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U.S. Department of State
96/09/06 Address: New Atlantic Community for 21st Century
Office of the Spokesman


                        U.S DEPARTMENT OF STATE
                        Office of the Spokesman
                         (Stuttgart, Germany)
_________________________________________________________________
AS  DELIVERED                                   September 6, 1996


                             SPEECH BY
                SECRETARY OF STATE WARREN CHRISTOPHER
                        IN COMMEMORATION OF
       SECRETARY OF STATE JAMES BYRNES' 1946 SPEECH OF HOPE


                      A New Atlantic Community
                         For the 21st Century


Minister-President Teufel, Foreign Minister Kinkel, Mayor  Rommel, 
General Jamerson, Governor James, Congressman Roth,  ladies and 
gentlemen:  Before I begin today, let me pay a special tribute to my 
colleague Klaus Kinkel, who has meant so much to US-German relations, 
who has been my close friend and confidant all through my three and a 
half years as Secretary of State, and who invited me to come here today.  
I am very much indebted to you, Klaus.  Thank you ever so much.  I know 
that you'd all want me to thank them on your behalf, that is, to thank 
the United States Air Force for playing music in the tradition of Glen 
Miller and giving us so much pleasure here today.  Let's give them a 
hand, too.  When I finish my remarks today, I'm afraid there'll be a new 
motto springing up from the audience, along the lines of more music, 
less talk.  That's a motto that I can enthusiastically endorse.  

As you know, I've come to commemorate with you the "speech of hope," 
which my predecessor, Secretary of State James Byrnes, gave here in 
Stuttgart fifty years ago on this very day, in this very auditorium.   I 
have come to recall the half-century of progress we've  achieved 
together since that speech, and to discuss how we can assure a thriving 
partnership into the next century. It will come as no surprise that 
Secretary Byrnes, like many public officials, had some help in  
preparing his speech.  His principal helper was John Kenneth Galbraith, 
the famous economist, author and US Ambassador to India.  When I called 
Professor Galbraith a few days ago to reminisce about the Byrnes speech, 
he commented, with a smile in his voice, "I have never listened to a 
speech with a greater sense of approval."

Of course, all of Europe listened intently, for its future hung in the 
balance.  The United States had joined with our Allies to win the war 
because we knew America could not be free  if Europe was not. But in 
1946, we had not yet won the peace.  Though the first American care 
packages began to arrive in August of that year, a German reporter who 
traveled to Stuttgart with Secretary Byrnes could look from the train 
window and describe, "countless women with tattered knapsacks . . . a 
few men plodding homeward in the dusk" returning to homes where "the 
children have no shoes, daughter has no coat, the house has neither 
window glass nor fuel in the cellar.  And winter  approaches."  
Meanwhile, to the east, liberation brought not liberty but a new 
communist tyranny that would divide families, nations and the world.

Secretary Byrnes' address came to be known as the "speech of  hope" 
because it put America firmly on the side of those who believed in a 
better future for Germany and Europe.  The principles he expressed in 
the speech laid the foundation for our successful post-war partnership. 
They formed the basis for what became a bipartisan American strategy, 
symbolized by Republican Senator Arthur Vandenberg, who was present at 
Secretary Byrnes' speech, and you could see him in the newsreel that 
they showed at the beginning of these proceedings.  The principles 
shaping our approach to Europe to this very day are the ones laid down 
by Secretary Byrnes.

First, Byrnes pledged that America would remain a political and military 
power in Europe. After World War I, we had withdrawn from European 
affairs and paid a terrible price.  "We will not again make that 
mistake," Byrnes said.  "We are staying here."

Second, Byrnes asserted that our support for democracy was the key to 
lasting peace and recovery in Germany and in Europe.  "The American 
people want to return the government of Germany to the German people," 
he said.  We were confident that a democratic Germany could emerge as 
our partner. 

Finally, Byrnes expressed America's commitment to Germany's  political 
and economic unity.  The United States believed that Germany had to be 
united, democratic and free if Europe as a whole was to achieve 
stability and integration.

Byrnes' far-sighted approach set the stage for George Marshall, Konrad 
Adenauer, Jean Monnet and the remarkable generation that led the 
recovery of Europe and gave us 50 years of peace and prosperity.  Thanks 
to them, we realized the promise of the speech of hope. America 
maintained its engagement and its armed forces in Europe.  The German 
people chose freedom and achieved unification.  And together, we stayed 
the course of the Cold War. Today, Checkpoint Charlie is no more than a 
museum for tourists. And at NATO headquarters, where we once planned to 
defend Berlin and Stuttgart from Soviet attack, the flags of 43 European 
nations, including Russia, now fly.

