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Department Seal


DATE:  JANUARY 31, 1994


Chad continued to be governed by a transitional Government 
headed by President Idriss Deby, who in a 1990 coup overthrew 
dictator Hussein Habre.  President Deby and his Patriotic 
Salvation Movement (MPS) are supported by a large military 
establishment.  A sovereign National Conference was convened 
between January and April, bringing together a diverse group of 
government, political, economic, military, and special interest 
representatives from Chadian society.  The National Conference 
confirmed Deby as Chief of State, established a new 
transitional Government under Prime Minister Fidel Moungar 
(later Kassire Coumakoye) with a Cabinet of 16 Ministers, 
elected 57 counselors to a quasi-legislative body, the 
Transitional Council (CST), and adopted the Transitional 
Charter as an interim constitutional document.  The Conference 
gave the transitional Government a 1-year mandate, i.e., until 
April 6, 1994, but the CST may extend this mandate once, for a 
period left unspecified, before elections for a new Government 
take place.

The 31,800 person army, gendarmerie, and police are responsible 
for internal security.  The National Conference recognized the 
need to reduce and reorganize the army, and it dissolved the 
Center for Research and Intelligence Coordination (CRCR), the 
intelligence organization, which had continued to employ 
persons known to have committed serious abuses under the Habre 
regime.  The Government announced its replacement by a National 
Security Agency (ANS), the staffing and oversight of which fall 
under the purview of the Presidency.  With financial and 
military assistance from France, the Government demobilized 
thousands of soldiers.  Nevertheless, military forces, 
principally Republican Guard units, were responsible for 
serious human rights abuses, including massacres of civilians 
in southern Chad and in N'Djamena, the capital.

Chad, with a population of 6.3 million, has an estimated per 
capita income of only $190 per annum.  Over 78 percent of the 
population is engaged in subsistence agriculture, fishing, and 
stock raising.  Cotton is the most important export.  The 
Government relies heavily on external financial support, 
especially from France, to meet recurring budgetary costs and 
almost all government investment.  Pervasive corruption at all 
levels and a heavy black-market trade in fuel, sugar, oil, 
cloth, and soap served to limit severely government customs 
receipts, discourage local production and marketing, and 
restrict the cash economy.

While the National Conference held out the hope of a real 
transition to a democratic system, the transitional Government 
stalled and implemented few Conference decisions.  As of year's 
end, it had set no dates for promised 1994 elections.  However, 
a technical commission of jurists constituted at the end of the 
year began work on drafts of a constitution, electoral code, 
and charter of political parties.  The Deby Government 
continued to be responsible for serious human rights abuses, 
particularly those committed by Republican Guard units in the 
south and in N'Djamena and other cities.  At times, the 
security forces operated independently of the Government, and 
certain units, particularly those from President Deby's ethnic 
group, seemed immune from prosecution.  Combined with military 
threats against the judiciary and a magistrates' strike, there 
was a breakdown in the criminal justice system.  The Government 
by year's end had prosecuted none of those responsible for such 
abuses.  A number of killings remained unexplained and were not 
investigated, including those of several labor leaders.  
Domestic violence and discrimination against women remained 


Section 1  Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including 
           Freedom from:

     a.  Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing

The President's Republican Guard and other units of the 
National Army (ANT) carried out a series of massacres of 
civilians and other killings.  Despite assurances by the 
President, there was no real progress in investigating and 
punishing those responsible (see Section 1.g.).

On October 22, security forces shot and killed dissident leader 
Abbas Koty, who fled Chad in 1992 after attempting a coup.  
Koty had returned under a trilateral agreement between Chad, 
Libya, and Sudan guaranteeing his safety.  He was murdered in 
October by security forces in broad daylight in front of 
witnesses.  There is strong evidence that this was a political 
killing and not incident to resisting arrest for coup plotting 
as reported by the Government.  The Government arrested at 
least eight persons in connection with the alleged coup attempt.

There were several unexplained and uninvestigated murders of 
labor leaders, including Mbailao Mianbe, head of a civil 
service union (see Section 6.a.).

     b.  Disappearance

The status of approximately 100 followers of former rebel 
leader Abbas Koty, who were allegedly captured following a June 
1992 coup attempt, was not known by year's end.  A number of 
close associates of Abbas Koty were arrested following his 
assassination on October 22, 1993.  Three persons believed to 
have been arrested at that time have not been accounted for:  
Adoum Acyl, Yacoub Isak Koty, and Isak Kochi.

