The State Department web site below is a permanent electronic archive of information released prior to January 20, 2001.  Please see www.state.gov for material released since President George W. Bush took office on that date.  This site is not updated so external links may no longer function.  Contact us with any questions about finding information.

NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an endorsement of the views contained therein.

Department Seal

flag
bar


TITLE:  MADAGASCAR HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993                           
DATE:  JANUARY 31, 1994
AUTHOR:  U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

                       MADAGASCAR


Albert Zafy became President of Madagascar in March after 
defeating incumbent President Didier Ratsiraka in a runoff 
election determined by international observers to have been 
generally free and democratic.  Legislative elections followed 
in June, and the new National Assembly, representing a spectrum 
of political parties, convened in August to choose Francisque 
Ravony, Vice Prime Minister of the previous unelected 
transitional government, as Prime Minister.  Ravony's 
Government took over from the transitional government, led by 
Guy Willy Razanamasy, which was formed in late 1991 following 
mass protests against incumbent President Didier Ratsiraka who 
had ruled for 16 years.

Like the political system, the security forces have been going 
through a period of transition.  Mixed commands of military, 
gendarmerie, and the national police are now responsible for 
internal security and are under civilian control.  During the 
year, the army slowly assimilated the 1,800-man Presidential 
Security Guard, which had been loyal to ex-President Ratsiraka 
and responsible for some violence aimed at upsetting the 
electoral process in 1992.  In April mixed commands, acting 
under orders from President Zafy and then-Vice Prime Minister 
Ravony, intervened in Antsiranana (Diego Suarez) to round up 
more than 90 extremists, notably arresting several army 
officers accused of involvement with "Federalists" (Ratsiraka's 
supporters).  On June 1, a similar group of combined security 
forces successfully expelled Federalist militants who had taken 
over provincial administration buildings in Toliara (Tulear).  
There were no reports of physical mistreatment of detainees by 
the security forces.

Despite some political and economic reforms, living standards 
have deteriorated in recent years.  The economy remains highly 
dependent on agriculture, and the long-run prospects for 
traditional export products such as vanilla and coffee are not 
encouraging.  The outlook for tourism, manufacturing, mining, 
and fishing is more positive, but to date these activities have 
played a relatively minor role in the economy.  Smuggling of 
vanilla, gold, precious stones, and cattle is of growing 
concern.  Unemployment and underemployment are serious problems 
in Madagascar, especially among the young (about 60 percent of 
the population is under age 25).

The human rights situation improved with the holding of two 
free and fair elections and the installation of a new 
President, a new National Assembly, and a new Government.  
Citizens freely exercised freedoms of speech, press, and 
assembly, although there remained some self-censorship by the 
media.  Despite this progress, there were a number of human 
rights abuses, notably in the extrajudicial actions by the 
pro-Ratsiraka militants in seizing administrative buildings in 
Toliara, which resulted in at least two deaths.  Other violence 
between Federalists and pro-Zafy militants (Active Forces or 
Forces Vives) in Diego Suarez Province in March and April also 
left a small number dead.  Other abuses centered on ineffective 
law enforcement, which resulted in increased vigilante 
extrajudicial actions, including summary executions, and on the 
weak and overburdened judicial system in which the accused, 
primarily because of long delays, often do not receive due 
process.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1  Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including 
           Freedom from:

     a.  Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing

There were no known political killings by government forces.  
However, there were extrajudicial killings in the politically 
motivated violence between Federalist and Active Force 
supporters  in the north (Antsiranana) and south (Toliara) 
coastal areas.  Tensions between these two groups were high in 
the context of the presidential election campaign which pitted 
Albert Zafy against Didier Ratsiraka.  In these two areas 
especially, the supply and availability of illegal firearms 
helped spark violence and lawlessness.  Victims of physical and 
material damage were usually known political activists.  
Political militants, thugs, and organized criminals no doubt 
used the cover of political unrest to settle personal scores in 
some cases.  In restoring order in Antsiranana and Toliara 
provinces, government forces did not use excessive force and 
reportedly detained those arrested in humane conditions.

In March gendarmes killed two unarmed German scientists who 
apparently were suspected of poaching at night in Garagantasy 
Forest Reserve near Mahajanga.  A gendarme was also killed in 
the encounter, presumably accidently by his own men, and 
another German was seriously wounded.  Investigation into the 
killings, while not conclusive, suggests the gendarmes used 
excessive force.