In the last half century, the United States and Germany have built a 
relationship deeper than even the ties forged by our soldiers and 
diplomats.  We have a cultural and intellectual partnership, so well 
represented by the Fulbright program, the Goethe Institute, the German 
Marshall Fund and many, many others.  We have an economic partnership, 
too:  America is the top foreign investor in Germany and it's the 
primary beneficiary of German foreign investment abroad.  We also have 
an environmental partnership:  together, for example, we are fighting 
toxic waste in eastern Germany, acid rain in Wisconsin and deforestation 
in Brazil. 

Fifty years ago, Secretary Byrnes said America wanted to "help the 
German people win their way back to an honorable place among the free 
and peace-loving nations of the world."  Our shared achievement has been 
just plain breath-taking.  Now this city and the land around it 
represent the Europe familiar to all of us:  a place where democracy, 
prosperity and peace have become a matter of course.  Germany is the 
united heart of a increasingly united continent.  And that continent now 
looks to Germany as a symbol and as a catalyst for the integration that 
all this continent, all this great group of states,  is striving to 
achieve.

Yet for all the progress that we've made, we still have challenges to 
meet here  in Europe. The end of the Cold War did not bring an end to 
armed conflict on this continent.  And while the division that resulted 
from the Cold War is fading, it has not been fully overcome.  That 
division is still visible in the economic gulf  between east and west.  
It is perceptible in the pollution that shortens lives from Ukraine to 
Silesia.  Above all, it is tangible in the desire for greater security 
felt by citizens from the Baltic to the Black Sea, across a region where 
our century's two great wars as well as the Cold War began.   

In just a few years, we will begin a new century.  Let me share with you 
the vision that President Clinton and I have for the United States and 
Europe in the next century. It is a vision for a New Atlantic Community.  
This community will build on the institutions our predecessors created, 
but, it will transcend the artificial boundaries of Cold War Europe.  It 
will give North America a deeper partnership with a broader, more 
integrated Europe on this continent and around the world.  It carries 
forward the principles that Secretary Byrnes set forth fifty years ago 
today.

As the next century dawns on this New Atlantic Community, our joint 
efforts will have made us confident that the democratic revolutions of 
1989 will endure, confident that wars like the one in Bosnia can be 
prevented, and confident that every new democracy, large and small, can 
take its rightful place in a new Europe.  In this New Atlantic 
Community, the United States will be fully engaged, in partnership with 
our friends and allies -- and in a more effective European Union that is 
taking in new members.  In this Community, NATO will remain the central 
pillar of our security engagement.  It will be a new NATO, adapted to 
meet emerging challenges, with the full participation of all current 
Allies and several new members from the east.  NATO's Partnership for 
Peace and the OSCE will give us the tools to prevent conflict and assure 
freedom for all of our citizens.  In our vision for this new Atlantic 
Community, a democratic Russia will be our full partner.  Our economies 
will be  increasingly integrated and thriving.  Europe and America will 
be taking joint action against the global threats we can only overcome 
by working together.

This is the kind of vision that gave our partnership strength and our 
people hope in the darkest, most dangerous days of the past century.  
Ten years ago, it was still a dream.  Ten years from now, the 
opportunity may be lost.  But I believe we can realize it if we meet 
four challenges together in the final years of this current century.  

The first challenge is to build a secure and integrated Europe, to erase 
the Cold War's outdated frontiers forever.  The new democracies of 
central Europe and the New Independent States want to be our partners.  
It is in our interest to help them assume our shared responsibilities.  
It is in our interest to extend to them the same structure of values and 
institutions that enabled Western Europe to overcome its own legacy of 
conflict and division. It is certainly in Germany's interest to work 
with us and our other Allies in this task, for it can make Germany's 
eastern border what its western border has long been:  a gateway, and 
not a barrier.

At the January 1994 NATO summit, President Clinton proposed and our 
Allies embraced a comprehensive strategy for European security. 
President Clinton believes that another summit is needed to complete the 
implementation of this comprehensive strategy.  I would expect that our 
leaders will meet in the spring or early summer of 1997 at an extremely 
important summit.  Their objective should be to agree on NATO's internal 
reforms, launch enlargement negotiations for NATO, and deepen NATO's 
partnership with Russia and other European states. 

