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TITLE: MOLDOVA HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993
DATE: JANUARY 31, 1994
AUTHOR: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
MOLDOVA
The Republic of Moldova declared independence from the Soviet
Union in 1991. Most of the Republic was part of Romania
between 1918 and 1940, and the majority of its population is
Romanian-speaking.
The President, Mircea Snegur, was elected by Parliament in July
1990 and, seeking a stronger mandate, in direct elections in
December 1991. Although opposition candidates withdrew and
called for a boycott, Snegur won an overwhelming victory, which
was interpreted as a show of support for an independent
Moldova. The Government has not been able to assemble a
working majority in Parliament. The Prime Minister is a leader
of the Agrarians, the largest single group in Parliament. The
numerous other parliamentary groups include several smaller
parties, which support eventual unification with Romania, and a
faction that includes mostly Russian-speaking deputies. Early
parliamentary elections have been scheduled for February 27,
1994. They were considered necessary to end the parliamentary
deadlock which slowed political and economic reform.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs has responsibility for the
police, while the Ministry of National Security controls the
security organs. There are mechanisms to provide for limited
parliamentary oversight of the activities of the security
organs. The Parliament has the ability to vote the dismissal
of employees of the Security or Interior Ministries if
employees have not correctly fulfilled their duties or have
been involved in illegal activities. In principle, this gives
the Parliament a means to affect the activities of the security
organs. This power was not exercised in 1993.
Moldova's largely agricultural economy continues to suffer from
the problems of privatization and lack of resources. The
Government removed most subsidies from food and other products
and launched the privatization of housing. The pace of
agricultural privatization also accelerated.
As a result of the political deadlock, Moldova did not
establish a legal framework to ensure protection for human
rights in 1993. Nonetheless, Moldova made steady progress in
improving respect for some human rights. Freedom of religion
and freedom of movement were respected in practice. Ethnic
relations improved as a genuine dialog began among the
different groups, although language issues remain a source of
tension. Other problem areas include an unreformed legal
system that allows pretrial detention as long as 18 months; a
judiciary that has yet to establish its independence; an
unreformed prison system; instances of custodial abuse; and a
significant degree of self-censorship that limits freedom of
the press.
Two significant separatist movements within Moldova present
problems that remain unresolved. In the Transdniester region,
the separatist movement, led by a pro-Soviet group, initially
sought independence for the region but has on occasion
indicated a willingness to discuss federal or confederal
solutions. There are continuing credible reports of human
rights abuses in Transdniester, although the scale of serious
abuses is much smaller than in 1992. The cease-fire of July
1992, which ended armed conflict between the two sides, was
generally observed. Negotiations between Moldovan leaders and
representatives of the other separatist movement, that of the
Gagauz (Christian Turkic) minority, centered in 1993 on
territorial and cultural autonomy, but Parliament rejected
territorial autonomy.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
Politically motivated killings are not known to have occurred
in 1993. Given the heightened tensions in many parts of the
country due to the separatist conflicts and deteriorating
economic conditions, the Ministry of Internal Affairs has
instituted a policy that strongly discourages officers from
using firearms in any but the most clearly life-threatening
situations. Police recruits are reportedly tested on their
ability to refrain from the use of armed force under
provocation. There were no known claims of improper use of
lethal force by police in 1993.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment
There were no allegations of torture of civil or criminal
prisoners by Moldovan authorities in 1993, but there were
credible reports that police sometimes beat prisoners in their
custody. Prisoners complained of extremely harsh conditions in
prisons, including inadequate sanitation, medical care, and
food supplies, lack of bedding, and beatings by jailers,
coupled with indifference on the part of the authorities to the
condition of the prisoners. Prisoners also reported, credibly,
that jailers did not intervene to prevent some prisoners from
abusing others.
Police beat four ethnic Russians, formerly soldiers in the
Russian 14th Army stationed in Moldova, while in custody on
charges of car theft.
Independent human rights groups report that allegations that
the Transdniester authorities mistreat prisoners are credible.