According to reliable observers, there were credible reports of 
a small number of politically motivated, incommunicado 
detentions in unidentified places of detention.

     c.  Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading 
         Treatment or Punishment

The Transition Charter specifically prohibits the practice of 
torture and degrading or humiliating treatment, but the 
Government did not or could not intervene effectively to stop 
torture practices by security forces.  Reliable reports 
indicated that military personnel engaged in torture and other 
cruel mistreatment of prisoners, civilian and military, in 
government custody, most commonly by severe beatings, but also 
by immersion in water to the point of near drowning.  
Interrogators also reportedly used mock executions to 
intimidate detainees.  There was no indication that 
investigations were conducted or arrests made as a result of 
the many reports, including in the media, of torture.

Prison conditions continued to be abysmal and life threatening, 
characterized by overcrowding, poor sanitation, lack of medical 
facilities, inadequate food, and mixing of male and female 
prisoners.  Prisoners were almost totally dependent on their 
families for food.  The authorities allowed nonpolitical 
prisoners to have visitors.  In a departure from previous 
practice, the authorities allowed prisoners arrested for 
apparent political reasons subsequent to the August killings to 
have visitors.  The Government authorized independent human 
rights groups access to selected prisons and prisoners and 
allowed private physicians to examine and treat prisoners.  It 
granted the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 
permission to visit detainees, but for administrative reasons 
this had not taken place by year's end.

On October 23, the Foreign Minister convoked the diplomatic 
corps and promised that the eight persons arrested in 
connection with the alleged Koty coup plot would not be 
mistreated and would be given a fair trial.  The Government 
denied the eight persons visits by their families and lawyers 
but permitted human rights groups and doctors access on two 
occasions.  There was no evidence of their physical 

     d.  Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile

The Penal Code and the Transitional Charter provide formal 
safeguards against arbitrary arrest, but in practice these 
provisions were not uniformly respected, notably after the 
August demonstrations and killings (see Section 1.a.).  Most 
military or security organizations had the de facto authority 
to arrest or detain citizens without warrant and without 
remanding the detainee for an early trial.  As a result, 
large-scale arbitrary arrests took place on orders of senior 
members of the Government subsequent to the August violence.  
The authorities released all detainees after protests by legal 
groups.  No charges were made nor trials conducted.

There were credible reports of arbitrary arrests and detentions 
of political activists in rural areas.  These arrests were in 
some cases attributed to local leaders of the Patriotic 
Salvation Movement (MPS) and were directed against opposition 
party leaders.  No investigations or judicial action was taken.

At year's end, best estimates indicated that the Government 
held approximately eight  political or security detainees.  
Arrested the day of his assassination, the eight members of 
Abbas Koty's group (see Section 1.a.), remained in prison at 
year's end, without formal charge and without any indication 
when they would be brought to trial.

The Government did not use exile as a political weapon in 1993.

     e.  Denial of Fair Public Trial

The judicial system was unable to contend with more than civil 
actions due to a breakdown of law and judicial process.   
Significant interference by the Government and the military in 
the judicial system contributed to the breakdown.  Even major 
incidents of mass murder, as in the case of atrocities in the 
south during April, did not go to trial.  As in 1991 and 1992, 
there were strong indications that members of the security 
forces, particularly those belonging to northern ethnic groups 
and those in the Republican Guard, had de facto immunity from 

In June armed troops physically threatened the principal 
judicial offices in the capital when there were rumors that 
soldiers involved in killings at the Customs Administration 
headquarters might be charged.  Subsequently, magistrates went 
on strike in July to protest threats from the military after 
the judicial system adjudicated in favor of a southern official 
who killed several northern soldiers during violence in June at 
the Customs Administration.  None of those responsible for the 
violence was tried.  Legal professionals complained that 
threats of violence and interference prevented adequate and 
fair administration of justice.

Other factors also affected the judiciary.  In November and 
December, magistrates again went on strike along with most 
members of the Ministry of Justice to protest nonpayment of 
salaries.  Magistrates, as well as other legal professionals, 
were not paid for at least half of the year, and there was a 
shortage of trained personnel, the most basic supplies, 
equipment, and courtroom space.