The purpose of NATO reform is to ensure that NATO can meet new 
challenges in a Europe where no power poses a threat to any other.  This 
year, my colleagues and I agreed on a historic program for building a 
new NATO.  It will permit a more visible and capable European role in 
the Alliance and add substance to the special European function of the 
Western European union.  It will improve NATO's ability to respond to 
emergencies and make it easier for our partners in Central Europe and 
the New Independent States to join us when we do. And it will preserve 
the qualities that have made NATO so effective.  Our goal, ultimately,  
is a new NATO in which all of our Allies, including France and Spain, 
will fully participate.

NATO enlargement, too, is on track and it will happen.  Right now, NATO 
is engaged in an intensive dialogue with interested countries to 
determine what they must do, and what NATO must do, to prepare for their 
accession to NATO.  Based upon these discussions, at the 1997 summit we 
should invite several partners to begin accession negotiations.  When 
the first new members pass through NATO's open door, that door will stay 
open for all of those who demonstrated that they are willing and able to 
shoulder the responsibilities of membership.  NATO should enter a new 
phase of intensified dialogue with all those who continue to seek 
membership after the first candidates are invited to join.  

Enlargement will ensure that NATO's benefits do not stop at a line that 
lost its relevance when the Berlin Wall fell.  The steps our partners 
are taking to prepare for membership -- steps like strengthening 
democracy and building trust with their neighbors -- these steps have 
already given central Europe greater stability than it has seen this 
century.  Indeed, no alliance has ever been more effective in preventing 
conflict than NATO.  That is why we created it.  That is why our 
partners in the Partnership for Peace wish to join it.  And that is why 
NATO is at the heart of our European strategy.

Of course, all of Europe's new democracies, whether they join NATO 
sooner, later, or not at all, deserve a full opportunity to help shape 
Europe's future.  For this reason, we must expand the scope of NATO's 
Partnership for Peace.

Thanks to the Partnership for Peace, we can now form the first truly 
European-wide military coalitions, in which soldiers from Russia and 
America, Poland and Ukraine, Germany and Lithuania train side by side, 
ready to deploy at a moment's notice to protect our security. To this 
end, we should expand the Partnership's mandate beyond its current 
missions.  We should involve our partners in the Partnership for Peace 
in the planning as well as the execution of NATO's missions.  We should 
give them a stronger voice by forming an Atlantic Partnership Council.  
In all of these ways, NATO gives us a foundation to build our New 
Atlantic Community -- one in which all of Europe and North America work 
together to build lasting security.

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe is essential to 
this evolving community.  That is evident from its important and 
courageous missions in Bosnia, Chechnya and the Baltics.  The Helsinki 
principles -- respect for an open society and the rule of law provided 
the guidepost for all we accomplished in the last decade and they also 
shape our vision for the future.  At the OSCE summit this December, in 
Lisbon, we should build on these principles to define our security 
cooperation for the next century.  In Lisbon, our leaders should take 
practical steps, such as launching negotiations to adopt the CFE treaty 
to Europe's new security landscape.

Closer political cooperation in the European Union, and its coming 
enlargement, will contribute to the security and prosperity of the New 
Atlantic Community and strengthen the partnership between Europe and the 
United States.  President Clinton has been a strong supporter of deeper 
European integration, reaffirming the commitment made, in earlier years, 
by President John Kennedy.

A critical goal of the New Atlantic Community is to achieve Ukraine's 
integration with Europe.  Ukraine has embraced market democracy and 
given up nuclear weapons.  It is seeking strong ties with Russia and 
central Europe and a close partnership with Western nations and 
institutions.  We want to help Ukraine consolidate its independence by 
overcoming its severe economic problems, by gaining access to critical 
markets in the West, and by developing an enhanced partnership with 
NATO.

The vision I have outlined here today for the new Atlantic Community can 
succeed only if we recognize Russia's vital role in the New Atlantic 
Community.  For most of this century, fear, tyranny and self-isolation 
kept Russia from the European mainstream.  But now, new patterns of 
trust and cooperation are taking hold.  The Russian people are building 
a new society on a foundation of democratic and free market ideals. 
Though their struggle is far from complete, as the assault on Chechnya 
has demonstrated, the Russian people have rejected a return to the past 
and vindicated our confidence in democracy -- the same kind of 
confidence that Secretary Byrnes expressed from this platform 50 years 
ago.  Now, an integrated, democratic Russia can participate in the 
construction of an integrated, democratic Europe.

Today, I want to say this to the Russian people:  We welcome you as our 
full partners in building a new Europe that is free of tyranny, division 
and war.  We want to work with you to bring Russia into the family of 
market democracies.  We want you to have a stake and a role in the 
institutions of European security and economic cooperation.  That is why 
we seek a fundamentally new relationship between Russia and the new 
NATO.  Such a relationship, I am confident, is possible.  It is 
important to all of us.  And we are determined to make it happen.