A group of ethnic Romanians (the "Tiraspol Six"), arrested in
1992 and indicted for the assassination of two Transdniester
officials, made extensive charges of mistreatment. They
charged that during 10 months of pretrial detention they were
beaten, subjected to mock executions, drugged, and attacked by
dogs. There is special concern about the condition of one of
the prisoners, Andrey Ivantoc, who appears to suffer from
physical and mental illness requiring medical treatment. The
separatist authorities initially refused to allow the
International Committee of the Red Cross to visit these
prisoners, and family members and lawyers were often refused
access to the prisoners. Once the trial of the prisoners began
in April, however, their treatment apparently improved, and
they were usually permitted visits by family members and
lawyers (see Section 1. e.).
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
The former Soviet code on penal procedure remains in force,
with some amendments. The prosecutor's office issues arrest
warrants. A suspect may be held for 72 hours without charge
and is normally allowed family visits during this period. This
72-hour time limit appears to be generally respected. If
charged, a suspect may be released pending trial, often with
the restriction that he or she not leave town. There is no
system of bail, but in some cases a friend or relative, in
order to arrange release, may give a written undertaking that
the accused will appear for trial.
Suspects accused of violent or serious crimes are generally not
released before trial; the prosecutor's office makes this
determination without any judicial review. The code permits
pretrial detention, at the prosecutor's discretion, for up to
18 months.
In 1992 the Penal Procedure Code was amended to permit suspects
earlier access to an attorney. Formerly, an attorney could be
present during official questioning only after an arrest or
after the prosecution had completed its investigation and
forwarded the case to the court. If a suspect were detained
and under investigation but not formally arrested, he had no
right to have an attorney present. Under the amended
provisions, a suspect may have an attorney present during
questioning from the moment the prosecutor files an "affidavit
of retention," which restricts the suspect's movements without
putting him under arrest. If a person is unable to afford a
lawyer, one is provided at public expense.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The independence of the judiciary has increased since the
dissolution of the Soviet Union; however, there is still no
legal framework guaranteeing judicial independence. There are
local courts on the city or rayon (district) level, with the
Supreme Court acting as an appellate court. The Supreme Court
is divided into two sections, one handling civil cases and the
other criminal cases. In criminal cases, the defendant by law
enjoys a presumption of innocence.
Generally, trials are open to the public. Defendants have the
right to attend proceedings, confront witnesses, and present
evidence. Defense attorneys are able to review the evidence
against their clients when preparing their cases. The accused
enjoys a right of appeal to the Supreme Court. In a number of
cases, decisions of lower courts were overturned on appeal.
Members of the Russian-speaking minority have expressed concern
that they have not received equal treatment before the courts.
To date, no pattern of discrimination has emerged in the
judicial system.
In the area of Moldova not under Transdniestrian control, no
prisoners are known to have been convicted or to be serving
sentences based on political charges. There have been credible
charges, however, that local prosecutors have brought
unjustified cases against individuals in retribution for their
accusations of official corruption.
In the Transdniester region, the trial of the "Tiraspol Six",
ethnic Romanians charged with assassinating two Transdniester
officials, began in April, almost 10 months after their
arrest. International human rights groups, including the
Russian group Memorial, raised serious questions about the
fairness of the trial. The legitimacy of the court has also
been called into question. Separatist authorities have
reportedly harassed and threatened attorneys for the
defendants. One lawyer, an ethnic Russian, made a statement in
court, protesting the actions taken against her and alleging
that local security forces were following her. She withdrew
from the trial. In December all the accused were found guilty;
the leader of the group was sentenced to death, while several
other defendants were sentenced to long prison terms. While
the prisoners remained in detention at year's end, the formal
sentences, including the death sentence, had not been carried
out.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or
Correspondence
According to the 1990 law on the police, the prosecutor's
office issues search warrants. There have been instances when
searches were conducted without warrants, and courts do not
exclude evidence that was illegally obtained. There is no
judicial review of warrants.
Some government critics claimed that they were followed by
security forces and harassed. It was widely believed that the
security forces continued to use electronic monitoring of
residences and telephones in some cases, although evidence of
such activities was lacking. By law, the prosecutor's office
must authorize wiretaps and may do so only if a criminal
investigation is under way. In practice, the prosecutor's
office lacks the ability to control and check the security
organs and police to prevent them from using wiretaps illegally.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The Government did not actively repress freedom of speech and
press during the year. Political parties and other groups
published their own newspapers and freely criticized the
Government. However, freedom of the press was limited by the
lack of independent news media, especially broadcast media.
