94/12/01 Intervention at the Meeting of the North Atlanic Council, NATO Headquarters (Brussels, Blegium)  Return to: Index of 1994 Secretary of State's Speeches/Testimonies || Electronic Research Collections Index || ERC Homepage

Note: This Electronic Research Collection is an archive site. For the most current information, please visit the State Department homepage.

Office of the Spokesman

(Brussels, Belgium)

DECEMBER 1, 1994


                         INTERVENTION BY 


                       AT THE MEETING OF THE

                      NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL

                        NATO HEADQUARTERS

                        BRUSSELS, BELGIUM

                        December 1, 1994

Mr. Secretary General, distinguished colleagues, and friends:  I am 

pleased to join you at this very important meeting of the North Atlantic 

Council.  Allow me also to salute once again our new Secretary General.  

He assumes his responsibilities at a defining moment in the history of 

NATO and of Europe.

These are times of great change in Europe.  But  America's interests in 

Europe have not changed.  Neither have the basic principles guiding our 

engagement -- principles that have long commanded bipartisan support.

The first principle is that NATO is and will remain the anchor of 

America's engagement in Europe and the core of transatlantic security.  

The United States has enduring political, military, economic and 

cultural links to Europe that must and will be preserved.

A second core principle of American engagement remains our support for 

European integration and our partnership with the European Union.  The 

United States has supported European integration from its inception.  

The EU remains a vital partner in trade, diplomacy, and increasingly in 

security, where we cooperate to combat proliferation and terrorism.

A capable European defense identity and effective cooperation between 

NATO and the Western European Union are critical elements of this 

relationship.  Fortifying the European pillar of the Alliance 

contributes to European stability and to transatlantic burden-sharing.  

And it improves our collective capacity to act.  I welcome the November 

14 call by WEU ministers to accelerate work on the Combined Joint Task 

Force concept.  CJTF offers a practical vehicle for making NATO assets 

and capabilities available to the WEU under certain circumstances.

A moment ago, I noted that America's interests in Europe have not 

changed.  What has changed in the last few years is that the sphere of 

political and economic freedom in Europe is wider than ever before.  

This leads me to the third core principle of our engagement:  Breaking 

down the barriers that divide West from East will serve our collective 

interest in wider European stability.  Our alliance of democracies can 

help consolidate democracy across an undivided Europe at peace.  We can 

help design a comprehensive and inclusive architecture that enhances 

security and freedom for all.

Our strategy of integration offers tangible rewards.  It will help 

promote stability in Europe's eastern half, the region where two world 

wars and the Cold War began.  It will strengthen the hand of forces 

committed to political, military, and economic reform.  And it will help 

assure that no part of Europe will revert to a zone of great power 

competition or a sphere of influence and that no nation is left hanging 

in isolation.

The challenge we face today is not unlike the one we faced, and met, in 

Western Europe 50 years ago.  After World War II, President Truman and 

Secretaries of State Marshall and Acheson understood that security and 

economic cooperation were essential to the defense of democracy.  Within 

five years of D-Day, America and its Allies had launched the Marshall 

Plan, established NATO and the GATT, and laid the foundations for what 

became the EU and the OECD.  These institutions helped us produce 

unparalleled peace and prosperity for half a century -- but only for 

half a continent.

Now five years have passed since the Berlin Wall fell.  We must build a 

security community of all democratic nations in the Euro-Atlantic region 

-- one that endures where the Congress of Vienna, the Concert of Europe, 

and Versailles ultimately failed, and one that builds on the strength of 

our post-war success in Western Europe.

Developing the new European security architecture begins with 

reinforcing its foundation -- the Alliance that has preserved our 

liberty and prosperity for half a century.  NATO has always been far 

more than a transitory response to a temporary threat.  It has been a 

guarantor of European democracy and a force for European stability.  The 

core values it champions -- democracy, liberty, and the rule of law -- 

are now ascendant around the world.  For all these reasons, NATO's 

benefits are clear to Europe's new democracies.

Since the NATO Summit last January, we have taken remarkable strides to 

renew and invigorate the Alliance.  We have achieved our historic goal 

of deepening ties with the new democracies to the east.  In less than a 

year, the Partnership for Peace has evolved from a bare idea to a bold 


The United States considers the Partnership an integral and lasting part 

of the new European security architecture.  That is why President 

Clinton indicated in July that he will ask Congress to designate $100 

million in the coming fiscal year to advance the Partnership's goals.  I 

am pleased to say that Congress has already authorized an additional $30 

million to strengthen the Partnership's joint exercise program over the 

next year.  I hope that other NATO members will soon announce comparable 

contributions and that we can coordinate our efforts to maximize the 

impact.  But of course, it will fall mainly to Partners to ensure that 

the Partnership realizes its full potential.

The United States is seeking agreement on additional measures for next 

year.  First, we urge putting exercise programs for 1995 and beyond on a 

5-year planning cycle, and building toward progressively more complex 

and diverse training scenarios.  Second, NATO must ensure sufficient 

funding for the Alliance's Partnership-related costs.  Finally, we 

should strive to have a Partnership defense planning process established 

and operational by early 1995.