Continued crime and inadequate law enforcement resulted in 
increased instances of civilian vigilantes taking summary 
retribution against alleged criminals.  In an effort to cope 
with rising insecurity in the countryside, the President and 
transitional government officials encouraged the use of 
village-level mutual security pacts, known as "dina," which are 
administered by local traditional leaders (see Section 1.e.).  
Officials attempted to conform dina punishments to codified law 
but failed to prevent some extrajudicial executions of suspects 
who were not allowed adequate defense or due process rights.

The Government's investigation into the killing of more than 30 
demonstrators by guards at then-President Ratsiraka's Iavoloha 
Palace on August 10, 1991, was still pending at year's end, and 
no arrests or convictions had resulted.  Nor had there been an 
official report on the shooting by soldiers on March 31, 1992, 
at the National Forum (Constitutional Convention) in 
Antananarivo which left six pro-Ratsiraka supporters dead.

     b.  Disappearance

There were no permanent disappearances in 1993 and no 
acknowledged cases of unsolved abductions or disappearances; 
however, unsubstantiated rumors and accusations of 
disappearances following the August 1991 confrontation at 
Iavoloha Palace persist.  The Government is not actively 
investigating this case.

     c.  Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading 
         Treatment or Punishment

The Constitution provides for the inviolability of the person.
However, credible reports indicate that dina trials in remote 
areas used various ordeals, even torture, in determining guilt.

Conditions in prisons are harsh and life threatening.  The diet 
provided is inadequate, and family members must augment 
inmates' daily food rations, in some cases after bribing 
guards.  Those prisoners without relatives in the prison 
vicinity sometimes go for days without food.  Each prisoner has 
on average less than one square meter of space.  Prisoners, 
estimated at 23,000, suffer a wide range of medical problems 
that are not routinely treated, including malnutrition, 
infections, malaria, and tuberculosis, which are exacerbated 
during the winter months.  There have been an unknown number of 
deaths resulting from these conditions.


Women in prison have suffered abuses, including rape, as 
inmates in unsegregated prison confinement.  A number of 
children live in the prisons with their mothers, suffering the 
same deprivations, and some guards conspire with female inmates 
to promote prostitution.  The Government permits prison visits 
by the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Malagasy 
Red Cross, and religious and charitable organizations.  On at 
least one occasion, even the media were permitted access to 
prisons. 

     d.  Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile

Legal safeguards against arbitrary arrest and detention are not 
always observed.  According to the law, in a criminal case, the 
detainee must be charged or released within 3 days of arrest.  
An arrest warrant may be obtained but is not always required.  
Generally, defendants in criminal cases are charged formally 
within the specified time frame and, upon being charged, are 
allowed to obtain an attorney.  Counsel is available, and 
court-appointed counsel is provided for indigents.  Bail may be 
requested by the accused or by his attorney immediately after 
arrest, after being formally charged, or during the appeal 
process.  Denial of bail may be appealed.  The Penal Code 
provides for a determination of habeas corpus.

Despite these legal provisions, average pretrial detention time 
exceeds 1 year, and 3 or 4 years of detention is common, even 
for crimes for which the maximum penalty may be 2 years or 
less.  Prisoners may wait years in prison only to be found not 
guilty, with no recourse.  According to reliable estimates, 
around 60 percent of the prison population is in pretrial 
detention.  By law, persons suspected of activity against the 
State may be detained incommunicado for 15 days, subject to 
indefinite extension if considered necessary by the Government.

The Government held more than a dozen political and security 
detainees at year's end.

At his inauguration in March, President Albert Zafy announced a 
general amnesty restoring all political and civil rights to 
prisoners or exiles condemned for political reasons under the 
regime of Didier Ratsiraka.  The sole beneficiary of this 
amnesty was Major Richard Andriamaholison who had been 
condemned in 1981 for plotting against Ratsiraka and was exiled 
to France in 1990.  He returned to Madagascar in time to win a 
seat in the National Assembly in June.


     e.  Denial of Fair Public Trial

The Constitution adopted in 1992 provides for an independent 
judiciary, and, in practice, the judiciary seems to function 
without undue influence from the executive.  However, excessive 
pretrial detention of the accused results in the denial of due 
process.  To deal with this problem and purportedly to assure 
the independence of the judiciary from the executive and 
legislative branches, Prime Minister Ravony appointed a new 
Government in August which, for the first time since 
independence, had no Ministry of Justice.  Instead, he created 
the position of a Minister responsible directly to him to act 
as a liaison with the judiciary.