The Government controls radio and television, and official or
quasi-official entities such as government departments or
Parliament own most of the major newspapers, resulting in
significant self-censorship. Some writers report, for example,
that editors encouraged them to mute criticism of individual
political leaders or to cite the "authorities" rather than
individual officials by name.
Sfatul Tarii, the parliamentary Romanian-language daily, ceased
publication when Parliament cut off most of its funding.
Parliamentary leaders claimed that they could not support two
newspapers (the other is the Russian-language Independent
Moldova). Editors of Sfatul Tarii charged that its funding was
cut because of its criticism of the Government.
The Government does not restrict foreign publications.
Newspapers from Russia are widely available in Moldovan
cities. Those from Romania are available but are expensive and
generally more difficult to obtain. Newspapers published by
the separatist forces are not available in the rest of Moldova,
although they arrive by mail without apparent interference. On
the other hand, Romanian-language Moldovan newspapers are
increasingly available in the separatist Transdniester region.
The Government controls radio and television. In the
Transdniestrian area, the authorities continue to ban Moldovan
radio and television. Moldova receives television broadcasts
from Romania and from Russia.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The right to peaceful assembly is protected by law. Permits
for demonstrations are generally issued by the mayor's office,
which may consult the national Government if the demonstration
is likely to be extremely large.
There were few demonstrations in 1993; all were allowed to take
place without police interference, although a large police
contingent was occasionally deployed to protect the targets of
demonstrations, such as the President's office. In a few
cases, permits were denied for demonstrations, but no action
was taken to interfere when demonstrations occurred anyway.
Private organizations, including political parties, are
required to register, but applications appear to be handled
routinely.
The Presidium of the Parliament ended the ban on the Communist
Party.
c. Freedom of Religion
The practice of religion is generally free in Moldova.
Parliament passed a law on religion in 1992 which codified
religious freedoms, although it contained restrictions that
could inhibit the activities of some religious groups.
The law guarantees freedom of religious practice, including
each person's right to profess his religion in any form. It
also provides for alternative military service for
conscientious objectors, protects the secrets of the
confessional, allows denominations to establish associations
and foundations, and states that the Government may not
interfere in the religious activities of denominations.
The law, however, also requires that religious groups be
recognized by the Government in order to function and that
denominations obtain specific government approval to hire
noncitizens. The law also prohibits proselytizing. In
practice, street preaching and the holding of religious
revivals have flourished, although there were unconfirmed
reports of police preventing street preaching in some cases.
Some Protestant denominations are concerned that the
prohibition on proselytism could inhibit their activities. In
addition, Parliament did not issue implementing regulations
that provided a legal definition of proselytizing, leaving open
the possibility of abuse. To date, no legal actions are known
to have been taken against individuals for proselytizing,
despite a substantial amount of such activity.
Although the Orthodox Church was not designated as the official
religion of Moldova in the law on religion, it continued to be
the strongest religious force and exerted significant
influence. In December 1992, a group of (primarily ethnic
Romanian) priests broke off from the Moldovan Orthodox Church,
which is under the authority of the Patriarch of Moscow, and
received recognition by the Romanian Orthodox Synod as a
metropolitanate within the Romanian Orthodox Church. Some
Moldovan congregations have chosen to join them. The
Government, however, has not registered the new group, which
advocates the union of Moldova with Romania. Priests who have
joined the "Metropolitanate of Bessarabia-Old Style," as it is
called, have made credible allegations that local authorities
have sometimes harassed them. They also allege that priests
remaining with the Russian Orthodox group have threatened and
harassed them and their congregations, while local police have
taken no action. Although the Ministry of Culture and
Religious Affairs has supported the request of the
metropolitanate to be registered, many high government
officials appear to favor the Russian Orthodox group and to
support the eventual creation of a single Moldovan Orthodox
Church, independent of both Russia and Romania.
