94/06/09 Intervention before the Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council (Ciragan Palace - Istanbul, Turkey)  Return to: Index of 1994 Secretary of State's Speeches/Testimonies || Electronic Research Collections Index || ERC Homepage

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                    U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
                    Office of the Spokesman
                      (Istanbul, Turkey)
For Release Upon Delivery
              Ciragan Palace - Istanbul, Turkey
                         June 9, 1994
Thank you.  It is a pleasure to reconvene in the North
Atlantic Council.  I want to thank our Turkish hosts and
express our appreciation for this spectacular meeting site on
the banks of the Bosporus.  I also want to thank our
distinguished Deputy Secretary General, Sergio Balanzino, who
will lead our discussion.
Our thoughts today also are with Secretary General Woerner.
President Clinton and I offer our best wishes for Manfred's
full and rapid recovery.  His strength, resilience, and
courage inspire us all.  His contribution to the renewal of
this Alliance has been remarkable.
Over the last week-- in Italy, Britain, and France--
President Clinton made clear once again that America's
commitment to Europe is resolute.  Before the French National
Assembly on Tuesday, President Clinton set forth our shared
strategic challenge in building a stronger and more
integrated Europe based on security cooperation, market
economies, and democratic institutions.
The President will reaffirm his vision of a broader Europe
when he travels to Italy, Germany, Poland next month.  As the
most hopeful chapter in European history is being written,
the United States will continue to stand with the peoples of
an undivided, democratic continent.
This past week, President Clinton reiterated the pledge he
made at the Brussels Summit to maintain roughly 100,000
American troops in Europe.  He reaffirmed that our political
engagement will continue to be reinforced by our military
deployment.  Our presence remains necessary to safeguard
America's vital interests as well as Europe's.
The NATO Alliance will remain the core of American engagement
in Europe and the heart of European security.  Since the
Athens ministerial last June, we have renewed our efforts to
reinforce the trans-Atlantic bond that NATO embodies.  As we
move ahead with the landmark decisions taken at the Summit,
we are transforming the Alliance to meet the security needs
of the post-Cold War world.
The threat now is not invasion from the East but instability
in the East.  In Central Europe, new market democracies are
consolidating freedom and showing promising signs of economic
growth.  But democracy remains vulnerable in many countries
that have emerged from the Soviet Empire.  Demagogues have
played on ethnic divisions and economic dislocation to fuel
aggression.  Left unchecked, such tensions will frustrate the
region's progress toward reform and ultimately threaten wider
European security.
As President Clinton said last January in Brussels:  "This
period may decide whether the states of the former Soviet
bloc are woven into the fabric of trans-Atlantic prosperity
and security, or are simply left hanging in isolation."  We
must actively embrace the opportunity to help new democracies
emerge as stable partners in security and trade.
At the Brussels Summit, the Alliance set two central,
mutually reinforcing goals.  The first was to design more
flexible command structures and to address new security
threats, such as weapons proliferation.  The second and
historic goal was to deepen our ties with the emerging
democracies to the East.  We invited them to participate in a
broad range of political and military activities with
Alliance members, thereby paving the way for eventual
expansion of the Alliance.
We have made progress toward both these goals.  Indeed, 1994
has been a year of immense significance for the Alliance.
To achieve the first goal of increasing effectiveness, NATO
has taken important decisions to support the efforts of
Allies to develop a more capable European Security and
Defense Identity.  That identity should maintain and build
popular support in Europe for meeting European commitments
and responsibilities and strengthen our collective capacity
to respond to future security needs.  It should also
reinforce the trans-Atlantic relationship.  We continue to
look to our Allies for a more balanced sharing of
Another important summit decision to achieve the first goal
was to create Combined Joint Task Forces.  We are making a
promising start as we work to make this innovative concept a
reality.  Our objective remains to renew the Alliance and to
strengthen the Western European Union.  We hope efforts in
NATO and the WEU will enable us to take concrete decisions
about CJTF at the December ministerial.
As part of advancing the same goal of improving Alliance
effectiveness, we are taking significant steps to combat the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the means of
delivering them.  NATO must address this threat, both to
complement other international efforts and to meet our solemn
commitment to protect the security of Alliance members.
