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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
OFFICE OF THE SPOKESMAN
SEOUL, REPUBLIC OF KOREA
REMARKS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY
NOVEMBER 9, 1994
REMARKS
BY
U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE WARREN CHRISTOPHER
TO THE
KOREA AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP SOCIETY
GRAND HYATT HOTEL
SEOUL, REPUBLIC OF KOREA
November 9, 1994
Good afternoon. Thank you for your kind introduction. It gives me
great pleasure to be the first Secretary of State to address the Korea-
America Friendship Society. You have deepened our appreciation of the
heritage of Korean-Americans, who have made such remarkable
contributions to our nation. Let me also commend your efforts to
improve tolerance and understanding between people of different
backgrounds.
Earlier today, I met with President Kim, Foreign Minister Han and
their colleagues. In these meetings, I commended the President on his
announcement that the Republic of Korea is willing to take step-by-step
measures to encourage economic cooperation with the North. We hope that
North Korea will respond positively.
I am here this afternoon to reaffirm the enduring commitment of the
United States to the security of the Republic of Korea and to peace and
stability on the Korean peninsula. As President Clinton said when he
was in Seoul, "geography has placed our nations far apart, but history
has drawn us close together." Our friendship was sealed when our troops
fought and died together to defend this soil against aggression. It
broadened as we took full advantage of the peace that followed to build
commercial ties. It matured as the "second miracle on the Han"--Korea's
democratic miracle--strengthened our common bonds.
Now our friendship and alliance have been proven once again in the
crucible of a common challenge. By working together, we produced an
agreement on the nuclear situation in North Korea that will assure a
more secure Republic of Korea and a more secure Asia.
The development of our alliance reflects America's engagement in
the Asia-Pacific region. America is and will remain a Pacific power.
We will stand by our security commitments, maintain our forward military
presence, and sustain our non-proliferation efforts. We will promote
integration and growth through the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
forum, and through relations with the region's key economic powers. And
we will continue to support political freedom and human rights-- the
ultimate guarantors of security and prosperity.
We are working to achieve a Pacific future where our allies and
partners are free from the fear of war; where nations are made more
prosperous by the free exchange of goods and ideas; and where citizens
can participate in the decisions that affect their lives. These
elements of our comprehensive Asia-Pacific strategy-- security,
prosperity, and democracy-- are mutually reinforcing.
That strategy has produced significant results in recent months:
-- A nuclear agreement that can lead to a more secure Korean
peninsula;
-- The launching of an historic regional security dialogue in the
Asia-Pacific;
-- Agreements with Japan to open key domestic markets to foreign
competition;
-- Improved ties with Vietnam resulting from fuller accounting for
POW/MIA's;
-- A reinvigorated relationship with China, with movement on both
arms control and human rights.
These achievements advance not just America's interests, but those
of our Asian allies and friends.
But as President Clinton told your National Assembly last year, "we
must always remember that security comes first." Over the past decade
the United States has been working with you to halt North Korea's
efforts to develop nuclear weapons. Almost two years ago, North Korea's
announcement of its intentions to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty threatened to plunge the region into crisis, if not
war.
Now, our determined diplomacy--made possible by America's
unshakeable partnership with the Republic of Korea--has put the nuclear
issue on the road to resolution. The Agreed Framework will achieve the
central strategic objectives shared by our countries. It pulls us back
from the brink of a crisis that could have spiralled into armed
conflict. It lifts the specter of a nuclear arms race from Northeast
Asia. And it bolsters a nonproliferation regime essential to global
stability.
We achieved the Agreed Framework by maintaining clear and
consistent objectives and priorities, and by making it plain to the
North Koreans that our negotiating positions reflected the unified views
of the United States and the Republic of Korea. Korea was an active
partner every step of the way. Without our partnership, the
negotiations could not have succeeded and there would have been no
agreement.
Let me outline what the Framework requires, and why it is good for
the Republic of Korea, the United States, Asia and the world.
First, the agreement immediately freezes the North Korean nuclear
program. The North has agreed not to restart its 5 megawatt reactor.
It will seal its reprocessing facility and not operate it again. It
will not reprocess the spent fuel from the 5 megawatt reactor and will
ship that fuel out of the country. In short, North Korea's current
capacity to separate or produce plutonium -- the raw material for
nuclear weapons and the most toxic substance on earth -- will come to an
end. And all of these steps will take place with the oversight of
International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors on the ground, and with
the careful scrutiny of the international community.
Second, the North has agreed to freeze construction of its 50 and
200 megawatt reactors and of its reprocessing plant. Ultimately, they
will be dismantled, along with related facilities in North Korea.
Absent this agreement, the two large reactors, once completed, would
have been capable of producing enough plutonium for not just one or two
bombs, but dozens of bombs each year. Within a decade, the Republic of
Korea, the United States, this region and the world could have faced the
greatest threat to international security since the Cuban Missile
crisis.