Protestant groups have increased their ties with coreligionists
abroad; foreign missionaries are established in Moldova and
maintain regular contacts with their missions.
The Jewish community, although small, increased its activities
in 1993, and Jewish leaders report that their relations with
the Government and local authorities are cooperative. Although
there were occasional appearances of anti-Semitic graffiti,
there was no organized anti-Semitism.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign
Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
There are no closed areas or restrictions on travel within
Moldova. Moldovans generally were able to travel and emigrate
freely in 1993. While Soviet legislation is still in effect,
exit visas, which are still required, are routinely issued with
passports. Restrictions on emigration remain in force,
including the requirement to gain the permission of close
relatives in order to emigrate. One Moldovan citizen was
initially denied the right to emigrate because she could not
produce evidence of the concurrence of her father, who had left
the family following a divorce, had not had any contact with
the daughter for years, and was believed to have left Moldova.
She was eventually granted permission to emigrate. At least
one applicant was denied exit permission because he had access
to state secrets. Such cases are, however, rare.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens
to Change Their Government
Parliamentary elections in 1990 and presidential elections in
1991 were Moldova's first steps toward permitting a fully
functioning democratic system that would allow citizens to
change their government.
As a result of frustration with the difficulties experienced by
Parliament in resolving the most pressing problems facing
Moldova, a group of deputies, supported by the parliamentary
leadership and the President, has called for new elections in
advance of the end of Parliament's term in 1995. They began a
boycott of Parliament in September in order to force early
elections, which were finally set for February 27, 1994.
Parliament asked international groups to provide technical
assistance for evaluation of the electoral laws, training of
poll watchers, and civic education.
The electoral law adopted in October provides for elections on
a multiparty basis. New presidential elections were also being
considered. These new elections will be the first opportunity
for the citizens to demonstrate their ability to effect a
substantial change in their government.
There are no restrictions, in law or practice, on the
participation of women in politics or government. Women are
increasingly represented in important positions in ministries,
including one Cabinet-level official. Women are also
reasonably well represented in the judiciary. There are few
women in leading positions in political parties, although a
women's party will field a slate of candidates in the February
elections. About 3 percent of parliamentary seats were held by
women in 1993.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and
Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations
of Human Rights
A local human rights group, Helsinki Watch, was formed in 1993
and operated without governmental interference. While it
focused primarily on abuses in the Transdniester region by the
separatist authorities, it increased its contacts with other
groups and began to examine more controversial human rights
issues, including minority issues.
Several international human rights groups were active during
1993, with the Government generally receptive to their
activities. Parliament sent draft legislation to the American
Helsinki Watch, the Council of Europe, and other international
organizations for expert evaluation.
The Government welcomed and supported the work of the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which
has a mission in the country to assist with finding a
resolution for the separatist conflict. In January 1993, the
Government requested the CSCE to send a mission of experts to
investigate and provide advice on current Moldovan legislation
and "implementation of minority rights and interethnic
relations." In response, the CSCE's Office of Democratic
Initiatives and Human Rights (ODIHR) sent a team of experts to
Chisinau from January 31 to February 4.
The Transdniester separatist authorities stated that they will
cooperate with the CSCE mission. However, on several occasions
mission members were impeded from traveling freely in the
separatist region or threatened by militia or paramilitary
forces.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion,
Disability, Language, or Social Status
Women
Theoretically, women enjoy equal rights under the law.
However, women are generally underrepresented in government and
leadership positions and, according to statistics, have been
disproportionately affected by growing unemployment. Several
women's organizations are active politically and in charitable
work.
Women who suffer physical abuse by their husbands have the
right to press charges; prison sentences may be given to
husbands convicted of such abuse (up to 6 months is not
uncommon). Public awareness of the problem of violence in
families generally is not very high, and no special government
programs exist to combat spouse abuse.
According to knowledgeable sources, women do not generally
appeal to police or the courts for protection against abusive
spouses because they are embarrassed to do so. Police
generally do not consider spouse abuse a serious crime,
although, when cases do reach the court, they appear to be
treated seriously. Spouse abuse is not identified by women or
legal authorities as a common problem.