I am pleased by the early work of the senior political-
military and defense groups formed as a result of this
initiative.  We will affirm that progress today by approving
an Alliance policy framework on non-proliferation.  This
framework lays the political foundation for improving Allied
capabilities to protect against the threat, or use, of
weapons of mass destruction.  The defense group has agreed to
examine threats, defense planning, military doctrine and
To achieve the second goal, the most significant decision
reached at the NATO Summit was the creation of the
Partnership for Peace.  The Partnership, proposed by
President Clinton and adopted by the Alliance, reaches out to
the East in order to reassure new democracies and strengthen
European security.  In five short months, we can recognize a
remarkable achievement:  the Partnership has moved from a
bare concept to become a working reality, a series of
concrete relationships.  Twenty countries have joined.  I
want to highlight two among the many steps we have taken thus
far to make the Partnership operational.
First, Partner states are actively engaged at NATO
Headquarters in Brussels, and will soon be present at the
Partnership Coordination Cell at Mons working side-by-side
with NATO military planners.  The previously unimaginable is
on the way to becoming routine.
Second, we will fulfill the Summit's call for Partnership
peacekeeping exercises to begin in 1994.  These exercises
represent a remarkable transformation.  Think of it:  troops
that for half a century faced off against each other in the
Cold War will come together in joint military exercises.
This fall, the Netherlands will host a field exercise, and
Poland will host the first exercise on the soil of a Partner
country.  SACLANT is organizing a Partnership maritime
exercise, which will be held before the end of the year.  In
addition, the United States and other Allies and Partners
will use already scheduled exercises to advance the
Partnership's goals.  We expect at least 14 activities of
this kind to occur before the end of the year.  We are also
developing a robust schedule of exercises for 1995.
These exercises of NATO units with their former adversaries
will send a powerful message that the old East-West division
of Europe is dead.  These are real, concrete steps toward the
integrated and strengthened Europe that President Clinton
called for at the Summit and again this past week.
We will also involve Partners in many NATO committee and
training activities.  Together, Alliance members and Partners
will develop practical means for addressing new threats to
regional security.  We will enable non-NATO countries to
develop the habits of cooperation, such as defense planning,
that are the lifeblood of the Alliance.
We are committed to NATO's expansion.  Effective cooperation
is a critical step in preparing Partners for NATO membership.
I want to underscore today what the President told East
European leaders in Prague last January:  "The Partnership
changes the entire dialogue about enlarging NATO's
membership.  Now the question is no longer whether NATO will
take on new members, but when and how we will do so."
Mr. Deputy Secretary General, as we consider NATO's
relationship with nations to the East, Russia will figure
prominently in our deliberations.  Russia is undertaking a
difficult transformation that will have profound implications
for the world.  Whatever course its internal evolution may
take, Russia is and will remain a vital actor in European
security affairs.  It is in our interest -- and Russia's --
to develop broad, constructive interaction between NATO and
Russia.  The Partnership for Peace is central to that
We welcome Defense Minister Grachev's recent statement that
Russia will participate in the Partnership for Peace without
preconditions.  As NATO has said, each Partner will sign the
same Framework Document.  But each Partner will design its
own Presentation Document and each will develop its unique
independent Partnership program.  Clearly, Russia has
significant capabilities and inherent strengths upon which it
can draw in developing a Partnership cooperation program that
will serve the Partnership's interests and enhance European
At the same time, Russia's size, broad interests, resources,
and military capabilities provide the basis for a productive
relationship with NATO in addition to the Partnership for
Peace.  Properly designed and conducted, this relationship
can serve the interests of all European countries.  We
recently welcomed Minister Grachev to NATO headquarters for
an extremely valuable session.  Where Russia can and is
prepared to make a constructive contribution, periodic
consultations and practical cooperation outside the
Partnership would be natural and mutually beneficial.
For example, Russia's nuclear capabilities establish an
obvious basis for a dialogue on nuclear issues such as safe
and secure weapons dismantlement.  Cooperation between NATO
and Russia to stem the proliferation of nuclear and other
weapons of mass destruction would advance our shared
Of course, other European states also may have interests or
capabilities that would warrant "sixteen-plus-one"
consultations or cooperation with them outside the
Partnership as appropriate.  We should welcome those
Bilateral relationships between Russia and individual allies
complement Russia's relationship with NATO.  The United
States and other Allies are developing bilateral political
and military cooperation that will complement the work of the
Let me turn briefly to two important matters that have far-
reaching implications for Russia's relations with NATO and
for the overall course of European security.  First, European
stability depends on respecting the sovereignty,
independence, and territorial integrity of all the states
that emerged from the Soviet empire.  We recognize Russia's
legitimate concerns in this region, but we have made it clear
that no country has a right to assert a role that is
inconsistent with international norms.