In civil cases, in which the judiciary still operated to a 
limited extent, there were a number of suits for libel and 
slander.  The Government, most notably the Republican Guard, 
along with individual members of the Government took advantage 
of the court system to defend their records.

Despite substantial emphasis placed on the justice system by 
the National Conference, there was no overhaul of the justice 
system in 1993, although legal professionals created three 
private, independent associations to study reform.  Chad's 
highest court is the Appellate Court of N'Djamena which, under 
the Transitional Charter, assumes in theory constitutional 
review responsibilities in the absence of a Supreme Court.  It 
also reviews decisions of lower courts and adjudicates all 
cases calling for more than a 20-year penalty.  District courts 
exist in major cities, and justices of the peace preside in 
larger townships.  Special courts were inactive, including the 
military courts-martial system, instituted in 1991 to try 
soldiers and civilians for crimes of violence committed in 
uniform or with military weapons.

Most rural areas do not have access to formal judicial 
institutions and rely on traditional courts presided over by 
village chiefs and sheikhs in most civil cases.  Their 
decisions, which in most cases are respected by the population, 
may be appealed to a formal court.

At year's end, the number of political and security prisoners 
(as distinct from pretrial political and security detainees) 
was unknown.

     f.  Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or 

The Transitional Charter precisely states citizens' rights to 
privacy of home and correspondence, freedom from arbitrary 
arrest and search, and liberties of association.  The Penal 
Code stipulates that searches of homes will be conducted only 
during daylight hours and only under legal warrant.  In 
practice, security forces conducted frequent searches for 
weapons without legal warrant, day or night, especially during 
the second half of 1993.  In some cases these searches resulted 
in mistreatment of individuals and extortion of money.

The National Conference's Letters of Instruction to the 
transitional Government stipulated that roadblocks manned by 
government forces, often responsible for extortion of travelers 
and an impediment to free travel, would be removed.  This was 
successfully accomplished in midyear for most of the country.

Membership in the MPS is not required for employment or 
appointment to high position.  However, MPS membership has been 
solicited by coercive means in rural areas, and members of 
other political parties have been detained and mistreated by 
MPS and government officials.

     g.  Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian
         Law in Internal Conflicts

The ANT in late January and early February launched a military 
campaign in the south to neutralize the rebel force of the 
National Awakening Committee for Peace and Democracy (CSNPD) of 
Lieutenant Moise Kette.  The ANT attacked more than 13 villages 
between the towns of Doba and Gore, burning and looting 
villages, destroying crops, and driving over 12,000 refugees 
into the Central African Republic.  The ANT killed at least 29 
civilians in its initial attacks.  Though rebels had attacked 
and killed government forces in the region, government claims 
to the effect that the civilian deaths occurred as a result of 
fighting between government forces and rebels were 
unconvincing.  The ANT, principally units of the Republican 
Guard, cordoned off the region, restricted travel, and 
prevented independent investigations from taking place.  No 
credible government inquiry of any value was conducted, nor 
were there arrests or punishments of those responsible for the 
excessive use of force.

The ANT committed further excesses in February and March, with 
deaths and injuries reported.  Republican Guard units committed 
atrocities in a number of villages in the region of 
Kou-Mouabe.  A government investigating committee, which 
included members of human rights groups, went to the region and 
reported that, within the space of a few days in April, the 
Republican Guard summarily executed over 200 persons.  
According to the commission, over 300 civilians in the region 
had been killed by the Republican Guard since the beginning of 

The committee identified six Republican Guard officers and one 
former member of the CSNPD rebels, who acted as a guide to the 
villages, as responsible for the killings and other abuses.  As 
of year's end, the authorities had arrested only two persons, 
and one was allowed full freedom of movement to and from the 
prison, even though there was no indication of a pretrial 
hearing or setting of bail.  The status of the other prisoner, 
a southerner, was unknown.  He allegedly was tortured by the 
Republican Guard and forced to guide units to the villages.  
The remaining five officers escaped arrest.  None had been 
brought to trial by year's end.

The armed opposition group, the CSNPD, said the massacres were 
perpetrated against civilians suspected of collusion or 
sympathy with the opposition.  However, the Government alleged 
that the CSNPD committed abuses against civilians in the 
region, including killing and robbery.  Credible sources 
reported that rebels stole goods and extorted money from 
villagers in the region.

