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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
95/04/04 ADDRESS: ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE CONFERENCE
OFFICE OF THE SPOKESMAN
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Office of the Spokesman
As Prepared for Delivery April 4, 1995
ADDRESS BY
SECRETARY OF STATE WARREN CHRISTOPHER
BEFORE THE
ANTI-DEFAMATION LEAGUE CONFERENCE
APRIL 4, 1995
The Mayflower Hotel
Washington, D.C.
Thank you for that warm introduction. I am delighted to join you at your
National Leadership Conference. And I am honored to speak before such a
distinguished group. May I extend a special thanks to your National
Director, Abe Foxman, and your Washington Representative, Jess Hordes (HOOR-
dess), for inviting me to be with you today.
I am always in awe when appearing before institutions that are older than I
am. At 82 and still going strong, the ADL is one of America's oldest,
largest, and most-respected civil rights organizations. Your commitment to
combat prejudice of all kinds reflects not only this nation's ideals but its
aspirations; not only the best within us, but our hopes for the world around
us. Your work affects people of every religion, for the struggle against
anti-Semitism is a struggle in support of humanity. From the classroom to
the courtroom, from Latin America to the Middle East, the ADL has been a
tower of tolerance and a tireless defender of democratic values.
Our world has witnessed remarkable change in just the past few years, change
that once seemed inconceivable. We see that change in the Middle East, in
the peace that Israel is forging with Jordan and with the Palestinians. And
we see the vital signs of pluralism in South Africa, in Northern Ireland,
and in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union.
But each of you is well aware of the challenges that remain. For every step
toward peace, toward inter-racial harmony, toward freedom, there is a
reaction -- a desperate assault on the part of those who would turn back the
clock.
You know only too well that bias and prejudice do not vanish -- they must be
vanquished. I saw that during my years at the Justice Department following
the Watts riots. I saw it again when I headed the independent commission
that recommended reforms in the Los Angeles Police Department after the
Rodney King beating. And I see it now, as Secretary of State, dealing with
war and ethnic tension around the world.
I believe that we must try to prevent conflicts by uniting nations and
nationalities in a common culture of tolerance. I call on people of every
country and culture to reject racism, anti-Semitism, and discrimination.
The ADL is making an active contribution to that goal, through programs such
as the World of Difference and its interfaith dialogues between Christians
and Jews. President Clinton and I admire your work. And we share your
resolve.
In addition to our shared commitment to build tolerance and combat
discrimination, I know we also share another goal: A safe and secure Israel
at peace with all its neighbors. As Secretary of State, I have probably
devoted more time to the pursuit of Middle East peace than to any other set
of issues. It remains one of my highest foreign policy priorities, and
reflects President Clinton's personal determination to help resolve the
Arab-Israeli conflict.
For almost five decades, presidents of both parties have understood
America's deep stake in the Middle East -- from Israel's well-being to the
Gulf's oil resources to our relations with the people of the Islamic world.
The Clinton Administration has consistently pursued a comprehensive strategy
to strengthen peace and security in the region.
-- First, we have led efforts to achieve real peace between Israel and its
neighbors.
-- Second, we have combatted extremist forces in the region that practice
aggression and terror.
-- Third, we have supported efforts to build a better future for the people
of the Middle East by encouraging policies that expand economic opportunity,
political participation, and human rights.
In the last two years, the United States has helped the peoples of the
region make historic progress. Israel has reached and is implementing two
agreements with its Arab neighbors: The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of
Principles and the Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty. On a broader level,
Israel continues to expand its relations in North Africa and the Persian
Gulf. Its prime minister is now welcomed in international capitals from
Moscow to Muscat, from Jakarta to Beijing. The annual ritual of challenging
Israel's credentials at the United Nations is finally a relic of the past.
At last year's Middle East economic conference in Casablanca, Israeli and
Arab businessmen exchanged cards and talked deals. At this year's
conference in Amman, we expect them to sign contracts.
Enforcement of the Arab League's economic boycott is unravelling. The Gulf
states have terminated the boycott's secondary and tertiary aspects. Let me
stress, however, that the United States will not rest until the boycott is
officially and formally declared dead.
All this is good news -- for Israel, for the Arab states, and for the world.
Much difficult work remains. But I am convinced that today we are closer to
resolving the Arab- Israeli conflict than ever before. There is no turning
back.
To reach a comprehensive peace, American leadership will remain essential.
Of course, only the parties themselves can make the tough decisions that
peace demands. But through our involvement, the United States has the
unique ability to provide good offices, sustain a sense of urgency, and keep
the negotiations on track-- especially when threatened by external shocks.