Trials are public, and defendants have the right to be present, 
to confront witnesses, and to present evidence.  Defendants 
enjoy a presumption of innocence under the Penal Code.

The judiciary has three levels of courts:  lower courts for 
civil and criminal cases carrying limited fines and sentences; 
a Court of Appeals which includes a criminal court for cases 
carrying sentences of 5 years or more; and a Supreme Court.  
The judiciary also has a number of special courts designed to 
handle specific kinds of cases under the jurisdiction of the 
higher courts.  A Constitutional High Court, with a separate 
and autonomous status, is a body for review of laws, decrees, 
and ordinances and for certifying election results.

Traditional institutions, known as dina, technically handle 
only civil matters within and between villages; in practice, 
the dina are used increasingly in criminal cases because of the 
practical inadequacies of the formal police and judicial 
systems.  Decisions by dina are not subject to procedural 
protection of due process or to judicial review, and their 
authority depends upon a customary consensus to abide by their 
rulings.  Punishments are severe, sometimes including capital 
punishment.

Military courts have jurisdiction over most cases that the 
authorities judge as involving national security.  It includes 
acts constituting a threat to the nation and its political 
leaders, invasion by foreign forces, and riots that could lead 
to overthrow of the Government.  In exceptional cases, 
civilians may be tried in the military courts if charged with 
breaking military laws.  Military courts, like civilian courts, 
provide for an appeal process and are presided over by civilian 
magistrates.


In September the Government prosecuted nearly 90 people, 
arrested in April for rebellion and lawlessness in Antsiranana, 
in civilian court in Antalaha (Antsiranana Province).  As with 
similar cases in 1992, the Government tried them under criminal 
as opposed to security or treason statutes.  The press 
complained of lack of access and information, but the 
authorities broadcast the proceedings over loudspeakers outside 
the limited confines of the courtroom (except for testimony 
involving 16 accused minors).  Nine court-appointed lawyers 
defended the accused, and the court acquitted nearly 50 of the 
defendants and gave 19 others suspended sentences.  The court 
sentenced one minor to 30 months in prison for his part in the 
killing and mutilation of an Active Forces activist.  The court 
sentenced 20 Federalist and Active Forces extremists to prison 
terms ranging from 3 to 15 years.  A dozen soldiers awaited 
trial for their role in the Antsiranana lawlessness.

In the case of the 36 Federalists arrested in June when 
government security forces freed government buildings under 
Federalist occupation, they were charged with incitement to 
rebellion against the Government, illegal entry into and 
destruction of government and private properties, acts of 
violence, and illegal possession of weapons.  They were tried 
in a civilian court in December in the town of Ihosy (Toliara 
province), and the trial was open to the public.  Five lawyers 
defended the accused, and the court gave 1-year suspended 
sentences to 16 defendants, sentenced 2 defendants in absentia 
to 14 months' imprisonment, and acquitted 17.  Eighty-year-old 
Monja Jaona, the leader of the Federalists in Toliara, was 
among those sentenced; he was promptly amnestied.

     f.  Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or 
         Correspondence

The home is inviolable by tradition and law, and the State does 
not intervene in the private aspects of the lives of the 
people.  The law requires judicially issued warrants to search 
houses, and there are reportedly few abuses.  One case involved 
the arrest in June of two minors by a gendarme who was acting 
on behalf of a private individual without a court order.  This 
case received extensive publicity, and the minors were released.


Section 2  Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

     a.  Freedom of Speech and Press

The Constitution provides for freedom of expression, 
communication, and press and forbids press censorship; these 
provisions were largely respected.  People speak freely, and 
debate in the National Assembly was open and lively.  The print 
media openly criticized both the Government and the 
opposition.  Opposition groups, trade unions, professional 
associations, and others have regular access to the press.

There is still a legacy of self-censorship among journalists, 
most of whom do not aggressively investigate stories or cite 
names, in part because Malagasy culture aspires to be 
nonconfrontational, and in part because they cannot count on 
being backed effectively by their editors and publishers.  
Journalists often use pen names to avoid identification.  They 
publicized complaints after the Minister of Culture in the 
transitional government warned that it was not their business 
to investigate the extent and nature of property owned by 
government officials outside of Madagascar.

