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OCTOBER 24, 1994

As Prepared for Delivery

                        ADDRESS BY
                     WASHINGTON, DC

                    OCTOBER 24, 1994


Father O'Donovan, ladies and gentlemen:  Thank you, Dean Krogh, 
for that introduction.  It is a great pleasure to be here.

Few institutions have done more to train and test the future 
leaders of our foreign policy than Georgetown.  There is, of 
course, President Clinton.  Only in America could one go on 
from the high office of undergraduate Chairman of the 
Georgetown Food Service Investigation Committee to become 
Commander-in-Chief.  Georgetown also provided a home for 
Professor Madeleine Albright, our superb Ambassador to the UN.  
It has sharpened the minds of countless other past, present and 
future ambassadors and other diplomats.

Much has changed in the world since the cruel divisions of the 
Cold War disappeared.  Containment of the Soviet Union need no 
longer be the focal point of American foreign policy.  The 
United States has a new opportunity to build a more secure and 
integrated world of open societies and open markets.

But some things do not change.  Four decades ago, in his final 
State of the Union address, President Truman captured the 
abiding nature of our national purpose:  "Circumstances 
change," he said, "and current questions take on different 
forms, new complications, year by year.  But underneath, the 
great issues remain the same -- prosperity, welfare, human 
rights, effective democracy, and above all, peace."

The extraordinary events of the last few weeks remind us once 
again that our nation's enduring interests do not shift with 
the times.  And neither does our obligation to pursue those 
interests through persistent and steady diplomacy, backed by a 
willingness to use force when necessary.  That kind of 
diplomacy does not seek immediate results at the expense of 
long-term goals.  As we have seen so far in this remarkable 
autumn, the pay-off comes over time.

In Haiti, President Aristide's triumphant return capped a 
three-year commitment to restore democratic government.  When 
every avenue for a peaceful resolution was exhausted, we 
mobilized military action.  Our willingness to back our 
commitments with force allowed us to meet our initial goals 
with maximum speed and minimum bloodshed.  The coup leaders are 
gone.  The legitimate government is back in place.  Refugees 
are returning.  We have sent a powerful message to would-be 
coup plotters:  Democracy, the key to stability in the 
Americas, cannot be overturned with impunity and cannot be 
stolen from the people.  In Haiti, as elsewhere, we must not be 
complacent.  But we have made great strides.

Our determined diplomacy on the North Korean nuclear issue has 
yielded an agreed framework that advances long-standing 
American objectives.  As implemented, it will lift the specter 
of a nuclear arms race from  Northeast Asia.  Over 16 months of 
negotiations, we consulted closely with South Korea, Japan, and 
the International Atomic Energy Agency.  We worked with China, 
Russia, and other Security Council members and made real the 
threat of economic sanctions.  The result:  A broadly 
supported, verifiable agreement that preserves peace and 
stability in a region vital to our interests.

The recent achievements in Haiti and on the North Korean 
nuclear issue were the direct result of sustained American 
leadership, coalition building, and diplomacy backed by force.  
That same consistent purpose and engagement have been the 
hallmark of this Administration's policy toward the Middle 
East.  Today, I would like to focus on the dramatic changes 
that are occurring in this vital region.  The Arab-Israeli 
conflict is coming to an end, with American leadership playing 
a critical role.

The morning after his election, almost two years ago, President 
Clinton reaffirmed America's enduring interest in the Middle 
East.  He vowed to make the pursuit of Arab-Israeli peace one 
of his top priorities.  And he put in place a comprehensive 
strategy to accelerate progress.

Diplomatically, the United States has helped to energize and 
sustain negotiations launched in Madrid and based upon UN 
Security Council  Resolutions 242 and 338.  Economically, we 
have marshalled international support for the Israeli-PLO 
Declaration of Principles, established the U.S.-Israel-Jordan 
Economic Commission, and pressed for an end to the Arab 
boycott.  Strategically, we have strengthened our security ties 
with Israel and our key Arab friends, and formed a bulwark 
against aggression by the region's rogue regimes, especially 
Iraq and Iran.

Today, this strategy is producing historic results.  In twenty-
four hours, the President will embark on a trip that will 
reinforce every element of his approach.  First, to advance the 
peace process, he will witness Jordan become only the second 
Arab state to sign a full peace treaty with Israel.  In 
Damascus, he will seek to build on this momentum by pressing 
for progress in negotiations between Israel and Syria.  Second, 
in his meetings in Israel, Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, the 
President will preview next week's economic conference in 
Casablanca.  There, 900 chief executive officers and senior 
executives from Israel, the Arab states, and around the world 
will explore the opportunities being created by the 
transformation of the Middle East and North Africa.  Finally, 
in Kuwait, the President will visit with American soldiers -- 
part of the force he deployed two weeks ago to turn back Saddam 
Hussein's threat to his neighbors.

Throughout his trip, the President will deliver an unmistakable 
message:  The United States will do everything in its power to 
advance the opportunity that exists to build a new future for 
the Middle East.  We cannot allow the terrorists of Hamas and 
Hezbollah, or the rogue regimes of Iraq and Iran, to kill the 
prospects for peace.  Standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Israel 
and our Arab partners, the United States will stay the course 
to ensure that the forces of the future triumph over the forces 
of the past.