My trip to the region last month once again underscored that fact.
Negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians were energized. Foreign
Minister Peres and Chairman Arafat reached agreement on a roadmap for
implementing the second phase of the Declaration of Principles. The key is
creating a dynamic process that meets the core concerns of both sides.
For Israel, the bottom line is clear-- its people must be safe from violence
and terror. The Palestinian Authority must make every effort to preempt and
fight terror from areas under its control. It must capture those
responsible, try them, and incarcerate them. Weapons must be confiscated.
Israelis know that 100 percent success may not be possible. But 100 percent
effort is essential. That was the main message I delivered to Chairman
Arafat in Gaza. The Palestinian Authority is now doing a better job on
security. This effort must be further reinforced. Gaza must not become a
safe haven for terrorists.
Israel, too, must continue to implement its obligations under the
Declaration of Principles. With security, Israel is committed to meeting
Palestinian political and economic needs by moving rapidly to the
Declaration's second phase -- including transfer of authority, redeployment,
and elections.
At the same time, we must work to strengthen the Palestinian constituency
for peace. Palestinians must see proof that peace has tangible benefits.
The key lies in improving their desperate economic situation. Everyone with
an interest in peace must do their part.
Palestinians must establish the conditions necessary to foster economic
growth. They must target and distribute foreign assistance in ways that
will make concrete differences in the lives of their people.
Israel has a great stake in the Palestinians' success. That is why Israel,
consistent with its security, must act creatively to boost Palestinian
economic fortunes.
Finally, the international community has an important role. From the
beginning, the United States has led the effort to mobilize support for the
Palestinians. Just this week, we convened another informal meeting of
donors. Our message is blunt: Everyone must do more.
We have led by example. We are fulfilling our pledges and are constantly
looking for ways to make our support more effective. We recently refocused
much of our assistance on visible infrastructure projects that will create
jobs immediately.
The rest of the donor community must show equal commitment. The Arab and
Islamic world has a special responsibility. For decades, these states
demanded a resolution of the Palestinian issue. Now that a settlement is in
sight, they have an obligation to provide the Palestinians with the
resources they need to succeed.
Like the Palestinians, Jordan also needs to see tangible benefits from
peace. No leader has taken bolder risks for peace than King Hussein. He is
building a warm peace with Israel that can be a model for the entire region.
Jordan has fulfilled its commitments in both letter and spirit. America
must do the same. We must follow through on our pledge to forgive all
Jordan's official debt. Congress should act as soon as possible -- not only
to bolster the cause of peace, but to reaffirm the credibility of American
leadership.
I firmly believe that our foreign policy cannot be supported on the cheap.
Our international affairs budget represents only 1.3 percent of total
federal spending. It has already absorbed substantial real cuts over the
last several years. Now some in Congress want to slash it further. Last
month, the House Budget Committee recommended that our budget absorb a
disproportionate 11 percent of discretionary spending cuts over the next
five years -- 11 percent from just 1.3 percent of the budget. I am making
the case every day that the budget the President submitted in February is
the rock bottom minimum we need to advance our interests and sustain our
commitments in the Middle East and around the world.
Peace between Israel and Syria is the key to a comprehensive peace in the
region. It would remove a major strategic threat against Israel. And it
would unlock the process of normalization between Israel and the wider Arab
world. That includes peace between Israel and Lebanon -- a country whose
independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity remain very important
to the United States.
During my recent trip, we succeeded in revitalizing negotiations between
Israel and Syria. Prime Minister Rabin reiterated publicly his readiness to
make peace. And President Asad reaffirmed his commitment to the process by
agreeing to resume direct talks in Washington. Under our auspices, and with
my direct involvement, those talks began last week. Tomorrow, Dennis Ross,
our special Middle East coordinator, will go to the region to help lay a
stronger basis for both sides to engage on the issue of security
arrangements. I am convinced that if headway can be made on security
questions, it will have a positive effect on the rest of the negotiations.
I stand ready to return to the region whenever it can be helpful.
The issues involved, especially those bearing on security, are complex. The
gaps between the parties are real. But in my judgment, with courage and
bold leadership, they can be bridged.
I have told both sides that 1995 is a critical year. I have generally
avoided characterizations like optimism and pessimism. But I cannot avoid
realism. The electoral clocks are ticking. The attention and energy
required to achieve a breakthrough will not exist indefinitely. That is why
I have urged the parties to accelerate their talks. The window of
opportunity is open. It is time to make bold decisions.