State-owned Radio-Television (RTM), the most important means of 
reaching the public, continued to feature discussion programs 
and debates on political and other public policy subjects, and 
the political content of its newscasts was largely factual.  
National television, however, was exhorted by the Presidency to 
provide more complete and eulogistic coverage of President 
Zafy's public appearances.  Television also broadcasts French 
network news live via satellite each evening.  All films and 
video tapes shown in public must first be approved by the 
Interior Ministry, according to a law dating from the previous 
republic.

Along with state radio, there are now at least five private 
radio stations.  The private stations also cover political 
subjects and have sometimes been critical of the Government.
There have been no reports of threats to academic freedom.

     b.  Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

Some legal restrictions remain on the right of assembly and 
association.  Municipal permits, usually granted, are required 
before holding public meetings but may be denied if government 
officials believe that the meeting poses a threat to the State 
or endangers national security.  Officially established 
security zones are off limits to demonstrators.  The 
proliferation of political and nongovernmental organizations 
(NGO's) indicates a more relaxed attitude toward freedom of 
association.  There are more than 60 political parties and 900 
NGO's.

     c.  Freedom of Religion

The Constitution provides for freedom of religion.  The 
Government is secular, and there is no discrimination on the 
basis of religious affiliation.  Between 40 and 50 percent of 
the population adheres to Christian beliefs, with the remainder 
following traditional Malagasy beliefs, Islam, and other 
faiths.  Missionaries and clergy are permitted to operate 
freely.

     d.  Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign 
         Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

There is no formal restriction on travel within the country; 
however, domestic security concerns do effectively restrict 
travel.  All Malagasy must obtain official approval for trips 
outside the country.  All residents of Madagascar (Malagasy and 
foreign) require exit visas issued by the Ministry of 
Interior.  There is no refugee population in Madagascar.

Section 3  Respect for Political Rights:  The Right of Citizens 
           to Change Their Government

Madagascar concluded more than 2 years of political transition, 
which was initiated by largely peaceful mass demonstrations 
against the previous regime of Didier Ratsiraka in 1991.  In 
February citizens elected a new President by direct universal 
suffrage and secret ballot, and in March Albert Zafy began a 
5-year term; he would be elgible to serve a second 5-year term, 
if reelected.  The new President's primary constitutional 
responsibilities are national defense and foreign policy.

Citizens also voted in June for a 138-member National Assembly, 
but despite strong media and other efforts to inform the public 
about the election and the complicated distribution of seats, 
voter turnout was only about 55 percent, considerably down from 
earlier nationwide ballots (constitutional referendum and 
presidential elections) held in the previous 10 months.  The 
Constitutional High Court, which rules on all elections, 
nullified results for four assembly seats because of procedural 
irregularities and fraud.  Special elections filled these four 
seats in September. 

In its first order of business, the National Assembly elected 
Francisque Ravony Prime Minister, who immediately formed a new 
Government after consultations with President Zafy.  The Active 
Forces constitute a block of about 65 votes in the National 
Assembly.  Most of the remaining members of the 138-member body 
have organized an alliance know as the group-of-6 (G-six).  

The Prime Minister and his Cabinet, not the President, executes 
legislation.  The President and his Government, provided they 
act in concert, may dissolve the National Assembly.  The 
National Assembly may pass a motion of censure and require the 
Prime Minister and his Government to step down.  The 
Constitutional High Court must review the constitutionality of 
every law before it is promulgated.  The selection of the 
Senate must await the formation of local governments in 1994 
since two-thirds of the Senate will be elected by local 
legislatures and one-third appointed by the President, all for 
4-year terms.

There are no legal restrictions against women participating in 
politics, but in practice men dominate.  One cabinet position 
is held by a woman, and women hold only 6 percent of the 
legislative seats; in the judiciary they have somewhat higher 
representation.

Section 4  Governmental Attitude Regarding International and 
           Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations 
           of Human Rights

By law, human rights groups are considered to be political 
groups and must register with the Government.  Nongovernmental 
human rights groups exist but are largely inactive.  Although 
the new Constitution provides for the establishment of an 
independent organization charged with promoting and protecting 
human rights, none has yet been established.  The Government 
did not penalize or repress anyone for criticizing its human 
rights record.  It has been slow, however, to carry out 
investigations of salient cases of violence, notably the August 
1991 killings at Iavoloha Palace.