This is also the message that Jordan and Israel will send at 
their signing ceremony on Wednesday.  King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin are committed to building a "warm" peace.  These 
two courageous leaders are determined that their border will 
become a gateway rather than a barrier.  Already, there are ads 
in Israeli papers for tours of Jordan's great historical sites 
in Petra and Jerash.  Through the work of the U.S.-Jordan-
Israel Trilateral Commission, plans are underway to develop 
joint economic projects, to share water resources, and to 
develop the Jordan Rift Valley.  These projects will build 
bonds of human contact and common interest.  They will cement 
an enduring peace.

Over the last year, the Middle East has begun a broad 
transformation that I believe is fundamental.  The changes have 
been so rapid and constant that, today, we take for granted 
developments that two years ago seemed impossible.

The Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles is giving more than 
eight hundred thousand Palestinians in Gaza and Jericho control 
over their lives.  An agreement has been reached on early 
empowerment for the West Bank, and negotiations have begun for 
Palestinian elections.  Of course, great difficulties remain.  
But Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres, and Yasser Arafat are 
determined to make peace a reality.

Economic development is essential to the Palestinians' success.  
Palestinians need proof that peace will improve their lives.  
That is why the United States has mobilized the donor community 
to support Palestinian self-government.  That is why we have 
worked so closely with Chairman Arafat to allow aid projects to 
begin.  But more must be done to facilitate the flow of 
assistance and maximize its effect.

If the Palestinians' greatest need is economic development, the 
greatest threat they confront is Hamas terror.  As surely as 
last week's bus massacre was targeted at Israelis, it was also 
aimed at destroying Palestinian aspirations.  If peace brings 
nothing but more terror, the process of reconciliation cannot 
be sustained.  Palestinians, more than anyone, will suffer.  It 
is imperative that Chairman Arafat fulfill his responsibility 
to root out terror in the areas he controls.  The same courage 
he demonstrated in making peace must now be shown in fighting 
the enemies of peace.

The Israeli-Syrian negotiating track has also undergone 
important changes in the last year.  For the first time, these 
once bitter enemies are engaged in serious negotiations to end 
their conflict.  I have spent dozens of hours in intensive 
discussions with President Asad and Prime Minister Rabin.  Both 
men are deeply engaged in addressing the central issues of a 
settlement.  We have succeeded in narrowing differences, but 
important gaps remain.

In my view, the time is fast approaching when some very 
difficult decisions must be made.  If these talks are to 
succeed; if they are to produce the "peace of the brave" of 
which President Asad speaks, then the deliberate pace of the 
current negotiations must give way to a bolder approach.

We understand the risks and costs involved.  For Syria, peace 
requires overcoming decades of suspicion and ending policies 
geared to confrontation.  In an environment of genuine and 
comprehensive peace, in which there will be no place for 
terrorists on Israel's borders, we also look to the day when 
relations between Syria and the United States will improve.  
For Israel, peace with Syria will require difficult decisions.  
But the promise of peace is powerful: an end to the Arab-
Israeli conflict an end to the threat of war, and Israel's full 
integration into the political and economic life of the Middle 

There are stern tests for peace between Israel and Syria.  
First, it must be a real peace that reflects an active 
commitment to reconciliation.  It is significant that President 
Asad has said that Syria has made a strategic choice for peace 
with Israel and is prepared to meet its objective requirements.  
The requirements of real peace are clear to all:  Agreed-upon 
withdrawal, full diplomatic relations, borders that facilitate 
the movement of people and goods, and a commitment never to 
threaten each other again.

Second, peace between Israel and Syria must provide security 
for both sides.  After decades of hostility, each side needs to 
be sensitive to the security concerns of the other.  If 
requested, the United States stands ready to participate, in an 
appropriate form, in the security arrangements negotiated 
between the parties.

Let there be no doubt on this point: America's strategic 
commitment to Israel's security is unshakable.  We will 
maintain Israel's qualitative military edge and its ability to 
defend itself, by itself.  As President Clinton has pledged, 
the United States will do all it can to help Israel minimize 
the risks it takes for peace.

Finally, peace between Israel and Syria must open the way to a 
comprehensive peace.  An Israeli-Syrian agreement will 
inevitably widen the circle of Arab states making peace with 
Israel.  And it will build the confidence of all that peace 
will endure.  This is why we say an agreement between Israel 
and Syria is a key to a comprehensive peace.  Our vision is 
simple: On the one hand, an Israel that is secure and at peace 
with every Arab and Islamic state of goodwill; on the other 
hand, an Arab world liberated from conflict, able to devote its 
resources to economic development and the needs of its people.

We are making dramatic progress toward a comprehensive peace.  
In just the last month, with American encouragement, Morocco 
and Tunisia established official ties with Israel.  And in a 
meeting with me at the U.N., Saudi Arabia and the other states 
of the Gulf Cooperation Council announced an end to the 
secondary and tertiary boycott of companies that deal with 
Israel.  This opens enormous trade and investment opportunities 
both for Israel and American business.  Very soon, we hope to 
see the entire boycott relegated to the history books.