In June Republican Guard army units fired indiscriminately 
during a clash over control of the Customs Administration in 
N'Djamena, killing at least two innocent civilians.  There was 
no credible investigation, and no one was arrested. 

On August 4, armed men fired at crowds in a market in 
Gniguilim, near Abeche in eastern Chad, killing at least 82 
persons and wounding 105.  The Government conducted an 
investigation and reportedly arrested several persons, but it 
had not released any details by the end of the year, including 
the identities of the killers, which reportedly had not been 
satisfactorily established.  No trials had been conducted, nor 
had those responsible been punished.

On August 5, army units suppressed a demonstration, a protest 
against the killings in Gniguilim, in Abeche, killing at least 
two civilians and wounding several.

On August 8, members of the Ouaddaian community in N'Djamena 
sought to hold a prayer meeting to protest the Gniguilim 
massacre.  After being turned away by gendarmes and police, 
some Ouaddaian members attacked the police and gendarmes, 
killing five.  Senior officials called in the Republican Guard 
which used massive force--heavy weapons and automatic 
rifles--against the remainder of the Ouaddain crowd and on 
bystanders, including in neighborhoods far removed from the 
scene of the riot.  The Republican Guard killed at least 61 
civilians and wounded over 100.  The Government failed to take 
any disciplinary action against the Republican Guard.

Section 2  Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

     a.  Freedom of Speech and Press

The Transitional Charter provides for freedom of speech and 
press, and the small private press published articles 
criticizing the Government.  The Government controlled access 
to radio, the most important medium, and to the sole television 
station.  It permitted only government-approved programming and 
commentary but often included nonpartisan coverage of 
opposition activities and statements.  However, in September, 
during a political crisis between the President and Prime 
Minister, the President denied the Prime Minister radio air 

Foreign publications were available.  There were no reports of 
censorship of these publications or of issues withdrawn from 

The academic system is primarily state supported, and the 
teachers at all levels are state employees.  Reportedly 
students and teachers practice self-censorship in discussions 
with a political content.

     b.  Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

The Transitional Charter provides for freedom of association, 
assembly, press, and publication.

Political and civil groups conducted meetings and press 
conferences for the most part without government interference.  
However, the Government restricted assembly on several 
occasions.  In August it banned religious and ethnic 
demonstrations, and in September it prevented leaders of 
political parties and associations from having access to a 
private conference hall by bringing pressure on the owner.  
Permits are required for public gatherings of all sorts.

New political parties continued to appear and, as of the end of 
1993, 43 parties were authorized to function.  Parties and 
associations issued political and civic-oriented tracts of all 
sorts, many critical of the Government, without interference 
from the Government.

     c.  Freedom of Religion

Chad is officially and in practice a secular state.  Islam, 
Christianity, and other religions are practiced without 
constraint.  Missionaries of all religions are permitt d to 
enter Chad to proselytize and to perform public assistance 

     d.  Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign 
         Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

No special permission was required of Chadians or foreigners to 
travel within most areas, but access to areas designated 
military zones was not permitted.  The Government set up 
military cordons to restrict acccess to areas of southern Chad 
near the towns of Gore and Kou-Mouabe, both sites of human 
rights abuses.  Most of the government roadblocks were removed 
in June on orders of the transitional Government.  Although 
there was significant improvement, members of the security 
forces continued to operate some roadblocks around the country, 
asked for domestic travel documents, and extorted money from 
travelers.  The transitional Government revoked the requirement 
for government authorization for international travel.

Chadians were free to emigrate.  Several thousand bona fide 
refugees, a product of mid-1992 fighting between the Government 
and rebels in the Lake Chad region, remained in Niger and had 
valid concerns as to their reception back in Chad.  Similarly, 
approximately 12,000 refugees in camps in the Central African 
Republic, who fled southern Chad when their villages were 
attacked by the Republican Guard, had valid concerns about 
their safety if they returned to their villages.  The presence 
in southern Chad of large units of soldiers of northern ethnic 
groups, some already responsible for atrocities in the south, 
discouraged reentry of refugees from the Central African 

Section 3  Respect for Political Rights:  The Right of Citizens 
           to Change Their Government

Citizens do not have this right, and President Deby and his 
MPS, backed by the military, dominate the political process.  
Nevertheless, positive movement towards political pluralism was 
noted in 1993.