Children
Moldova has extensive legislation designed to protect children,
including extended paid maternity leave and government
supplementary payments for families with many children. The
health system devotes extensive resources to vaccination
programs and child care. No special problems with child abuse
were reported in 1993.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
Moldova's citizenship law, adopted in 1990, offered an equal
opportunity to all persons resident in Moldova at the time of
independence to adopt Moldovan citizenship. The CSCE's ODIHR
praised the law as being very liberal. The law does not,
however, permit dual citizenship except on the basis of
bilateral agreement. No such agreements were in effect in 1993.
Moldova has a population of about 4.3 million, of which 65
percent are ethnic Romanians (also called Moldovans).
Ukrainians (14 percent) and Russians (13 percent) are the two
largest minority groups. A Christian Turkic minority, the
Gagauz, lives primarily in the southern regions. They are
largely Russian-speaking and represent about 3.5 percent of the
population. Bulgarians, also mostly Russian speakers,
represent about 2 percent of the population. About 600,000
people (14 percent of the total population) live in the
Transdniester region, currently controlled by separatist
forces. In this region, about 60 percent of the population is
Slavic-speaking and 40 percent ethnic Romanian.
While some groups within Moldova continue to advocate
unification with Romania, this idea has generally lost
popularity over the past several years. This, in turn, has led
to some improvements in the relations between Romanian speakers
and Russian speakers. The latter express serious concern about
the situation of Russian speakers if unification were to take
place. The leadership of the separatist "Transdniester
Moldovan Republic" sought to capitalize on fears of
discrimination to gain support from the majority Russophone
population of the region.
Although the two sides held negotiations on several levels
during 1993, they made little progress. In January an "experts
commission," including officials of both sides, agreed on a set
of basic principles to guide the negotiations; however, the
Transdniester "Supreme Soviet" subsequently rejected these
principles. In November a bipartite commission was formed with
the participation of a Russian mediator. No results from this
effort were reached by year's end.
In the south, an autonomous Gagauz republic was also proclaimed
in 1990. Although no solution to the conflict with the Gagauz
region has yet been found, serious negotiations took place
during 1993. The Government and parliamentary leadership
proposed a draft law which gained the concurrence of much of
the Gagauz leadership. It would have permitted significant
territorial and cultural autonomy and would have allowed the
Gagauz area to withdraw from Moldova if Moldova united with
Romania. Parliament, however, rejected this version and
prepared its own proposal, which was sent to the Council of
Europe for expert evaluation. This version provides for
significant cultural autonomy but does not give the Gagauz the
right to leave Moldova if unification occurs. The draft had
not been voted on by the end of the year.
Language issues remain a source of tension. Before 1989,
Russian was the dominant language in Moldova. Moldovans were
forced to use the Cyrillic alphabet to write "Moldovan," which
was officially declared to be a different language from
Romanian, although they are in fact the same language. In
August 1989, the then Supreme Soviet of Moldova adopted a law
making Moldovan (Romanian) the official language of the
Republic and replacing the Cyrillic alphabet with the Latin.
Although the law contains significant protection for the use of
Russian and other languages, it is widely criticized by Russian
speakers, who fear that its real intent is to drive Russian
speakers from the country.
The principle inherent in the language law is that, in dealing
with any official or commercial entity, the citizen should pick
the language to use and the entity should be in a position to
accommodate him. Officials and employees are therefore
obligated to know Romanian and Russian (and Gagauz, in the
Gagauz regions) "to the degree necessary to fulfill their
professional obligations." State enterprises, however, are
expected to use Romanian as their working language, unless
their local authorities obtain approval from the Government to
use Russian or another local language (e.g., Gagauz). The law
sets a deadline of January 1, 1994, for beginning to implement
these requirements. Implementation of language testing to
determine whether employees have reached the necessary levels
of proficiency in the official language, however, was postponed
to April 1994 by Parliament.
Russian speakers have criticized the Government for failing to
provide sufficient support to those who want to learn
Romanian. Officials note that they have tried to improve the
assistance offered (usually to study groups in the workplace),
but that requests for teachers and manuals have declined.