The Government is receptive to visits by international human 
rights groups.  The International Committee of the Red Cross 
made periodic visits and was regularly granted access to 
prisoners  United Nations organizations, including the 
International Labor Organization (ILO), operated freely and 
extensively in Madagascar.

Section 5  Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion,
           Disability, Language, or Social Status

The Constitution prohibits all forms of discrimination and 
groups that advocate ethnic or religious segregation.

     Women

There is societal discrimination against women, less so in 
urban areas where women have an important, if secondary, role 
in the business and economic life of the country, with many of 
them managing or owning business concerns or filling management 
positions in state industries.  However, women in rural areas 
face greater hardship, bearing the responsibilities of raising 
a family while also engaging in farm labor or other subsistence 
activities.  In education, women's participation in secondary 
and higher studies is lower than that of men.  Madagascar has a 
high literacy rate (88 percent for men, 73 percent for women).

Under the law, wives have an equal say in choosing where a 
married couple will reside, and they receive a more or less 
equitable distribution of marital property in divorce cases.  
In the case of the death of a husband, a wife inherits one-half 
of the joint marital wealth.  A widow receives a pension; 
however, a widower does not.

According to various sources, including magistrates, 
journalists, and women doctors, violence against women, such as 
wife beating, is not widespread.  In the rare cases where 
physical abuse is detected, police and legal authorities do 
intervene, although there is no law dealing specifically with 
violence against women, except in cases of rape.  Women have 
been victims of rape in prisons.

     Children

There is no pattern of official or societal abuse against 
children.  The Government's expenditures on children's welfare, 
even as a proportion of total budgetary resources available, is 
low.  In a context of extreme poverty, schooling is often 
sacrificed so that children might work in farming chores, 
hawking newspapers, or begging.  The U.N. Children's Fund and 
other children's advocacy groups are active, and there are 
Malagasy associations for the protection of children and youth 
which raise very modest contributions for child welfare 
projects.

     National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Madagascar is inhabited by over 12 million people.  The 
Malagasy are of mixed Malayo-Polynesian and African origins and 
are made up of 18 distinct groups based on regional and 
ancestral affiliation and some linguistic differences.  None of 
these groups constitutes a majority of the population.  
Long-term historical processes of military conquest, ethnic 
domination, and political consolidation, however, have 
traditionally favored the political and economic status of 
highland ethnic groups of Asian origin over the coastal groups 
of more African descent.  The centralized planned economy of 
the previous regime reinforced the concentration of economic 
and political power in the highland, capital area.  This 
situation has contributed to ethnic tensions between the two 
groups.  Ethnic or regional solidarity can also be a 
determining factor in hiring practices.

An Indo-Pakistani community of about 20,000, primarily engaged 
in commerce, has been in Madagascar since the early part of 
this century.  Few, however, have been able to obtain Malagasy 
citizenship, since it is customarily bestowed matrilineally 
through native Malagasy women.  Their shops have often been 
targets for violent attack during civil disturbances.  While 
there were few such incidents in 1993, the Indo-Pakistanis 
remained a frequent target of mistrust and criticism.

     People with Disabilities

Physically disabled individuals are not subject to 
discrimination in education and in the provision of other state 
services, but nor are they the beneficiaries of special 
enabling or protecting legislation.  The Government has not 
enacted legislation or otherwise provided for accessibility for 
the disabled.

Section 6  Worker Rights

     a.  The Right of Association

The Malagasy in both the public and private sectors have the 
right in law (the 1975 Labor Code and the 1992 Constitution) 
and in practice to establish and join labor unions of their own 
choosing without prior authorization.  Unions are required to 
register with the Government, and registration is routinely 
granted.  However, the labor force of 4.9 million is mostly 
agrarian (80 percent), and unionized labor accounts for only 
about 5 percent of the total.  

There are a number of trade union federations, and many are 
affiliated with political parties.  In practice, however, 
formal public and private sector unions have not played a major 
role politically or economically in recent years.  The 
transitional government, in place for most of 1993, exercised 
very limited control over organized labor.

