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93/11/30 Remarks at CSCE, Italy


                         WARREN CHRISTOPHER
                             AT THE
                        PLENARY SESSION

                           ROME, ITALY
                        NOVEMBER 30, 1993

I want to thank Prime Minister Ciampi and Foreign Minister Andreatta for 
hosting this gathering of ministerial colleagues.

This is the first of several important meetings I will be attending in 
Europe this week, first here and then in Brussels.  In a little over a 
month, President Clinton will attend the NATO Summit, the first of three 
trips he will make to Europe in the first half of 1994.  These visits 
underscore the continuing importance the United States attaches to its 
relations with Europe.

I want this important gathering and the world to know that the United 
States remains steadfastly committed to the transatlantic relationship -
- and to the security and prosperity of Europe.  There is no region of 
the world to which we are more closely bound.  We are linked not only by 
treaty but by enduring ties of history, culture and shared values.

The CSCE vision of comprehensive security is deeply rooted in those 
shared values, and hence I am honored to represent the United States at 
this Ministerial meeting of the CSCE.

Three years ago, at the Paris Summit, CSCE outlined a vision of a new 
Europe, built on the foundations of democracy and cooperative security.  
Since then, significant progress has been achieved.  But our vision is 
far from being fully realized.

Nations have been reborn and ethnic identities vigorously asserted.  But 
aggressive and often myopic nationalism has emerged, and vicious ethnic 
conflicts have erupted.  The foundations of democratic institutions are 
being laid, but their structures are not all built.  A free press is a 
commonly embraced ideal but is not a common reality.  The hard march 
toward economic reform has begun, but widespread economic hardship 

The CSCE is a creative and inclusive institution.  We must harness its 
unique capabilities to help mold a new Europe secured by democratic 
institutions, respect for human rights and growing prosperity.  That is 
the only basis for a future Europe at peace.

An abiding concern and respect for human dignity is a linchpin of 
American foreign policy.  We recognize that in the United States, we 
have not yet formed a perfect union.  But we are constantly striving to 
ensure that all individuals are accorded respect and protection.

This concern for human rights affects every one of America's 
relationships in the world.  Although it is not the sole principle 
guiding us, an American foreign policy that lacked a commitment to 
international human rights would not be true to our nation's ideals or 

Every CSCE state is pledged to respect and protect the rights of all 
individuals.  On both sides of the Atlantic, we share strong interest in 
building respect for diversity, in enfranchising minorities, and in 
offering every person a stake and a say in national life.  As the fall 
of the Soviet empire demonstrates, no state can achieve long-term 
stability and prosperity without an open society and a fundamental 
commitment to human rights.

From its earliest days, the CSCE has helped legitimize international 
concern about how a country treats its citizens.  Human rights must 
remain at the forefront of the CSCE agenda.  The High Commissioner on 
National Minorities has contributed significantly to the protection of 
minorities, from the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to Slovakia 
to Albania.  The Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights has 
effectively organized human rights missions and monitored elections.

Serious human rights abuses still occur in the former Yugoslavia, in 
Turkmenistan, in Tajikistan, in Uzbekistan and in other CSCE states.  We 
must work to stop these violations.

Safeguarding human rights requires free and vigorous media.  As a great 
Justice of the U.S.  Supreme Court, the late Benjamin Cardozo, once 
said, "Freedom of expression is the matrix, the indispensable condition 
of nearly every other form of freedom."

We must watch carefully to make sure that freedom of expression is not 
merely proclaimed but practiced in the fledgling democracies.  As they 
adopt new constitutions and laws, the CSCE should insist that freedom of 
the press and broadcast media be fully protected and free from state 

Progress has been made in securing freedom for the print media, despite 
persistent restrictions on distribution and on the availability of 
newsprint.  An even greater obstacle to building open societies is the 
lack of progress in broadcast freedom.  Television is democracy's 
"biggest megaphone," and it must not become the captive of any one 

Addressing human rights violations and threats to fundamental freedoms 
is only a part of the challenge we face.  We must also deal with the 
consequences of a conflict that has defied resolution, where the parties 
have so far stubbornly refused to end the bloodshed and killing.

This winter, the snows have come early to Bosnia, and the humanitarian 
crisis there has deepened.  In these tragic circumstances, the United 
States will increase its humanitarian efforts to help alleviate the 
suffering.  We will work closely with the UNHCR in identifying the most 
effective uses of that aid.  As the largest single donor country, we 
have already provided well over $400 million in assistance to the former 
Yugoslavia since the outbreak of hostilities in 1991.

