status of women.  Although women held senior 
positions in the military (primarily in the medical field), 
civil service, and political parties, they held mainly 
low-level positions in state-run industries and in the small 
private economy.  The law proclaims equal pay for equal work, 
but in practice women were not compensated equally.  Adult 
women may open a bank account, accept employment, and own 
property without interference from their spouse.  Women are 
included in all levels of UNITA's ranks.

While little information was available on the extent of 
domestic violence, a study published by a renowned journalist 
indicated that spousal violence is widespread and growing.  The 
study indicated that one-third of all homicides were 
perpetrated against women, usually by their spouse.  The study 
revealed that women are not treated as fairly as men in a court 
of law, even though the Constitution provides for equality.  In 
many besieged cities, women swelled the ranks of the 
handicapped because, in foraging in the fields for food to feed 
their families, they often set off land mines.  Due to dire 
economic circumstances, increasing numbers of adult women and 
girls engage in prostitution, and the clergy report that 
marriages are breaking down at an alarming rate.


The Government has given only marginal attention to children's 
rights and welfare.  As noted, both the Government and UNITA 
have been responsible for conscripting teenagers into military 
service.  A major problem in 1994 was the growing presence of 
street children in Luanda and other cities, one indication of 
the structural breakdown in Angola's family institutions caused 
by the war and the deteriorating economy.  Young females are 
often accepted into private homes as domestics while young 
males roam the market places and streets.  The living 
conditions in government youth hostels are deplorable, and the 
majority of the homeless children prefer to sleep on city 

The government-sponsored National Institute for Children, 
viewed as an MPLA organ, has not seriously addressed the 
problems children face and has been indifferent toward efforts 
by international NGO's to assist dispossessed youth.  However, 
the Government cooperated with international NGO's in 
establishing a camp for young Angolans on the outskirts of 
Luanda.  The project was only partially successful in keeping 
children from returning to the city streets and crime.  There 
were no active private children's rights advocacy groups.

It cannot be verified whether female genital mutilation is 
practiced in Angola.  However, medical authorities say that it 
may have occurred in limited fashion in remote areas of Moxico 
province, bordering Zaire and Zambia.

     Indigenous People

Angola's population includes 1 to 2 percent of preliterate 
tribes.  Mostly hunters and gatherers, these Khoisan and other 
linguistically distinct groups are scattered throughout the 
southern provinces of Namibe, Cunene, and Cuando Cubango.  
There is no evidence that they suffer from official 
discrimination or harassment, but they do not participate 
actively in the political or economic life of the country and 
have a marginal ability to influence government decisions 
concerning their interests.

     National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

The long civil conflict has deep ethnic and urban versus rural 
roots.  The MPLA is heavily supported by the Mbundu ethnic 
group, which makes up an estimated 25 percent of the 
population, and by many city dwellers, notably in Luanda.  It 
also has strong backing among the small number of white and 
mixed-race Angolans who occupy technical and governmental 
positions.  Election results indicated a high level of support 
among other ethnic groups apart from the Ovimbundu.  UNITA has 
its principal backing among the country's largest single ethnic 
group, the Ovimbundu, who make up an estimated 37 percent of 
the population and are concentrated in the central and southern 
parts of Angola.  The Government continued to claim that 
inflammatory UNITA rhetoric exacerbated ethnic tensions by 
dwelling on the perceived colonial ties of white and mixed-race 

The Government cracked down on Lebanese businessmen in 1994, 
allegedly for illegal business activities.  The Government 
arbitrarily deported an Angolan/Portuguese businessman, born in 
Malange, during a sweep of mostly Lebanese businessmen in 
Luanda in December 1993-January 1994.  He has not been 
permitted to return, although in a recent press interview in 
Lisbon he expressed a desire to do so.

     People with Disabilities

There are many physically disabled persons throughout Angola, 
the majority of whom are casualties of land mines and other 
civil war-related injuries.  While there is no obvious 
discrimination against them, the Government has done little to 
ameliorate their physical, financial, or social distress and 
has not legislated accessibility to public buildings or any 
other benefit specifically for the disabled.

