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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
95/04/04 ADDRESS:  ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE CONFERENCE
OFFICE OF THE SPOKESMAN 
 
                         DEPARTMENT OF STATE 
                        Office of the Spokesman 
                                                                
As Prepared for Delivery                        April 4, 1995 
 
 
                              ADDRESS BY 
                 SECRETARY OF STATE WARREN CHRISTOPHER 
                              BEFORE THE 
                  ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE CONFERENCE 

                            APRIL 4, 1995 
                          The Mayflower Hotel 
                           Washington, D.C. 
 
 
Thank you for that warm introduction.  I am delighted to join you at your 
National Leadership Conference.  And I am honored to speak before such a 
distinguished group.  May I extend a special thanks to your National 
Director, Abe Foxman, and your Washington Representative, Jess Hordes (HOOR-
dess), for inviting me to be with you today. 
 
I am always in awe when appearing before institutions that are older than I 
am.  At 82 and still going strong, the ADL is one of America's oldest, 
largest, and most-respected civil rights organizations.  Your commitment to 
combat prejudice of all kinds reflects not only this nation's ideals but its 
aspirations; not only the best within us, but our hopes for the world around 
us.  Your work affects people of every religion, for the struggle against 
anti-Semitism is a struggle in support of humanity.  From the classroom to 
the courtroom, from Latin America to the Middle East, the ADL has been a 
tower of tolerance and a tireless defender of democratic values. 
 
Our world has witnessed remarkable change in just the past few years, change 
that once seemed inconceivable.  We see that change in the Middle East, in 
the peace that Israel is forging with Jordan and with the Palestinians.  And 
we see the vital signs of pluralism in South Africa, in Northern Ireland, 
and in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. 
 
But each of you is well aware of the challenges that remain.  For every step 
toward peace, toward inter-racial harmony, toward freedom, there is a 
reaction -- a desperate assault on the part of those who would turn back the 
clock. 
 
You know only too well that bias and prejudice do not vanish -- they must be 
vanquished.  I saw that during my years at the Justice Department following 
the Watts riots.  I saw it again when I headed the independent commission 
that recommended reforms in the Los Angeles Police Department after the 
Rodney King beating.  And I see it now, as Secretary of State, dealing with 
war and ethnic tension around the world. 
 
I believe that we must try to prevent conflicts by uniting nations and 
nationalities in a common culture of tolerance.  I call on people of every 
country and culture to reject racism, anti-Semitism, and discrimination. 
 
The ADL is making an active contribution to that goal, through programs such 
as the World of Difference and its interfaith dialogues between Christians 
and Jews.  President Clinton and I admire your work.  And we share your 
resolve. 
 
In addition to our shared commitment to build tolerance and combat 
discrimination, I know we also share another goal:  A safe and secure Israel 
at peace with all its neighbors.  As Secretary of State, I have probably 
devoted more time to the pursuit of Middle East peace than to any other set 
of issues.  It remains one of my highest foreign policy priorities, and 
reflects President Clinton's personal determination to help resolve the 
Arab-Israeli conflict. 
 
For almost five decades, presidents of both parties have understood 
America's deep stake in the Middle East -- from Israel's well-being to the 
Gulf's oil resources to our relations with the people of the Islamic world.  
The Clinton Administration has consistently pursued a comprehensive strategy 
to strengthen peace and security in the region. 
 
--  First, we have led efforts to achieve real peace between Israel and its 
neighbors. 
 
--  Second, we have combatted extremist forces in the region that practice 
aggression and terror. 
 
--  Third, we have supported efforts to build a better future for the people 
of the Middle East by encouraging policies that expand economic opportunity, 
political participation, and human rights. 
 
In the last two years, the United States has helped the peoples of the 
region make historic progress.  Israel has reached and is implementing two 
agreements with its Arab neighbors: The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of 
Principles and the Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty.  On a broader level, 
Israel continues to expand its relations in North Africa and the Persian 
Gulf.  Its prime minister is now welcomed in international capitals from 
Moscow to Muscat, from Jakarta to Beijing.  The annual ritual of challenging 
Israel's credentials at the United Nations is finally a relic of the past. 
 
At last year's Middle East economic conference in Casablanca, Israeli and 
Arab businessmen exchanged cards and talked deals.  At this year's 
conference in Amman, we expect them to sign contracts. 
 
Enforcement of the Arab League's economic boycott is unravelling.  The Gulf 
states have terminated the boycott's secondary and tertiary aspects.  Let me 
stress, however, that the United States will not rest until the boycott is 
officially and formally declared dead. 
 
All this is good news -- for Israel, for the Arab states, and for the world.  
Much difficult work remains.  But I am convinced that today we are closer to 
resolving the Arab- Israeli conflict than ever before.  There is no turning 
back. 
 
To reach a comprehensive peace, American leadership will remain essential.  
Of course, only the parties themselves can make the tough decisions that 
peace demands.  But through our involvement, the United States has the 
unique ability to provide good offices, sustain a sense of urgency, and keep 
the negotiations on track-- especially when threatened by external shocks.  
My trip to the region last month once again underscored that fact. 
 
Negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians were energized.  Foreign 
Minister Peres and Chairman Arafat reached agreement on a roadmap for 
implementing the second phase of the Declaration of Principles.  The key is 
creating a dynamic process that meets the core concerns of both sides. 
 
For Israel, the bottom line is clear-- its people must be safe from violence 
and terror.  The Palestinian Authority must make every effort to preempt and 
fight terror from areas under its control.  It must capture those 
responsible, try them, and incarcerate them.  Weapons must be confiscated.  
Israelis know that 100 percent success may not be possible.  But 100 percent 
effort is essential.  That was the main message I delivered to Chairman 
Arafat in Gaza.  The Palestinian Authority is now doing a better job on 
security.  This effort must be further reinforced.  Gaza must not become a 
safe haven for terrorists. 
 
Israel, too, must continue to implement its obligations under the 
Declaration of Principles.  With security, Israel is committed to meeting 
Palestinian political and economic needs by moving rapidly to the 
Declaration's second phase -- including transfer of authority, redeployment, 
and elections. 
 
At the same time, we must work to strengthen the Palestinian constituency 
for peace.  Palestinians must see proof that peace has tangible benefits.  
The key lies in improving their desperate economic situation.  Everyone with 
an interest in peace must do their part. 
 
Palestinians must establish the conditions necessary to foster economic 
growth.  They must target and distribute foreign assistance in ways that 
will make concrete differences in the lives of their people. 
 
Israel has a great stake in the Palestinians' success.  That is why Israel, 
consistent with its security, must act creatively to boost Palestinian 
economic fortunes. 
 
Finally, the international community has an important role.  From the 
beginning, the United States has led the effort to mobilize support for the 
Palestinians.  Just this week, we convened another informal meeting of 
donors.  Our message is blunt:  Everyone must do more. 
 
We have led by example.  We are fulfilling our pledges and are constantly 
looking for ways to make our support more effective.  We recently refocused 
much of our assistance on visible infrastructure projects that will create 
jobs immediately. 
 
The rest of the donor community must show equal commitment.  The Arab and 
Islamic world has a special responsibility.  For decades, these states 
demanded a resolution of the Palestinian issue.  Now that a settlement is in 
sight, they have an obligation to provide the Palestinians with the 
resources they need to succeed. 
 
Like the Palestinians, Jordan also needs to see tangible benefits from 
peace.  No leader has taken bolder risks for peace than King Hussein.  He is 
building a warm peace with Israel that can be a model for the entire region.  
Jordan has fulfilled its commitments in both letter and spirit.  America 
must do the same.  We must follow through on our pledge to forgive all 
Jordan's official debt.  Congress should act as soon as possible -- not only 
to bolster the cause of peace, but to reaffirm the credibility of American 
leadership. 
 
I firmly believe that our foreign policy cannot be supported on the cheap.  
Our international affairs budget represents only 1.3 percent of total 
federal spending.  It has already absorbed substantial real cuts over the 
last several years.  Now some in Congress want to slash it further.  Last 
month, the House Budget Committee recommended that our budget absorb a 
disproportionate 11 percent of discretionary spending cuts over the next 
five years -- 11 percent from just 1.3 percent of the budget.  I am making 
the case every day that the budget the President submitted in February is 
the rock bottom minimum we need to advance our interests and sustain our 
commitments in the Middle East and around the world. 
 
Peace between Israel and Syria is the key to a comprehensive peace in the 
region.  It would remove a major strategic threat against Israel.  And it 
would unlock the process of normalization between Israel and the wider Arab 
world.  That includes peace between Israel and Lebanon -- a country whose 
independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity remain very important 
to the United States. 
 
During my recent trip, we succeeded in revitalizing negotiations between 
Israel and Syria.  Prime Minister Rabin reiterated publicly his readiness to 
make peace.  And President Asad reaffirmed his commitment to the process by 
agreeing to resume direct talks in Washington.  Under our auspices, and with 
my direct involvement, those talks began last week.  Tomorrow, Dennis Ross, 
our special Middle East coordinator, will go to the region to help lay a 
stronger basis for both sides to engage on the issue of security 
arrangements.  I am convinced that if headway can be made on security 
questions, it will have a positive effect on the rest of the negotiations.  
I stand ready to return to the region whenever it can be helpful. 
 
The issues involved, especially those bearing on security, are complex.  The 
gaps between the parties are real.  But in my judgment, with courage and 
bold leadership, they can be bridged. 
 
I have told both sides that 1995 is a critical year.  I have generally 
avoided characterizations like optimism and pessimism.  But I cannot avoid 
realism.  The electoral clocks are ticking.  The attention and energy 
required to achieve a breakthrough will not exist indefinitely.  That is why 
I have urged the parties to accelerate their talks.  The window of 
opportunity is open.  It is time to make bold decisions. 
 