Today I am announcing an additional American contribution of $150 
million, targeted to programs and organizations providing the most 
critical aspects of winter relief.  Our goal is to increase the food, 
winterization supplies, refugee assistance and medical aid reaching the 
people of Bosnia, through the following steps:

First, we are prepared to double the number of U.S. flights that are 
part of the multi-nation Sarajevo airlift.  This effort, in which the 
United States now flies roughly one-third of all missions, has launched 
a total of 6,000 flights during its 500-day history.  This airborne 
lifeline -- the principal means of supply for Sarajevo -- has now 
exceeded in duration the Berlin airlift of 1948.

Second, we are prepared to begin airlifting needed supplies to the 
airport at Tuzla upon its opening.  We will also provide the equipment 
needed to keep it open.  That airport could become a crucial point of 
access for humanitarian aid for all groups.  Thus far, the Serbs and 
Croats have made it impossible to use the field for that purpose.  We 
call upon all warring parties to stop their unconscionable conduct that 
blocks the delivery of critically needed supplies through this facility.  
We also call upon the warring parties to live up to their recently 
signed agreements to permit secure land access for relief convoys.  The 
warring parties must see that this is in their best interests.  Full 
access will serve the vital needs of all Bosnia's factions.

Third, our new contribution will intensify the air drop campaign.  Over 
the last eight months, the continuous air drops of food and supplies for 
the most isolated and endangered communities have meant the difference 
between life and death for thousands of Bosnians.  Having flown almost 
80% of the missions, having dropped more than 10 million meals, we know 
that this program is critical.  Our new funds will permit doubling the 
amount of relief we provide in this vital effort.  We will also include 
essential winterization materials in the air drop packages, helping 
those in the most isolated locations to survive a harsh winter.

Fourth, we have decided to use the U.S. military medical facility in 
Zagreb to provide medical services to severely wounded Bosnian children.

We call upon other governments and regional organizations, such as the 
Organization of the Islamic Conference, to increase their commitments to 
help the innocent people of Bosnia survive this winter.  But whatever we 
do to help, it will not be enough.  So long as the armed conflict 
continues, it is not humanly possible to end the suffering of the people 
of Bosnia.  The only answer is to bring the fighting to an end, and the 
only means to that end is a negotiated settlement.  The United States 
encourages and supports diplomatic efforts to produce a peace agreement 
for Bosnia.

Two specific CSCE activities deserve our unqualified support:  the work 
of the sanctions assistance monitors in the Balkans and the Skopje-based 
mission to contain the Yugoslav conflict.  These activities are not only 
vital to an eventual settlement; they also demonstrate our determination 
to prevent the spread, and raise the cost, of aggression.

We condemn any interference with CSCE monitoring efforts in the former 
Yugoslavia.  The United States regards the Serbian expulsion of CSCE 
monitors from Kosovo, Vojvodina and Sandzak as totally unjustified.  We 
urge the CSCE to continue pressing Serbian authorities to permit the 
monitors to return, and to cease all interference with CSCE efforts to 
report on events in these regions.

As we try to ease the pain and end the conflict in the Balkans, we must 
uphold international humanitarian law and insist on justice for the 
victims of war crimes and other human rights abuses.  Those who commit 
atrocities must be held accountable for their actions.  The United 
States fully supports the War Crimes Tribunal, which began its work on 
November 17.  The Tribunal has the authority necessary to bring war 
criminals to justice, whoever they may be and wherever they may be 
found.  No nation that harbors individuals who are indicted and called 
by the Tribunal -- or that in any other way interferes with its work -- 
can expect to be regarded as members of the international community in 
good standing.  The work of the Tribunal will help to deter those who 
would settle ethnic and territorial disputes through attacks on 

We must also focus on preventing and resolving conflicts elsewhere on 
the continent.  Today, in Rome, we should reach decisions to strengthen 
CSCE's ability to build a secure Europe.  In particular, we must act to 
improve CSCE's capacity for early warning and prevention of conflicts.

The CSCE is already on the cutting edge of preventive diplomacy.  In 
Moldova, Estonia, Latvia, Georgia, Tajikistan and Nagorno-Karabakh, as 
well as the former Yugoslavia, CSCE missions are moving to prevent 
conflict, stem its spread, and halt open warfare.  The members of those 
missions should feel proud of their performance under difficult and 
dangerous conditions where ethnic strife and human rights violations 
tear the very fabric of states and cultures.  While we have made a good 
beginning, it is only a beginning.  We must do more, particularly in the 
new independent states where CSCE can provide vital assistance to 
reformers seeking to build independent, democratic societies.