Russia's cooperation with NATO should be expressed in a formal Charter.  
This Charter should create standing arrangements for consultation and 
joint action between Russia and the Alliance.  

NATO and Russia need a charter because we share an interest in 
preventing armed conflict.  We are equally threatened by proliferation, 
nuclear smuggling, and the specter of disasters like Chernobyl.  The 
Charter we seek should give us a permanent mechanism for crisis 
management so we can respond together immediately as these challenges 
arise.  Our troops should train together for joint operations.  The 
potential of our partnership is already on display in Bosnia, where our 
troops are shouldering common burdens and sharing common achievements.  
Let us, with Russia, take the next logical step.

Our efforts in Bosnia have demonstrated both the possibilities and the 
urgency of building a New Atlantic Community.  In many ways, Bosnia 
today stands where Europe stood in 1946.  Its city parks have been 
turned into cemeteries.  Its children have known terror and hunger and 
they have seen the destructive power of hatred.  Yet it also stands on 
the threshold of a better future.  The war is over and the way forward 
is clear:  It depends on democracy, justice and integration.  Last 
month, I was in Sarajevo and I saw the tremendous progress made since 
the Dayton Accord opened the way to peace.  Germany's diplomacy, its 
economic aid, and its military contributions have all been vital in 
providing that new possibility for Bosnia and for all the people of that 
tragic country.    

In just a week from now, elections will be held to establish the 
institutions of a unified Bosnian state.  Every party in Bosnia, both 
those in power now and the opposition supports holding these elections 
on September 14. The Bosnian people clearly want to regain the voice the 
war denied them.  Our task is to help them exercise that right under 
appropriate conditions.  By postponing the municipal elections until a 
later date, the OSCE has already sent a clear signal that basic 
standards must be met.  We must have confidence in the power of 
democratic choice in Bosnia.  We must also remember that elections are 
but a first step. We will have to work together, and work hard over the 
long term to hold Bosnia's leaders to the commitments they made at 
Dayton, and to help all the nations of former Yugoslavia as they seek to 
rejoin Europe.

Our second challenge in building a New Atlantic Community is to promote 
prosperity among our nations and to extend it globally.  The United 
States and Europe have built the largest economic relationship in the 
world.  It supports over 14 million jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.  

We must move toward a free and open Transatlantic Marketplace, as the 
United States and the EU foreshadowed in their summit meeting last 
December.  As barriers fall and momentum builds, the boundaries of what 
seems feasible will certainly expand.  We are already at a stage when we 
can realistically discuss the true integration of the economies of 
Europe and North America.  We should now pursue practical steps toward 
even more visionary goals, such as reducing regulatory barriers.

Our vision for open trade and investment in the New Atlantic Community 
must be as broad as our vision of that community itself.  In other 
words, it must extend to central Europe and the New Independent States, 
including Russia.  President Yeltsin, for example, has made it a 
priority to open Russia to foreign investment and President Clinton is 
personally committed to encourage that goal.  We strongly support 
Russia's entry into the WTO on appropriate commercial terms.  We 
understand that Europe's new democracies, for all of those new 
democracies, stability depends upon prosperity -- and on our willingness 
to open European markets to their products.

That is one reason we strongly support an expansive program for the 
enlargement of the European Union.  The prospect of EU membership will 
help lock in democratic and market reforms in central and eastern 
Europe.  It sets the stage for a true single European market.  We 
believe that it should move forward swiftly.

Together, we also have a responsibility to ensure that the international 
economic system and its institutions are fit and ready for the 21st 
Century.  We have already worked together to reform the International 
Monetary Fund and the World Bank.  We completed the Uruguay Round and 
created the World Trade Organization.  At the WTO's first ministerial 
meeting this December in Singapore, we should push to complete the 
Uruguay Round's unfinished business and begin to set priorities for the 
next century.  We must also do our part to ensure that the world's 
poorest nations benefit from open markets.  All this is a task for the 
United States and Europe.

Our New Atlantic Community will only be secure if we also work together 
to meet the threats that transcend our frontiers -- threats like 
terrorism, nuclear proliferation, crime, drugs, disease and damage to 
the environment.  The danger posed by these threats is as great as any  
that we faced during the Cold War.  Meeting these threats is our third 
challenge for the waning years of this century, and I want to discuss 
today just two elements of it, that is:  terrorism and the environment.  