Moldova continues to offer Russian-language education through
university level, although the number of places for Russian-
speaking students has declined. The shortage of buildings for
elementary and high schools contributes to the friction
surrounding this issue. Education officials state that Russian
will continue to be studied at all schools and that Romanian
instruction in Russian-language schools will be improved.
Although there is broad acceptance for continuing minority
language education on the grade school level, there is less
support for maintaining Russian-language sections in all
disciplines at the state university.
In the Transdniester region, the separatist authorities have
decreed that all schools must return to using the Cyrillic
alphabet for the "Moldovan" language, which they insist is a
different language from Romanian. Authorities have intensified
efforts, begun last year, to confiscate textbooks in Romanian
and have dismissed or threatened to dismiss teachers who oppose
this policy. A number of students and teachers have protested,
including by boycotting classes.
People with Disabilities
While there is no legal discrimination against people with
disabilities, there are no laws providing for accessibility for
them, and there are few government resources devoted to
training people with disabilities. The Government does provide
tax advantages to charitable groups that assist the disabled.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The 1990 Soviet law on trade unions, which was endorsed by
Moldova's then Supreme Soviet and is still in effect, provides
for independent trade unions. Moldovan parliamentary decisions
in 1989 and 1991, which give citizens the right to form all
kinds of social organizations, also provide a legal basis for
the formation of independent unions. However, there have been
no known attempts to establish alternate trade union structures
independent of the successor to the previously existing
official organizations which were part of the Soviet trade
union system.
The successor organization, which at the republic level is
called the Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Moldova
(FITU), broke with the Moscow-based General Confederation of
Trade Unions in 1992. The FITU's continuing role in managing
the state insurance system and its retention of previously
existing official union headquarters and tourist facilities
provide an inherent advantage over any newcomers who might wish
to form a union outside its structure. However, its industrial
or branch unions are developing as more independent entities,
maintaining that their membership in the FITU is voluntary and
that they can withdraw if they wish. Several threatened to
withdraw in 1992 in a successful effort to block the election
of a former Communist party secretary to its presidency.
The FITU has insisted on the right to have union
representatives involved in the negotiations to set the minimum
wage. It has opposed government measures to raise prices
before back salaries were paid. In these matters, it has begun
to leave behind its role as an accessory of the Communist party
and to work on securing better treatment for workers.
Government workers do not have the right to strike, nor do
those in essential services such as health care and energy.
Other unions may strike if two-thirds of their members vote for
a strike in a secret ballot. There was a 1-day strike by
trolleybus drivers in November. The Government considered this
strike by public workers illegal. The strike ended after the
Government offered a small wage increase and pledged to discuss
working conditions.
Unions may affiliate and maintain contacts with international
organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Moldovan labor law, which is still based on former Soviet
legislation, provides for collective bargaining rights, but
collective bargaining is only just beginning. There were no
known collective bargaining agreements in 1993.
There were no reports of actions taken against union members
for union activities. The 1990 Soviet law on trade unions
provides that union leaders may not be fired from their jobs
while in leadership positions or for a period after they leave
those positions. This law has not been tested in Moldova.
There are no export processing zones in Moldova.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
Forced or compulsory labor is not specifically prohibited;
there were no instances reported.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
The minimum age for employment under unrestricted conditions is
18. Employment of those aged 16 to 18 is permitted under
special conditions, including shorter workdays, no night
shifts, and longer vacations. The Ministry of Labor and Social
Protection is primarily responsible for enforcing these
restrictions, and the Ministry of Health also has a role.
Child labor is not used in Moldovan industry, though children
living on farms do sometimes assist in the agricultural sector.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The minimum monthly wage, although it was more than tripled
during the year, did not keep pace with inflation. It does not
provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
At the end of November, the minimum monthly wage was about $3
(10,000 rubles, or 10 Moldovan lei in the new currency
introduced then). The Labor Code establishes a workweek of 41
hours, including at least 1 day off weekly.
The State is required to set and check safety standards in the
workplace. The unions within the FITU also have inspection
personnel who have a right to stop work in the factory or fine
the enterprise if safety standards are not met. In practice,
however, the declining economic situation has led enterprises
to economize on safety equipment and generally to show less
concern for worker safety issues.
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