The National Conference held from January to April established 
that elections would take place in 1994.  The Conference 
consisted of approximately 800 delegates drawn from the 
Government, traditional leadership such as sheikhs and sultans, 
opposition political parties, human rights groups, unions, 
students, women's groups, farming cooperatives, and other 
groups.  The balance of representation was equitable, and the 
discussions and debates were open and uninhibited.  The 
Transitional Charter and the Letters of Instruction to the 
transitional Government were drafted in committee and presented 
to a floor vote.  The Conference elected the Prime Minister 
from a slate of 13 candidates.  It also elected from the floor 
57 Transitional Council (CST) counselors, who in turn selected 
their president for a term of 6 months.

The CST utilized its authority to require key cabinet 
ministers, including the Prime Minister, to explain their 
programs to the Council.  The CST exercised its legislative 
authority in refusing to ratify a treaty with Libya presented 
by the Presidency and directed the Prime Minister to reduce the 
Cabinet from 31 ministers to 16 to bring the Government into 
conformance with the Letters of Instruction.

During the year, there was increasing conflict between 
President Deby and Prime Minister Fidel Moungar over a variety 
of issues.   Eventually the Transitional Council replaced 
Moungar in November with Kassire Coumakoye.

The creation of a tripartite system of government, each 
institution with separate powers, represented a major advance 
in the Chadian political system.  Though preponderant authority 
remained with the executive, the other two government 
institutions in the face of difficult problems persisted in 
consolidating their respective and separate powers.  A 
technical commission of jurists constituted at the end of the 
year began work on drafts of a constitution, electoral code, 
and charter of political parties.

Chadian women have political equality and protection under the 
law and were active in the National Conference.  Several hold 
high office in the transitional Government and are represented 
in leadership positions of the political parties.  Nevertheless,
women are underrepresented in government, and cultural biases 
prevent their full integration into political life.  There are 
one female cabinet minister and four female CST counselors.

Section 4  Governmental Attitude Regarding International and 
           Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations 
           of Human Rights

Four Chadian human rights organizations operated legally:  the 
Chadian League of Human Rights, the Convention for the Defense 
of Human and Citizens Rights, the Chadian Association for the 
Promotion and Defense of Human Rights, and the Chadian 
Association for the Struggle Against Human Rights Violations.  
These organizations were active in the National Conference, and 
some members are represented in the transitional Government.  
Several of these organizations took part in commissions 
investigating human rights abuses.  The reports of these 
organizations were published without constraint.  Reports on 
human rights abuses in the south were critical of the army 
(Republican Guard units) and persons who committed them.  The 
political opposition and civil associations regularly criticize 
the Government on human rights issues.

The transitional Government, as one of its first official acts, 
commissioned a special government/human rights commission to 
investigate massacres that were carried out in southern 
villages near Kou-Mouabe.  The commision's report was accurate 
and unbiased but in the end had little effect in disciplining 
those responsible.  A similar commission to investigate 
atrocities in eastern Chad also had little impact (see Section 

An international organization, the Association for Victims of 
Repression in Exile (AVRE), visited Chad in midyear and again 
in December to treat torture victims and investigate the human 
rights situation.  Representatives had access to high level 
government officials.  A delegation of the International Human 
Rights Federation (FIDH) conducted a seminar and investigated 
human rights conditions in December under the auspices of the 
Chadian League of Human Rights.  The Government gave several 
independent human rights organizations permission to visit 
prisons and regular access to most prisoners (see Section 1.c.).

Section 5  Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, 
           Disability, Language, or Social Status

The Transitional Charter provides for equal rights to all 
citizens, regardless of sex, race, religion, or origin.


According to the Transitional Charter and the Letters of 
Instruction, women have equal rights with men.  The 
Transitional Charter provides that Chadians of both sexes have 
the same rights and obligations.

In practice, however, culture and tradition among Chad's 
various ethnic groups perpetuate the de facto subordinate 
status of women, especially in rural areas where women do much 
of the heavy farm labor and have little opportunity for 
education or wage employment.  The literacy rate for women is 
signficantly lower than for men:  A 1991 United Nations study 
indicated that on the average females receive one-third of the 
education of males.  In 1993 there were fewer girls in school 
than boys.  Women are not discriminated against in property and 
inheritance rights under the law.  However, in traditional 
practice males are favored in inheritance matters.