America's role as a catalyst for peace must be coupled with a second, 
equally important role -- that is, as leader of the effort to oppose the 
enemies of peace, especially the rogue regimes in Iraq and Iran.  Only the 
United States can ensure that the forces of peace and moderation remain 
stronger than the forces of aggression and terror. 
 
Our policy toward Iraq is steadfast.  We insist that it comply fully with 
all relevant UN Security Council resolutions. 
 
We are convinced that the Iraqi government remains a menace to its own 
people and to its neighbors.  Let me offer just one example.  We now have 
strong evidence that Iraq was conducting a large program to develop 
biological weapons for offensive purposes.  Yet today, when confronted with 
that evidence, Iraqi officials continue to dissimulate and lie. 
 
Rather than fully complying with its obligations, Iraq has spent four years 
trying to avoid them.  Grudging cooperation in response to international 
firmness has been coupled with regular efforts at confrontation.  We and our 
coalition partners remain determined to rebuff any new Iraqi challenge -- 
just as we did last October when we stopped Saddam's troops dead in their 
tracks. 
 
We will not allow Saddam Hussein to blackmail the United States into 
concessions.  Let me reiterate that Iraq will gain nothing by its unjust 
detention of two U.S. citizens.  We insist they be released immediately.  We 
are working through diplomatic channels to secure their freedom-- reserving, 
of course, all options in addressing this issue.  We hold Saddam Hussein 
responsible for the safety of these two Americans. 
 
We must remain equally vigilant against the threats posed by Iran.  Iran 
today is in a category all its own.  No other regime employs terror more 
systematically as an instrument of national policy -- to destroy the peace 
process; to intimidate its neighbors; and to eliminate its political 
opponents. 
 
Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons also pose enormous dangers.  Every 
responsible member of the world community has an interest in seeing those 
efforts fail.  There is no room for complacency.  Remember Iraq.  Five years 
ago, too many were willing to give Saddam Hussein the benefit of the doubt. 
 
The world must not make the same mistake with Iran.  The right solution is 
to bring increased pressure to bear to change Iranian policies.  The United 
States has led efforts to deny Iran the military and economic resources that 
fuel its extremism.  This week, I am recommending that we toughen our 
sanctions even further. 
 
To succeed fully, we need the support of our allies and friends.  We have 
made some progress in gaining the cooperation of our European and Japanese 
partners.  But more must be done.  A higher price must be exacted for Iran's 
misbehavior.  No industrial democracy should be supplying Iran with 
concessionary credit that allows it to divert funds to sponsor terrorism and 
purchase weapons. 
 
Above all, no country should be working with Iran on nuclear matters.  On 
this score, we have made our opposition to Russia's cooperation with Teheran 
abundantly clear.  I am convinced that Russia will rue the day it provided 
Iran with nuclear expertise and technology.  No amount of money will be 
worth the price that Russia and the world will pay if that terrorist regime 
develops nuclear weapons.  Russia knows that no industrial democracy deals 
with Iran on nuclear issues because it is simply too dangerous.  Let me 
reiterate today that the way Russia conducts itself on this and other 
matters will affect the evolution of its participation in western 
institutions. 
 
With respect to our dual containment policy toward Iran and Iraq, I want to 
underscore two points.  First, while the United States opposes the policies 
of the Iraqi and Iranian regimes, we do not oppose the peoples of Iraq and 
Iran.  On the contrary, we understand that they are the principal victims of 
these ruthless, reckless, and corrupt governments. 
 
Just last week, the Iraqi regime rejected out of hand a proposal to allow it 
to sell limited quantities of oil to buy food and medicine for its citizens.  
The truth is that Saddam Hussein has no qualms about exploiting his peoples' 
suffering to get sanctions lifted and re-build his war machine. 
 
The second point I want to make is that, for the United States, Islam is not 
the enemy.  The enemies are governments and groups that attack U.S. 
interests using violence and terror.  Both President Clinton and, just a few 
days ago, Vice President Gore have stressed America's enormous respect for 
the religion and culture of Islam.  It is a faith of deep spiritual values 
and a civilization of vast accomplishment. 
 
What we do oppose are those who cynically corrupt Islam to justify extremism 
and aggression.  These forces are not interested in spriritual salvation.  
Their only quest is the acquisition of absolute power.  Islam for them is a 
tool -- manipulated to exploit the very real frustrations felt by many of 
the region's peoples, especially its young. 
 
But their solution of violence and intolerance is no solution at all.  It 
will breed only more pain and suffering.  We will oppose their radicalism 
and assist our friends to do likewise.  We must do so not simply through 
confrontation, but through policies that offer the people of the Middle East 
a more constructive alternative -- policies that advance peace and security; 
that encourage economic growth and opportunity; and that respect human 
dignity and offer individuals a voice in the decisions that affect their 
lives. 
 
Those are the values that America has stood for for more than two centuries.  
Those are the values that the ADL has struggled to realize every day through 
its eight decades.  And they are the same values that must continue to guide 
us -- in our nation, in pursuit of peace in the Middle East, and in all our 
efforts to build a more just and secure world. 
 
Thank you very much.

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