We must be united in confronting terrorism wherever it occurs.  From the 
clubs of Berlin to the metros of Paris, from the sidewalks of London to 
the office towers of New York, lawless predators have turned our 
citizens into targets of opportunity and our public places into stalking 
grounds.

President Clinton has pledged to lead an international effort against 
this common foe of terrorism.  The strategy against terrorism that the 
President unveiled at the UN General Assembly last fall was a clear sign 
of our determination in this regard, and the 25 specific measures 
adopted by the G-7 nations and Russia adopted two months ago in Paris 
are a blueprint for putting terrorists out of business and behind bars.  
I urge all nations to implement them as soon as possible.  

Working together against state sponsors of terrorism is an imperative, 
not an option.  It is a cause to which all nations should rally.  Our 
principled commitment to free trade simply does not oblige us to do 
business with aggressive tyrannies like Iran and Libya.  We must join 
forces on effective multilateral measures that deny these rogue regimes 
the resources that they crave and need for their deleterious acts around 
the world.  

Iraq, too, is a sponsor of terror and, as we have seen, a continuing 
threat to peace in the Middle East.  Let me express my deep appreciation 
to Chancellor Kohl, Foreign Minister Kinkel, and to Germany as a whole 
for supporting President Clinton's determined response to Saddam 
Hussein's new aggression.

Environmental threats also respect no borders.  They harm our economies 
and the health of our people.  That is why President Clinton and I have 
acted to place environmental issues in the mainstream of American 
foreign policy.  

Here in Europe, our most urgent environmental challenge is to repair the 
ravages done by decades of communist misrule.  From the abandoned 
villages around Chernobyl, to the depleted forests in Siberia, to the 
rusted hulks of factories in central Europe, environmental damage is 
among the most devastating legacies that Europe's new democracies must 
overcome.  

Around the world, our cooperation can make 1997 the most important year 
for the global environment since the Rio Summit five years ago.  In this 
next year, we can provide leadership to achieve realistic, legally 
binding commitments to cut greenhouse gasses and their emissions.  We 
can agree on sound management of the world's forests, a resource that 
Germans and Americans have always held so dear.

All the steps that I have suggested today will require our governments 
to work more closely together.  But the strength of our relationships 
depends ultimately on the ties among our people.  And that is the fourth 
and final challenge I wish to discuss today.

After World War II, Germany and the United States pioneered the people-
to-people programs of cultural and academic exchange that have been so 
important, and continue to be so important,  to Americans and Europeans.  
Because of our partnership in the Cold War period, and the many things 
we had to do together then, millions of Americans lived and worked in 
Germany and throughout Europe, and we could take it almost for granted 
that our people came to know each other well.  But now  the Cold War is 
over, and we need to forge a new set of links.  We need to build on the 
bounds being formed each day by our companies, our universities, our 
parliamentarians and our Non-Governmental Organizations. 

In the United States, in November, the United States and the EU will 
convene a conference to strengthen transatlantic exchanges. I have one 
particular idea to suggest to that conference.  Let us create a 
Fellowship of Hope:  an exchange between the foreign affairs agencies of 
the United States, the EU and its member states so that our young 
leaders can work together and learn from each other.  Our private sector 
can also do more.  Today, 500,000 Americans work for German firms; and 
600,000 Germans work for American firms.  Let us encourage all of our 
companies to follow the example some firms are already setting by 
expanding their exchange programs for their employees.  

I am confident that our peoples and our governments alike can deepen the 
partnership that we have so long enjoyed.  After all, the principles 
underlying that partnership, the principles that Secretary Byrnes 
expressed here, are enduring principles.  In the west, they withstood 
the trauma of World War II.  In the east, they outlasted the purges and 
propaganda of communists rule. In the last decade, they inspired us to 
work together to unify Germany, to end the war in Bosnia, to support 
reform in Russia, and to forge the most open global trading system in 
history.  

All this began right here, amidst the rubble and despair of 1946. And if 
our hopes are high today, it is because of what Germany has achieved 
with its partners since then.  Because of what we have done together, my 
country can look forward to a future partnership with a new Germany in a 
new Europe:  a Europe where frontiers unite rather than divide; a Europe 
with horizons wider than its borders.   

We struggled with you to build this new Europe.  And now, as my 
predecessor did 50 years ago, let me say on behalf of America:  We are 
staying here.  We can meet the challenges I have outlined.  We can build 
a free, united and prosperous new Atlantic Community.  And when we do, 
people around the world will be inspired by the example that Europe and 
America have set, just as we have been inspired by the example that 
Germany has set.  Thank you very much.

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