The Partnership is a critical tool in its own right.  It is also the 

best path to membership for countries wishing to join the Alliance.  As 

both President Clinton and Vice President Gore have emphasized, NATO 

must be open to expansion.  An exclusionary policy would risk 

maintaining old lines of division across Europe -- or creating arbitrary 

new ones.  The United States believes that Europe's institutional 

arrangements should be determined by the objective demands of the 

present, not by the tragedies of Europe's past.

The United States believes it is time to begin the process -- to begin 

deliberate consideration of the practical requirements for adding new 

members to the Alliance.  It is imperative that we agree as an Alliance 

on our aims and our purpose in this historic evolution.  The Washington 

Treaty is not a paper guarantee.  New members will assume solemn 

obligations and responsibilities, just as we will extend our solemn 

commitments to them.  This will require careful consideration and 


We are deciding today that the Alliance begin its internal deliberations 

on expansion. A process has begun.  It is also essential that we begin 

to present our views to interested Partners during 1995.  I expect the 

next several months to be particularly intense, as we formulate a joint 

Allied presentation.  We have already provided your governments with our 

initial thinking, and we would propose building on that to develop 

Allied consensus.  I am personally committed to moving forward on this 


Our presentation to the Partners should explain the practical 

implications and obligations of NATO membership.  Let us be clear:  

These initial exchanges are not intended to be the beginning of 

accession negotiations.  Neither will they indicate that any Partner is 

necessarily a candidate for admission.  But they will reflect our 

determination that the process for expansion be open and inclusive from 

the start.

The process of expansion should be steady, deliberate, and transparent.  

Each nation should be considered individually.  No country outside of 

NATO will have a veto over any other.  In our view, there are, however, 

certain fundamental requirements for membership that are reflected in 

the Washington Treaty.  New members must be market democracies committed 

to responsible security policies and able to make a contribution to the 


As I noted earlier this morning, we cannot pursue NATO expansion in 

isolation.  The new security architecture for Europe's future must be 

supported by other strong pillars.  No single institution has the 

mandate or the capability to meet every challenge in Europe.

The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe -- the CSCE -- has 

proven experience and untapped potential as an organization that can 

help ease tensions and prevent future conflicts.  With its comprehensive 

membership and unique experience in preventive diplomacy, human rights 

protection, and dispute resolution, the CSCE can complement NATO's 

essential role.  To make it more effective, however, we need to refine 

its mission.

At the CSCE Summit in Budapest next week, the United States will work 

with our allies and partners to enhance the CSCE's capabilities.  

President Clinton will urge his colleagues to approve his proposal to 

strengthen the role and structure of the organization.  We hope to 

clarify the CSCE's role in the European security architecture and 

improve its ability to prevent future Yugoslavias.

Our economic and security institutions are gradually breaking down the 

outdated frontiers of the Cold War.  The security and prosperity of all 

of Europe is inextricably linked to the stable development of Europe's 

emerging democracies in the East.

Our goal is the successful transformation of post-communist Europe into 

a community of sovereign, democratic states.  A key component is the 

development of a democratic, market-oriented Russia.  No less vital is 

the emergence of a stable, democratic, non-nuclear Ukraine and the 

realization of the promise of greater security embodied in the START-1 

and START-2 agreements.  In Budapest we will take a significant step 

forward when President Clinton joins President Yeltsin and Prime 

Minister Major in receiving Ukraine's accession to the Non-Proliferation 

Treaty and signs security assurances for Ukraine, Belarus, and 

Kazsakhstan.  This action will pave the way for START-1 to enter into 


We welcome democratic Russia in assuming a full role in the common 

effort of building new structures.  We welcome the agreement we will 

sign tonight on the NATO-Russia Individual Partnership Program.  It 

sends an unmistakable possible signal of our Alliance's desire to 

include Russia in a cooperative approach to security in Europe.

At the same time, we will continue to pursue avenues for cooperation 

between NATO and Russia outside the Partnership for Peace.  The United 

States welcomed the first meeting between an Alliance working group and 

Russia on the question of nuclear weapons dismantlement.  We also 

support intensifying Russia's cooperation with the G-7.  And we are 

sponsoring Russia's membership in the GATT and its successor, the World 

Trade Organization.

Integration will enhance Russia's security in a wider Europe and expand 

Russia's access to markets and capital.  But it also carries obligations 

that all Western nations share.  GATT membership will make Russia's 

trade practices consistent with world standards.  Expanded ties with 

NATO and the EU, along with strengthened CSCE principles, will 

strengthen Russian democracy and promote respect for the sovereignty of 

its neighbors.

Our support for Russian policies that adhere to these core principles 

will serve our vital interests and Europe's -- especially the nations 

that so recently broke free from communist rule.  By the same token, 

expanding Western institutions to Central Europe will benefit Russia.

In taking the steps I have outlined today, we will advance our shared 

interest in building a democratic, prosperous, integrated Europe at 

peace.  These steps reflect the core principles of our engagement in 

Europe -- our unwavering commitment to NATO, our continued support for 

European integration, and our determination to enhance security and 

stability in the East.  The United States understands that our 

leadership remains indispensable if we are to achieve these goals.  And 

we are determined to provide it.
To the top of this page