The transitional Government gave some attention to women's 
issues.  A new family code, on which work had begun in 1992, 
was not completed by the end of 1993, largely because of 
frequent cabinet changes, government reorganizations, and lack 
of initiative on the part of employees who went for long 
periods without pay.  The Transitional Council passed a 
contraception law, which allows Chadian women to make their own 
choices in family planning.  Several women hold high positions 
in the Government as well as in commerce, the professions, and 
the military, and women's advocacy groups have begun to form, 
notably the Association of Women in Distress in Chad and the 
Association of Women Jurists. The latter group was instrumental 
in pressing for improvements in womens rights at the National 
Conference and throughout 1993.

Domestic violence directed against women, including wife 
beating, is common, and women have only limited legal recourse 
against abusive spouses.  Police rarely intervene, and women 
usually rely on family or ethnic group to resolve such cases.


The Government and Chadian society are supportive of children's 
human rights.  Nevertheless, there are few active programs to 
address children's rights.

Female genital mutilation (circumcision) is widespread and 
performed on females at a young age.  The practice is deeply 
rooted in tradition, both in the north and the south, and is 
strongly advocated by many Chadians, women as much as men, 
despite its severe adverse consequences for women's physical 
and mental health.  According to a recent survey sponsored by 
the U.S. Agency for International Development in Moyen Chari 
prefecture, the percentage of women who have undergone this 
procedure is extremely high and depends to an extent on 
religious affinity.  Some 96 percent of rural Catholic women in 
Moyen Chari were found to be circumcised as compared to 86 
percent of animist, 83 percent of Protestant, and 55 percent of 
Muslim women.  Urban statistics range from a low of 53 percent 
for Protestants to 63 percent for Muslims, 75 percent for 
animists, and 86 percent for Catholics.  The Government took no 
action to prohibit the practice.

     National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

There are approximately 200 ethnic groups.  They are roughly 
divided among Saharan and Arab Muslims in the northern, 
central, and eastern regions, and Sudanian zone ethnic groups, 
who practice Christianity or animist religions, in the south.  
Sustained civil conflict since independence in 1960, revolving 
primarily around ethnic differences, has prevented development 
of a solid sense of national identity.  Ethnic and regional 
friction continues to trouble the country, despite efforts to 
ensure wide ethnic and regional representation in government.  
Well-armed minority ethnic groups close to the President, which 
represent a small fraction of the population, exercised 
authority over military and civilian government decisions.

     People with Disabilities

Against a background of civil conflict and inadequate funding, 
the Government has not developed policies, including 
legislation on accessibility to buildings, to assist the 
disabled.  Resources and medical expertise are sorely lacking.  
There is no official discrimination directed against the 
disabled, but they have little opportunity for wage employment 
or special education.

Section 6  Worker Rights

     a.  The Right of Association

Some 78 percent of all workers are involved in subsistence 
agriculture, animal husbandry, or fishing.  Government 
employees and workers in the few state-owned enterprises 
constitute the bulk of union members.

The Transitional Charter and Letters of Instruction 
specifically recognize labor's right to organize.  Workers are 
free to join or form unions of their choosing.  Only the 
military are prohibited from joining unions.  Government 
authorization is required before unions can commence operation, 
but this procedure was not tested in 1993.  The dominant union 
federation remained the Federation of Chadian Unions (UST).  A 
second, smaller federation, the Free Federation of Chadian 
Workers (CLTT), continued to operate.  Neither union had 
organizational, financial, or procedural ties to the 

While Ordinance No. 30 of 1975 suspending all strike action has 
not yet been repealed, the Government respected labor's right 
to strike.  Teachers unions maintained almost continuous 
strikes in 1993, resulting in loss of the 1992-93 academic year 
for primary and secondary students.  Health workers struck in 
September and again in December.  Strikes in December affected 
12 of the 16 government ministries.  Subsequent to the National 
Conference, most organized labor had agreed to observe a social 
truce with the transitional Government, but the continued 
failure of the Government to pay civil servants eroded worker 
confidence and provoked an almost total work stoppage at the 
end of the year.  Labor/government relations, good for much of 
1993, deteriorated in later months.