Next week in Casablanca, the Middle East's progress toward a 
new future will take a leap forward when Morocco's King Hassan 
convenes the Middle East/North Africa Economic Summit 
Conference.  Just as Madrid shattered the taboo on political 
contacts between Israel and the Arabs, so too will Casablanca 
shatter the taboo on private sector cooperation.

Our message will be powerful: The Middle East is open for 
business.  Through investment, trade, and joint ventures, 
private commerce can build the ties that will transform peace 
between governments into peace between peoples.  Only a vibrant 
private sector can generate the growth and integration needed 
to undergird an enduring peace.  I am pleased that American 
companies will be well represented at Casablanca, and that they 
are poised to take advantage of tremendous new opportunities.  
Governments, too, must do their part.  They must reduce 
economic barriers and build the infrastructure that joins the 
Middle East by road, air, fax, and microchip.

Redefining the Middle East from a zone of continuing conflict 
to one of expanding reconciliation is the opportunity that we 
must seize.  And that is the opportunity that we must protect 
from the enemies of peace.  The recent wave of terror against 
Israel has been undertaken by desperate forces who know that 
their extremism has no future in a region moving toward peace. 
Their only hope is to fight a rear-guard action of violence 
designed to return the Middle East to a tragic past of fear and 

We will not let them succeed.

The international community must reject the terrorism of Hamas, 
Hezbollah, and other extremists.  Strong condemnation of 
terror, especially from Israel's Arab partners, is an essential 
starting point.  But condemnation is not enough.  A real 
penalty must be imposed.  We must join together to turn off all 
foreign sources of funding for terrorism, both public and 
private.  Front organizations based abroad that are linked to 
terrorism must be shut down.  And the perpetrators and 
organizers of terror must be punished.

That is the course we are urging upon governments in the Middle 
East and around the world.  And that is the course we will 
pursue.  We will do everything we can -- and seek legislation 
where necessary -- to ensure that Hamas and other terrorists do 
not get support from inside the United States.

Of course, radical groups could not continue their atrocities 
without the support of rejectionist states.  Iran and Iraq 
remain the region's most dangerous actors.  Through our policy 
of dual containment, the United States is leading the world in 
combatting the threat they pose.

Iran is the world's most significant state sponsor of 
terrorism, and the most ardent opponent of Middle East peace.  
The international community has been far too tolerant of Iran's 
outlaw behavior.  Arms sales and preferential economic 
treatment, which make it easier for Iran to divert resources to 
terrorism, should be terminated.  The evidence is overwhelming: 
Iran is intent on projecting terror and extremism across the 
Middle East and beyond.  Only a concerted international effort 
can stop it.

In recent days, the rogue state of Iraq has tested our resolve, 
and we have met the test.  In a scenario chillingly like that 
preceding the 1990 invasion of Kuwait, Saddam Hussein moved 
troops to the Kuwaiti border.  Within hours, President Clinton 
deployed U.S. forces to Kuwait.  Saddam got the message, 
stopped dead in his tracks, and pulled back.

The U.N. Security Council -- acting under U.S. leadership -- 
passed a unanimous resolution demanding that Saddam withdraw 
the forces he had moved south.  It barred him from taking any 
actions in the future to enhance his military forces there.  
And it warned Saddam never again to threaten his neighbors or 
U.N. operations in Iraq.

Saddam has shown himself to be a repeat offender, trusted 
neither internationally nor in the Arab world.  We have put him 
on notice that any repetition of his recent threats will be met 
by all means necessary, including military force.

The Iraqi people should understand that Saddam's brutal regime 
bears full responsibility for their suffering.  Saddam has 
continued to waste Iraq's resources on military ventures.  He 
has refused to take advantage of U.N. resolutions that would 
permit humanitarian needs to be met.  Saddam will not 
intimidate the U.N. into lifting sanctions.  He knows that 
sanctions can only be eased after Iraq complies in full with 
all relevant Security Council resolutions.  But that is the 
only approach he has not tried.

Saddam's continued aggression and Hamas's recent campaign of 
terror underscore that forces of hatred and extremism still 
stalk the Middle East.  But we will not allow their violence to 
blind us to the broader sweep of history at work in the region.  
Amazing change is underway.  As this century draws to a close, 
Arabs and Israelis stand on the threshold of a new future -- 
one of hope and peace, not despair and war.

American leadership, power, and diplomacy, through 
Administrations of both parties, has been indispensable in 
bringing us to this moment of promise.  If the United States 
had not stepped forward, Iraqi forces might well be back in 
Kuwait City, North Korea would be proceeding to build nuclear 
weapons, and Haitians would still be suffering under military 
dictators.  Our recent achievements remind us that only the 
United States has the strategic vision and the global 
capabilities to lead.

Now more than ever, American leadership is critical to ensure 
that the promise of peace becomes a reality.  We cannot -- we 
will not -- allow the forces of the past to destroy this 
historic opportunity.  The momentum for peace must be 

Thank you very much.

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