Section 6  Worker Rights

     a.  The Right of Association

The 1991 Constitution recognizes the right of Angolans to form 
trade unions and to bargain collectively.  However, the 
implementing law governing unions has yet to be passed, and in 
practice the Government dominates the labor movement through 
the National Union of Angolan Workers (UNTA), the official 
labor union of the ruling MPLA, which remained the principal 
workers' organization.  Two other groups without affiliation to 
a political party, the National Confederation of Free Trade 
Unions of Angola and the Democratic Confederation of Angolan 
Workers, waited yet another year for peace and a new labor 
union law.  The war, the Government's long association with and 
preference for UNTA, and the lack of necessary legislation 
effectively stifled the development of these two organizations.

Organized labor is concentrated in the cities.  There is no 
organized labor in agriculture, traditionally the main source 
of income for the vast majority of Angolans.

The Constitution provides for the right to strike, and 
legislation passed in 1991 provides the legal framework to 
strike.  The law prohibits lockouts and worker occupation of 
places of employment and provides some protection for 
nonstriking workers.  It prohibits strikes by military and 
police personnel, prison workers, and firemen.  It does not 
prohibit retribution against strikers.

There were strikes against the Government in August by air 
traffic controllers and in September by Luanda province public 
school teachers.  The Government negotiated the air traffic 
controllers' demands expeditiously, and it met with a 5-member 
teachers' commission, representing Luanda province's 11,000 
teachers.  The Government harassed commission members until 
they capitulated to the Government's demand that the strike be 
postponed until the end of the academic year in October in 
exchange for an extra month's salary.  The Government did not 
provide a salary increase or pay the extra month's salary as 
promised, and consequently the teachers remained on strike at 
the end of 1994.

By year's end, the Government and the MPLA-controlled National 
Assembly had still not enacted laws to allow labor 
organizations to affiliate with international labor bodies.  
UNTA, the MPLA labor union, is affiliated with the Organization 
of African Trade Union Unity and the formerly Soviet-controlled 
World Federation of Trade Unions.  The two planned Angolan 
trade union federations will not be able to apply for 
membership in the International Confederation of Free Trade 
Unions until relevant domestic legislation is enacted.

     b.  The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

Angolan workers have the constitutional right to organize and 
bargain collectively.  However, in practice there has been 
almost no collective bargaining, and the Government dominates 
the economy through state-run enterprises.  The Ministry of 
Public Administration, Labor, and Social Security continued to 
set wages and benefits on an annual basis.  The Council of 
Ministers approved the Ministry's proposal to increase salaries 
100 percent for all public sector employees in 1994.  The 
Council based salaries of employees of state-owned enterprises 
on profits of the previous year, the availability of loans from 
the national bank, and the percentage of government ownership.  
In Angola's small private sector, wages are based on multiples 
of the minimum salary set by the Government.

The 1991 legislation prohibits discrimination against union 
members.  Union members' complaints are adjudicated in the 
regular civil courts.  Employers found guilty of antiunion 
discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for 
union activities.

Angola has no export processing zones.

     c.  Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

In 1993 the Government indicated that in mid-1994 it would 
introduce legislation to prohibit forced labor, reversing laws 
and provisions which had been cited by the International Labor 
Organization (ILO) as a violation of ILO Convention 105 on 
Forced Labor.  The outdated legislation authorizes forced labor 
for breaches of worker discipline and participation in 
strikes.  While new legislation was proposed in 1994, it had 
not been enacted by year's end or even debated by the National 

     d.  Minimum Age for Employment of Children

The legal minimum age for employment is 14.  The Inspector 
General of the Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing 
labor laws.  The Labor Ministry maintains employment centers 
where prospective employees register.  These centers screen out 
applicants under the age of 14.  However, children at a much 
younger age work on family farms and in the informal economy; 
the survival of Angola's growing number of street children 
underscores the role of child labor in the informal urban 

     e.  Acceptable Conditions of Work

The minimum wage is set by the Government and was increased by 
100 percent in 1994.  However, the Government does not enforce 
the wage standard.  In real terms, the minimum wage of just 
over $1 per month (1 million kwanzas) is insufficient to 
support a worker and family.  As a result, many wage-earning 
workers depended on the thriving informal sector (night jobs, 
subsistence farming, theft, corruption, or support from abroad) 
to maintain an acceptable standard of living.

The normal workweek, established by a 1994 government decree, 
is 37 hours.  There was no information available on the 
adequacy of work safety conditions or health standards, but 
they presumably were adversely affected by the weakness of the 
Angolan economy, the lack of enforcement mechanisms, and the 


[end of document]


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