Third, under the agreement, North Korea must fully disclose its
past nuclear activities. The IAEA is to have access to the information
it needs. North Korea is obligated to cooperate with the measures the
IAEA deems necessary-- including special inspections-- to resolve
questions about past activities. Implementation will take place over a
period of time. But the safeguards agreement must be fully implemented
before any significant nuclear components of the first light-water
reactor are delivered to North Korea.
Finally, North Korea will remain a party to the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty, and must also fulfill additional obligations that
go well beyond it. These include an end to plutonium separation, the
shipment of spent fuel containing plutonium out of the country, and the
dismantlement of the entire gas graphite reactor system.
The signing of the agreement brings a new challenge for the United
States and the Republic of Korea. This is an important moment. We are
moving to a second and critical phase in resolving the North Korea
nuclear issue. We are moving from negotiation to implementation, from
words to deeds. In the coming weeks, we will be taking five concrete
steps:
-- First, together with the Republic of Korea and Japan, we will
establish the Korean Energy Development Organization This multilateral
consortium will provide South Korea-type light-water reactors and
alternative energy to the North. South Korean companies will play a
central role in the provision of the reactors, just as the Republic of
Korea will play a central role in the management of KEDO. The United
States, the ROK and Japan will meet this month to prepare for a
multilateral KEDO conference we plan to hold before the New Year.
-- Second, American representatives will meet with North Korea
this weekend in Pyongyang to discuss safe storage of the spent fuel
under IAEA scrutiny until it is shipped out of the country at a later
time.
-- Third, later this month in Beijing, the United States and North
Korea will begin to discuss the light water reactor project.
-- Fourth, the IAEA will soon meet with the North to agree how to
monitor the freeze of the North's nuclear program.
-- Finally, in early December, we will meet with the North Koreans
in Washington to discuss establishing liaison offices in our capitals.
President Kim has also made it clear that the Republic of Korea is
determined to move forward. As the President indicated, the agreement
has provided a basis for lifting your country's ban on business contacts
with North Korea. As the Framework is implemented, these links can
demonstrate to the North the concrete benefit of ending its isolation
and can mark the beginning of a better future for all Koreans.
The United States and the Republic of Korea are determined that
North Korea's commitments be implemented fully and faithfully. This
agreement, like any good agreement, rests on compliance and verification
-- not on trust.
The path to full implementation has defined checkpoints. If at any
checkpoint, North Korea fails to fulfill its obligations, it will lose
the benefits of compliance that it so clearly desires. If it reneges,
it will remain isolated. And throughout the process, we will always
take the steps necessary to assure the security of the Republic of Korea
and the region.
In implementing every phase of the Agreed Framework, we will
continue to work with the Republic of Korea. Our collective effort will
open the door to a new and productive dialogue between the Koreas. We
share the conviction that the agreement cannot be fully implemented
unless that dialogue moves forward.
Let there be no doubt that we share serious concerns about other
aspects of North Korea's behavior-- including the forward deployment of
its conventional forces, missile proliferation, past support for
terrorism, and disregard for human rights. These concerns must be
resolved if North Korea is to be brought fully into the community of
civilized nations.
We recognize that at times, our resolve will be tested. But I am
convinced our common efforts will raise the possibility that the last
bitter legacy of the Cold War, the division of the Korean peninsula, can
finally be overcome.
As we go down this untravelled road together, I want to make a
pledge to you on behalf of President Clinton and the American people:
The United States will stand by you. We will remain unshakeably
committed to your defense.
We know that North Korea continues to present both a nuclear and a
conventional threat. Accordingly, American soldiers, at the existing
force level of 37,000 troops, will continue to stand watch with the ROK
armed forces over the most fortified frontier in the world. As
President Clinton has pledged, "our troops will stay here as long as the
Korean people want and need us here."
The bedrock of our security commitment to the region will remain
our forward military presence, supported by our treaty alliances with
the ROK, Japan, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand. We now have
nearly the same number of troops in Asia as in Europe. We will maintain
our force levels and their military readiness in Korea and elsewhere in
this vital region.
In Asia, just as in Europe and the Middle East, the future is being
shaped by a central geostrategic fact: no great power now views another
as an immediate military threat. The end of the Cold War means that we
and our allies can now work with China and Russia to resolve common
security concerns in the Pacific. That is why we are encouraging new
regional security dialogues among past and potential adversaries.
In this respect, we welcome the inauguration of the ASEAN Regional
Forum last July, and we applaud the important role that the Republic of
Korea has played in its creation. The inclusion of China, Russia, and
Vietnam in the forum reflects the enormous changes and opportunities
transforming the Asia-Pacific region. The Northeast Asian security
dialogue also provides a valuable forum for advancing our common
interest in regional stability.