A second key feature of Europe's stability and security is
the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe.  The United
States is committed to maintaining the integrity of the
Treaty over the long term.  We welcome discussion of any
implementation questions among CFE signatories in the forum
created by the Treaty--the Vienna Joint Consultative Group.
An important area where Russia and members of the Alliance
have cooperated productively is in working to bring peace to
the former Yugoslavia.  This Alliance--indeed, all nations
concerned with the future of Europe and standards of human
decency--remains deeply concerned about the continued
fighting in Bosnia.  That brutal and tragic conflict, the
most savage fighting in Europe since 1945, cries out for
We remain convinced that this conflict can be resolved only
through negotiations.  We know that NATO cannot impose a
solution.  Since our last meeting, NATO has supported UN
efforts to bring peace to the former Yugoslavia.  Without
question, our efforts have decreased the level of violence
and destruction.  NATO's February 9 ultimatum ended the
shelling of Sarajevo.  We enforced the no-fly zone over
Bosnia.  NATO's April 22 decision ended the brutal attacks on
civilians in Gorazde.  We all recognize the leadership of the
Government of Italy in providing bases for Allied operations
in these vital endeavors.
These and previous NATO actions, including sanctions
enforcement, demonstrate our ability to make difficult
decisions as sixteen allies.  NATO's firm actions show, as
President Clinton has said, that the Alliance "can still be a
credible force for peace in the post-Cold War era."  Those
actions continue to provide crucial support to the United
Nations and to save innocent lives.  NATO has demonstrated in
Bosnia that it is the only international institution with
that capability.
We are now at a critical point in our efforts to find a
negotiated solution.  Working together, the EU, the UN,
Russia and the United States have made good progress in
putting together a territorial proposal that we believe could
serve as a reasonable basis for a settlement.  Our hope is
that this proposal will be accepted by both sides, and that
yesterday's cease-fire agreement is a step toward a
nationwide cessation of hostilities.  If these efforts
succeed, we can turn our attention and resources to the task
of implementing a peace agreement and helping reconstruct war-
torn Bosnia.  We must expect, however, that the compromises
necessary for peace will not come easily.  The Alliance must
stand ready as before to back up the diplomatic process.  And
NATO Allies must remain engaged in this effort.
The international community, and NATO in particular, are
powerful forces helping to resolve this conflict.  We must
stay at it until we get the job done.  We can contain the
conflict.  We can facilitate talks.  We can help shape
solutions.  We can volunteer the military forces essential
for implementing a final agreement.  And I want clearly to
reaffirm the commitment of the United States to participate
in this vital task.
The war in Bosnia remains a grave threat to our goal of an
integrated Europe.  It threatens to draw other fragile
democracies into a wider war.  And violent nationalism
undermines the security of all European nations.
The United States is committed to greater integration among
European democracies, East and West.  We are determined to
extend to the East the benefits-- and obligations-- of the
same liberal trading and security order that have been
pillars of strength for the West.  That is the best way to
secure the gains of democracy in the East.  That is the best
way to ensure that a wider war never engulfs Europe again.
Yesterday in Paris, many of us were present when the OECD
decided to start membership negotiations with the Visegrad
countries.  We decided to intensify OECD activities in other
Central and Eastern European countries.  The OECD also signed
a cooperation agreement with Russia.
We have sought to extend economic institutions to the East
because we understand that the quest for security in Europe
cannot rely on security institutions alone.  It also must
rely on the political and economic reconstruction of newly
democratic nations.  Our experience in Western Europe after
the Second World War taught us that economic integration is
essential to anchor stability among rebuilding nations.  That
is why we must lower the remaining trade barriers that limit
the East's exports and its potential for lasting growth.
With the Cold War past, the doors of the West must be open to
open societies and open markets to the East.  By widening the
reach of NATO and of organizations like the OECD, the EU, and
the GATT, we will strengthen the prosperity of an undivided
Europe and bolster the security that this Alliance continues
to preserve.
Thank you very much.
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