The Labor Code and the new Constitution provide for the right 
to strike, even in export processing ("free trade") zones.  
Those providing essential services--police, firefighters, 
hospital workers--have only a limited right to strike.  There 
were occasional strikes in 1993, but none was officially 
declared illegal, and most were resolved by negotiations or by 
informal arbitration by high government officials, including 
the President.  Laws and regulations prohibit retribution 
against strikers who adhere to legal procedures for striking.  
Unions and workers were not directly targeted for human rights 
abuses, nor was there any apparent retribution against strikers 
and leaders.

Unions may and do freely affiliate with and participate in 
international bodies and may form federations or confederations.

     b.  The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

Both the 1975 Labor Code and the 1992 Constitution provide for 
the right to bargain collectively.  The Code states that 
collective bargaining may be undertaken between management and 
labor at either party's behest.  Collective bargaining 
agreements exist but are not common, and the Government is 
often involved in the bargaining process, in part because of 
the large number of public sector employees in organized 
labor.  The minimum wage is set by the Government.  Other wages 
are set by the employers with individual employees, sometimes 
below the minimum wage.  When there is a failure to reach 
agreement, the Ministry of Labor convenes a committee of 
employment inspectors who attempt to resolve the matter.  If 
this process fails, the committee refers the matter to the 
chairman of the Court of Appeals for final arbitration.  No 
such cases reached the Appeals Court in 1993.


The Labor Code formally prohibits antiunion discrimination by 
employers against union members and organizers.  In the case of 
antiunion activity, the union or its members may file a 
petition in civil court challenging the employer.

Labor laws are applied uniformly throughout the country, 
including in free trade zones.  Labor inspectors visit 
industrial work sites with some regularity but mostly in the 
capital region.

     c.  Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

Forced labor is explicitly prohibited by the Labor Code and is 
not practiced.

     d.  Minimum Age for Employment of Children

The Labor Code describes a child as any person under the age of 
18.  The legal minimum age for employment is 14, and the use of 
child labor is prohibited in those areas where there is 
apparent and imminent danger.  The Government tries to enforce 
these child labor laws in the small wage sector through 
inspectors from the Ministries of Civil Service, and Labor and 
Social Security.  However, in the large subsistence sector, 
many young children work with their parents on family farms at 
much earlier ages.  Similarly, in the urban areas many children 
earn money hawking parking spaces, newspapers or other wares, 
and by carrying water and begging.

     e.  Acceptable Conditions of Work

The Labor Code and its enforcing legislation prescribe the 
working conditions and wage scales for employees, which are 
enforced by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security.  The law 
distinguishes between agricultural and nonagricultural work.  
There is a 44-hour workweek in nonagricultural and service 
industries.  There are also provisions for holiday pay, sick 
and maternity leave, and insurance.  

There are several administratively determined minimum-wage 
rates in Madagascar, depending upon employment skills, starting 
with $23 a month (45,000 Malagasy francs) for unskilled 
workers.  This wage is inadequate to ensure a decent standard 
of living, and such workers must supplement their incomes 
through subsistence agriculture, petty trade, or reliance on 
the extended family structure.  Given insufficient enforcement 
measures, official wage rates are sometimes ignored as high 
unemployment and extreme poverty lead workers to accept 
salaries below the legal wage.

The Labor Code has rules concerning building and operational 
safety, machinery and moving engines, lifting weight limits, 
and sanitation standards.  Ministry of Labor and Social 
Security inspectors visit industrial work sites, and violations 
of Labor Code rules are subject to inspection reports.  Lack of 
resources effectively inhibit inspectors traveling regularly 
beyond the capital region.  If cited violations are not 
remedied within the specified time frame, the violators may be 
legally charged and subject to penalties.  Nevertheless, in 
some sectors protective measures are lacking due to the expense 
of even minimal protective clothing and other protective 
devices.  To date, there have been no published reports on 
occupational health hazards and accidents, although there is 
clear evidence that these hazards exist.  There is no explicit 
right allowing workers to remove themselves from dangerous work 
without jeopardizing their continued employment.

The ILO has cited the Government within the past year for 
failure to observe ILO conventions and standards in workplace 
safety.


[end of document]

flag
bar

Department Seal

Return to 1993 Human Rights Practices report home page.
Return to DOSFAN home page.
This is an official U.S. Government source for information on the WWW. Inclusion of non-U.S. Government links does not imply endorsement of contents.