In Georgia, we must redouble our efforts to assist the government in 
achieving peace and stability while ensuring respect for human rights 
and the country's territorial integrity.  In Moldova, a strengthened 
mandate for our mission can help all parties create a political 
framework for peace and assist in the early departure of remaining 
Russian forces.  In Tajikistan, quickly establishing a small mission on 
the ground can aid international efforts to promote the political 
reconciliation needed to bring stability to that troubled region.

In Nagorno-Karabakh, the continued suffering of hundreds of thousands of 
refugees and the danger of renewed hostilities compel us to intensify 
efforts to end the conflict.  With Italy's leadership, the Minsk Group 
has made significant progress in finding common ground among the 
parties.  Now it is time for all parties to accept the timetable so 
painstakingly crafted by the negotiators of that forum.  We know that 
Sweden, the new chair of the Minsk Group, will vigorously pursue that 

CSCE's involvement in these conflicts also highlights the challenge to 
reach a consensus on guidelines for CSCE oversight of regional peace-
keeping.  The United States believes the CSCE must be clear about the 
military activities our members consider appropriate.  And it is time to 
develop the instruments to ensure that forces engaged in peace-keeping 
execute their responsibilities with strict neutrality and in good faith.

We must also make better use of the full range of CSCE conflict 
prevention tools, from the "Human Dimension" mechanism to the peaceful 
settlement-of-disputes mechanism agreed to at Stockholm.  At this 
meeting, we will adopt an American proposal to develop a "rapid reaction 
roster".  I am pleased that this decision will allow us to draw more 
fully on diplomats and experts from the public and private sectors -- 
individuals who are prepared to deploy quickly to reinforce or initiate 
a mission.  The United States has assigned officers as full-time 
monitors to support CSCE missions and has contributed substantial funds.  
We are doing our part, and we urge every CSCE state to do the same.

The CSCE must also do its part by streamlining its decision-making 
process.  CSCE's value depends on its flexibility, its relative lack of 
bureaucracy, and its capacity for innovation.  These advantages must be 

The CSCE can also promote regional stability, especially through the 
untapped potential of its Forum on Security Cooperation.  A safe Europe 
cannot permit the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.  The 
CSCE's security principles commit us to refrain from the threat or use 
of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of 
other states.  These principles form the basis of the security 
assurances we are prepared to provide the non-Russian new independent 
states where we seek to eliminate nuclear weapons.  We applaud the 
action of Belarus in ratifying START and adhering to the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty agreements.  We welcome the move by Kazakhstan to 
ratify START and President Nazarbayev's pledge to adhere to the NPT.  
And we call on Ukraine to rectify the START agreement, adhere to the 
NPT, and meet its obligations under the Lisbon Protocol at the earliest 
possible date.

As we strengthen the CSCE, we must also adapt other regional 
institutions.  We can promote more durable European security through 
interlocking structures, each with complementary roles and strengths.  
NATO stands at the center of transatlantic security, and it will remain 
the central point of engagement for the United States in European 
security.  We are working with our European allies to adapt NATO to the 
new challenges of an undivided Europe -- and to turn former adversaries 
into new partners for peace.

We have proposed to our NATO allies a Partnership for Peace that will 
extend practical security cooperation to the North Atlantic Cooperation 
Council partners and other European nations.  At the same time, we 
propose to open the door to an evolutionary expansion of NATO's 
membership.  The Ministerial meetings of the North Atlantic Council and 
the NACC later this week in Brussels will discuss important initiatives 
to as we approach the NATO summit.

The CSCE vision compels us to recognize that democracy and security are 
sustained by prosperity.  At the 1990 Paris Summit, and again at its 
1993 Economic Forum, the CSCE embraced free market economics as an 
essential part of its vision.

The nations in Central and Eastern Europe that are making the difficult 
transition to free market democracy must be able to deliver tangible 
benefits to their people.  Their citizens must know that sacrifice will 
be rewarded by the trade policies of the leading industrial nations.  
Our commitment to the new democracies of the East will be measured by 
the degree of market access we provide in the West.

Opening markets in key sectors -- and successfully concluding the 
Uruguay Round by the final December 15 deadline -- will point the 
Central and East European nations toward greater prosperity, security, 
and democracy.  Failure will divide Western nations and deepen hardships 
for new and old democracies alike.

Again, today we stand at a turning point for this continent.  While the 
transformation of the East has lost some momentum, a Europe that is 
safer, freer, and better remains within reach.  Let us redeem the 
promise of a democratic and undivided Europe, a promise embedded in the 
principles of this institution.  Let us reinforce our commitment to CSCE 
as we build a European future of democracy and peace.

Thank you very much.


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