International Labor Organization (ILO) bodies reviewed 
complaints against the Government stemming from the arrests, 
antiunion discrimination, and other actions taken against the 
UST and individual unions in 1992 and deplored these actions as 
inconsistent with the requirements of freedom of association.  
In addition to Ordinance No. 30, organized labor remained under 
the authority of several outdated laws, such as Ordinance No. 1 
of 1976 prohibiting public employees from exercising the right 
to organize and a provision in the Labor Code prohibiting all 
political activity of trade unionists.  A new labor code 
finalized in draft in 1992, but not released and implemented 
prior to the end of 1993, was to serve as a revocation of the 
old laws.  The new code was not enacted into law because the 
Government reasoned that the document needed a final review by 
a special commission.  Funding for the commission was not 

There was no government restriction on labor union 
participation in international labor conferences.  There were 
no incidents of government interference in union activities.  
However, several union members were murdered, leading many to 
presume that they were targeted for labor activisim.  There was 
no indication that these allegations were true.  In the case of 
Mbailao Mianbe, head of a civil service union in the UST, who 
was murdered in June, evidence pointed to his activities in 
army reorganization, not union work, as the motive behind his 

     b.  The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

The law does not specifically protect collective bargaining; 
both the Transitional Charter and the Labor Code still in 
effect contain only generalized provisions for the rights of 
labor.  The new labor code is expected to provide more 
precision and be in accordance with international conventions.  
The Government sets wages in the public sector, but in a 
departure from past practice the transitional Government has 
actively negotiated employment and wage issues with the UST and 
the CLTT.  A case in point was the agreement of the Government 
to restore to service employees fired for striking in 1992.   A 
new wage rate was negotiated.  When the Government attempted to 
reduce wages further than the 1992 reduction, organized labor 
successfully negotiated a retraction of the decision.  The 
Government is under heavy pressure from the International 
Monetary Fund and other international donors to cut spending 
and increase revenue.

The law does not specifically prohibit antiunion 
discrimination, and there is no formal mechanism for resolving 
complaints of such discrimination.  In practice, however, this 
was not a problem.

There are no export processing zones.

     c.  Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

There is no specific legal prohibition on forced or compulsory 
labor.  No strong evidence was presented to indicate forced or 
compulsory labor took place.  There were allegations that 
unpaid soldiers stationed in the far north were required to 
work as domestics and field workers in order to survive, in 
some instances for years.  The Government did not respond to 
these allegations.

     d.  Minimum Age for Employment of Children

The minimum age for employment of children is 14 in the wage 
sector, but there is only limited enforcement of this law by 
the Ministry of Civil Service and Labor.  In practice, 
employment of children is almost nonexistent except on family 
subsistence farms.

Approximately 600 minors between the ages of 14 and 17 were 
reported to be in the army at the end of 1992.  The Commission 
for Defense and Security of the National Conference reported 
that 293 minors had been demobilized as of April 1993.  
Children continued to serve in the army throughout the year.

     e.  Acceptable Conditions of Work

The draft labor and social welfare code, which was prepared in 
1988 with ILO assistance, continued to be reviewed but was not 
approved for issuance due to government insistence on 
appointment of a commission to study the document.  

Meanwhile, minimum wages established under previous governments 
remained unchanged.  An ILO committee expressed concern that 
the legal minimum wage has not been revised since 1978.  A new 
minimum wage law which doubled the hourly rate was negotiated 
between the Government and labor in midyear.  The minimum 
monthly wage is scheduled to increase to approximately $60 
(18,000 CFA francs) in early 1994.  Minimum wages are 
insufficient to support subsistence, much less maintain an 
adequate standard of living.  Salary arrearages of 4 to 5 
months in N'Djamena and up to 8 months in rural areas for civil 
servants, combined with no pay for some soldiers for up to 24 
months, have obligated most employees to seek other employment, 
engage in subsistence agriculture, or rely on the extended 

Most nonagricultural work is limited by law to 48 hours per 
week with overtime paid for supplementary hours.  Agricultural 
workers are statutorily limited to 2,400 work hours per year.  
All workers are entitled to 24 consecutive hours of rest per 
week.  The Labor Code recognizes the need for occupational 
health and safety standards, including labor inspectors with 
the authority to enforce them.  There is no indication that 
such health and safety standards exist in practice, nor that 
inspectors have been appointed.  (###)

[end of document]


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