America's role as a catalyst for peace must be coupled with a second,
equally important role -- that is, as leader of the effort to oppose the
enemies of peace, especially the rogue regimes in Iraq and Iran. Only the
United States can ensure that the forces of peace and moderation remain
stronger than the forces of aggression and terror.
Our policy toward Iraq is steadfast. We insist that it comply fully with
all relevant UN Security Council resolutions.
We are convinced that the Iraqi government remains a menace to its own
people and to its neighbors. Let me offer just one example. We now have
strong evidence that Iraq was conducting a large program to develop
biological weapons for offensive purposes. Yet today, when confronted with
that evidence, Iraqi officials continue to dissimulate and lie.
Rather than fully complying with its obligations, Iraq has spent four years
trying to avoid them. Grudging cooperation in response to international
firmness has been coupled with regular efforts at confrontation. We and our
coalition partners remain determined to rebuff any new Iraqi challenge --
just as we did last October when we stopped Saddam's troops dead in their
tracks.
We will not allow Saddam Hussein to blackmail the United States into
concessions. Let me reiterate that Iraq will gain nothing by its unjust
detention of two U.S. citizens. We insist they be released immediately. We
are working through diplomatic channels to secure their freedom-- reserving,
of course, all options in addressing this issue. We hold Saddam Hussein
responsible for the safety of these two Americans.
We must remain equally vigilant against the threats posed by Iran. Iran
today is in a category all its own. No other regime employs terror more
systematically as an instrument of national policy -- to destroy the peace
process; to intimidate its neighbors; and to eliminate its political
opponents.
Iran's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons also pose enormous dangers. Every
responsible member of the world community has an interest in seeing those
efforts fail. There is no room for complacency. Remember Iraq. Five years
ago, too many were willing to give Saddam Hussein the benefit of the doubt.
The world must not make the same mistake with Iran. The right solution is
to bring increased pressure to bear to change Iranian policies. The United
States has led efforts to deny Iran the military and economic resources that
fuel its extremism. This week, I am recommending that we toughen our
sanctions even further.
To succeed fully, we need the support of our allies and friends. We have
made some progress in gaining the cooperation of our European and Japanese
partners. But more must be done. A higher price must be exacted for Iran's
misbehavior. No industrial democracy should be supplying Iran with
concessionary credit that allows it to divert funds to sponsor terrorism and
purchase weapons.
Above all, no country should be working with Iran on nuclear matters. On
this score, we have made our opposition to Russia's cooperation with Teheran
abundantly clear. I am convinced that Russia will rue the day it provided
Iran with nuclear expertise and technology. No amount of money will be
worth the price that Russia and the world will pay if that terrorist regime
develops nuclear weapons. Russia knows that no industrial democracy deals
with Iran on nuclear issues because it is simply too dangerous. Let me
reiterate today that the way Russia conducts itself on this and other
matters will affect the evolution of its participation in western
institutions.
With respect to our dual containment policy toward Iran and Iraq, I want to
underscore two points. First, while the United States opposes the policies
of the Iraqi and Iranian regimes, we do not oppose the peoples of Iraq and
Iran. On the contrary, we understand that they are the principal victims of
these ruthless, reckless, and corrupt governments.
Just last week, the Iraqi regime rejected out of hand a proposal to allow it
to sell limited quantities of oil to buy food and medicine for its citizens.
The truth is that Saddam Hussein has no qualms about exploiting his peoples'
suffering to get sanctions lifted and re-build his war machine.
The second point I want to make is that, for the United States, Islam is not
the enemy. The enemies are governments and groups that attack U.S.
interests using violence and terror. Both President Clinton and, just a few
days ago, Vice President Gore have stressed America's enormous respect for
the religion and culture of Islam. It is a faith of deep spiritual values
and a civilization of vast accomplishment.
What we do oppose are those who cynically corrupt Islam to justify extremism
and aggression. These forces are not interested in spriritual salvation.
Their only quest is the acquisition of absolute power. Islam for them is a
tool -- manipulated to exploit the very real frustrations felt by many of
the region's peoples, especially its young.
But their solution of violence and intolerance is no solution at all. It
will breed only more pain and suffering. We will oppose their radicalism
and assist our friends to do likewise. We must do so not simply through
confrontation, but through policies that offer the people of the Middle East
a more constructive alternative -- policies that advance peace and security;
that encourage economic growth and opportunity; and that respect human
dignity and offer individuals a voice in the decisions that affect their
lives.
Those are the values that America has stood for for more than two centuries.
Those are the values that the ADL has struggled to realize every day through
its eight decades. And they are the same values that must continue to guide
us -- in our nation, in pursuit of peace in the Middle East, and in all our
efforts to build a more just and secure world.
Thank you very much.
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