We seek to turn enmity to understanding, and suspicion to
cooperation. For example, we are encouraging Chinese leaders to allay
the concerns of their neighbors by being more open about their defense
planning. We have also been working with China to advance important
nonproliferation goals. Last month, we agreed to work for a global ban
on producing fissile materials for nuclear weapons. And Beijing pledged
not to export missiles that fall under the Missile Technology Control
Regime.
The United States' commitment to security and stability in the
Asia-Pacific region safeguards our nation's enduring stake in the
region's remarkable prosperity. Expanding trade and investment with the
world's fastest growing region is vital to our economic security.
Asia's markets now support 2.5 million American jobs. Through APEC,
GATT, and our bilateral dialogues, the United States is working to widen
our opportunities to participate in Asia's economic boom.
Last year in Seattle, President Clinton convened the historic first
meeting of the leaders from the APEC members. Later this week I will be
in Jakarta for this year's APEC Ministerial Meeting, and the President
will soon arrive for the Leaders Meeting. With the help of the Republic
of Korea and other APEC members, we hope to fuel the momentum for
liberalization and cooperation generated last year. We fully support
the ambitious agenda of President Soeharto, this year's APEC chairman,
to establish the goal of free and open trade in the region by a set
date.
Ratifying the GATT Uruguay Round agreement is another critical step
in opening markets and spurring growth. As you know, the President is
committed to GATT ratification and open trade. I trust that all our
Pacific partners -- including Korea -- will show similar resolve in
ratifying the Round now.
The United States and the Republic of Korea share a growing stake
in the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific region, and in an open
world trading system. The Korean people have made their economy the
13th largest in the world. We are your largest export market; you are
our seventh largest.
The Dialogue for Economic Cooperation (DEC) initiated in July 1993
by President Kim and President Clinton is an example if the new maturity
of our bilateral and economic relationship. Now we must build on the
progress we made through the DEC to overcome the barriers that remain to
imports in important sectors like agriculture and autos.
Under President Kim, Korea is integrating its economy into the
world trading system. It is driving an ambitious regional trade
liberalization effort through its leadership of APEC's Trade and
Investment committee. And in its bid to become a member of the OECD--a
bid backed by the United States--it is signaling its willingness to
assume the leadership responsibilities of a developed nation. Once a
recipient of foreign aid, the Republic of Korea is now an aid donor.
As a successful democratic nation, Korea has many lessons to share.
Korea has demonstrated that a developing market economy flourishes
alongside robust political competition and free trade unions. And it
has shown that sustained economic development is more likely where
government is accountable to the people, where the rule of law protects
property and contracts, and where people have access to uncensored
media.
No one needs to tell the Korean people that democracy is not a
Western export. Indeed, you have reminded us that the yearning for
freedom is based on a fundamental respect for human dignity that is
common to all cultures. As President Kim has said: "Respect for human
dignity, plural democracy and free market economics have firmly taken
root as universal values." And let me add that our alliance is stronger
than ever because that conviction has prevailed in this country.
Presidents Clinton and Kim have strengthened the ties between our
two nations. Each is committed to reform and economic renewal. Each is
committed to our solemn alliance. I know that President Clinton
especially admires President Kim's personal courage and dedication to
democracy.
The common aspirations of our peoples have brought us to this
hopeful point. The future holds even greater promise. A Korean
peninsula finally liberated from the ever-present fear of conflict. An
open door to the resolution of Korea's greatest tragedy, the division of
its people. And our two nations working together in partnership for a
more secure, prosperous, and democratic Asia.
On the eve of the next century, the United States and the Republic
of Korea face this future in a spirit of confidence and cooperation.
Let me conclude by commenting briefly on yesterday's mid-term
congressional elections in the United States. It is an almost unbroken
tradition that the party that holds the Presidency -- currently the
Democrats -- loses seats in the Congress in the mid-term elections.
History tells us that the President's party will suffer losses at mid-
term. Tonight in America, that is certainly the case.
But it is also a tradition that whatever the outcome of the mid-
term elections, there is a strong continuity in American foreign policy.
I want to assure this international audience that we intend to go
forward in the spirit of bipartisanship and continuity. We will remain
strong and steadfast in our commitments around the world.
Our policy toward Asia and particularly toward Korea has strong
bipartisan support. I am confident that there will be continuity in our
unshakeable commitment to the security of the Republic of Korea, and to
the maintenance of our troop levels here.
I am also confident that the Agreed Framework, which puts the North
Korea Nuclear issue on the road to resolution, will command strong
bipartisan support. That agreement, and the North-South dialogue, are
in the best interest of the United States, the Republic of Korea, and
all the nations in the region, and as such, they merit unswerving
support.
Our partners in the global economy should know that there will also
be continuity in our Administration's approach to international economic
policy and our commitment to open trade.
As Secretary of State, I have devoted considerable time to close
consultation with our Congress, both with Democrats and Republicans.
The major elements of our foreign policy have had bipartisan support,
and I look forward to working with the new Congress to forge a
bipartisan foreign policy.
Thank you very much.
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