U.S. Department of State 93/10/14 Remarks at Opening of National Foreign Affairs Training Center Office of the Spokesman US DEPARTMENT OF STATE OFFICE OF THE SPOKESMAN For Immediate Release October 14, 1993 REMARKS BY THE SECRETARY NATIONAL FOREIGN AFFAIRS TRAINING CENTER ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA October 13, 1993 Secretary Rogers, Secretary Vance, Secretary Shultz, Secretary Eagleburger, Congressman Moran, Congressman Wolf, colleagues: This new Center stands as a proud symbol of the bipartisan cooperation that has served America so well. The plans for these buildings were conceived more than a decade ago. Every subsequent Secretary of State has supported this project, and they have had the vital aid of people like Congressman Moran and Congressman Wolf. Support for this facility across the political spectrum reflects the broad consensus that sustains American leadership. This exceptional Center will train 15,000 students annually, using 250 classrooms and 600 rooms in all. Students will come from 47 U.S. Government agencies, and they will study 300 courses, including 63 languages. As far I can tell, the Center will have everything but a football team. This ceremony has been billed as a public event, but I cannot resist the feeling that it is more like a family reunion. We are a diverse group by any measure, yet we share a bond that is unique and powerful-- lives dedicated in whole or in part to advancing America's foreign policy interests. But we share more than a common experience. We are bound by a common dedication to the basic goals of American foreign policy: to ensure the security of our nation, to enhance its economic prosperity, and to promote its democratic values. Advancing the ideals and the interests of the American people has always been at the heart of American diplomacy. It is easy to make light of professional diplomats. Cartoonists have been putting them in funny-looking striped pants for years. They dress us up-- so they can dress us down. But when the nation gets in a tight spot, it turns to people like Chip Bohlen, Ellsworth Bunker, and Phil Habib. It turns to people like those whose names are listed on the walls of the "C" Street entrance to the State Department -- people who gave their lives in the service of this country. And it turns to people like Bob Oakley, whom we have asked to invigorate our diplomatic efforts to end the bloodshed in Somalia. We are fortunate that the United States has had such distinguished foreign policy leadership. I salute the four Secretaries of State here today, who honor us by their presence. Bill Rogers was at the helm when we made historic changes in our relations with the Soviet Union. He promoted a cease-fire in the Middle East. And he began a restructuring of the State Department that we are still using and building on today. I had the honor of serving as Cy Vance's Deputy. Cy had a key role in securing the Panama Canal Treaty and normalizing relations with China. By playing a pivotal part in negotiating the Camp David Accords, he helped set the stage for the historic agreement between Israel and the PLO last month -- indeed a month ago today. One look at the table of contents of George Shultz's memoirs -- though I assure you, George, I've read far more than that -- tells you about his era: the Middle East; the Soviet Union; Central America; the INF Treaty. What George Shultz brought to these issues was integrity and candor. George Shultz was also a great advocate for the men and women who work in foreign affairs -- as demonstrated by this Center, which grew from a seed he planted. Larry Eagleburger, an alumnus of the Foreign Service Institute, has been one of America's most gifted, experienced, and no-nonsense career diplomats. Larry clearly understood the priorities of the post-Cold War era. His "Bill of Rights" for business is helping the Department to promote American commerce overseas. He also knew how to draw the best from the Foreign Service and how to encourage and nurture excellence. The efforts of these four distinguished men -- and those of the dedicated women and men who supported them -- created the foundation on which we will build the foreign policy of the future. The Clinton Administration is the first to take office since the end of the Cold War. We have an opportunity -- indeed, a responsibility -- to remake American diplomacy in a new world that is unburdened by superpower confrontation. This historic moment requires a new diplomacy that advances the priorities reflecting the possibilities and the perils of the post-Cold War era. That is why President Clinton has placed economic policy at the center of our foreign policy; why he has made non-proliferation the arms control agenda of the 1990s; why he has committed America to enlarge the sway of democratic values around the world; and why he has moved global issues into the mainstream of American foreign policy-- issues such as protecting the environment and reducing population growth. These new priorities reflect a broader definition of our national security-- and they will require an expanded role for American diplomacy -- a role that can be cultivated in these wonderful new quarters. For more than two centuries, diplomacy has been a vital instrument of our national security. But security during the Cold War was largely based upon our military's ability to contain Soviet power and to deter war. Now is the time when diplomacy -- supported by a credible military force -- can assume a new potency on behalf of a strong and secure America. Here at this splendid new facility, I want to offer some plain talk about the value of diplomacy. Our nation does not spend much on diplomacy-- not much when measured against the returns it generates and not much when compared to other expenditures. We dedicate only 1 percent of federal spending to international affairs, which includes not only the operations of the State Department, but also foreign aid and our contributions to the United Nations as well. Those of us who carry out America's foreign policy do not usually trumpet the value of what the nation gets for its money. We think about saving lives, and we are somewhat uncomfortable equating our diplomatic successes to dollars saved. Nevertheless, we have useful ways to express how cost-effective diplomacy can be. Consider for a moment several striking cost/benefit comparisons. First, compare a contribution to concrete improvements in Gaza and Jericho to the price of continued conflict in the Middle East. That vast difference is one reason the United States stands today as a full partner for peace-- and why two weeks ago we hosted a successful donors conference to support reconciliation and reconstruction in the Middle East region. While credit for the recent breakthrough clearly belongs to the Israelis and the PLO, that historic agreement also rewards two decades of sustained, bipartisan investment by the United States carried out by each of the former secretaries behind me. Now we need to make that turning point irreversible, as we work with regional parties and the international community to make the benefits of peace in the Middle East absolutely irresistible. We seek to widen the circle of peace in the Middle East and around the world -- and to isolate the forces of violence and hatred -- whether they are trying to disrupt the search for peace in the Middle East, to destabilize their neighbors through aggression, or to destroy innocent lives through terrorism. A second comparison. Compare, if you will, the costs of support for reform in Russia to the price we would pay if Russia were to revert to dictatorship. That is why President Clinton's strategic partnership with Russia and with President Yeltsin is the wisest -- and, indeed, the least expensive -- investment we can make in our security. Our savings in defense spending can be quantified -- as can the increase in our exports as we gain access to the vast Russian market. But what we cannot place a number on is equally valuable: the security brought to us by the end of superpower confrontation and what that means to our people; and our new ability to work with Russia to address issues of importance to both nations. Next week, I will travel to Russia and to other states in the region to reinforce our support for continued democratic and market reform. In Russia, as elsewhere, promoting democracy is perhaps the best preventive diplomacy that there is. From the Baltics to Ukraine and Central Asia, the United States is prepared to use its good offices and its diplomacy to help reduce tensions and resolve disputes. We are also working with Russia and the other nuclear states to help dismantle strategic nuclear arsenals and to encourage non-proliferation. Take another cost-benefit comparison. Compare the expense of diplomatic action to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons with the potential for blackmail by rogue states. That is why the United States is determined to stop Iran from acquiring or developing nuclear weapons. In the same vein, we are working with the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency to prevent Iraq from regaining weapons of mass destruction. We are also leading the effort to pressure North Korea to remain a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty -- and to comply with nuclear safeguard obligations. And it is also why we imposed sanctions on China and Pakistan after the transfer of ballistic missile components. Take another quite different example. Compare the price of population and environmental programs with the miseries of unsustainable development -- or with the scourge of starvation or the costs of refugees. If we ignore these issues, they will return -- compounded, more costly, and sometimes deeply threatening to our security. That is why we are working to reduce population growth and why the United States is a leader -- not a laggard -- on global environmental issues. As part of that commitment, we have signed the biodiversity and global warming treaties. I deeply hope that my tenure as Secretary of State will be marked by an unmistakable emphasis on these pressing global issues. All of these cost/benefit comparisons demonstrate the value of preventive diplomacy. We certainly cannot foresee every crisis. But vigorous preventive diplomacy can anticipate and resolve problems -- or defuse regional conflicts -- before they ignite into crises. And successful preventive diplomacy can free us to dedicate more resources to the urgent challenges of domestic renewal. The requirements of preventive diplomacy place new demands on foreign affairs professionals. The men and women who come to the National Foreign Affairs Training Center will gain new skills; they will also focus on the new priorities for this new era. Our training and our policy initiatives will reflect a new focus on economic issues in particular. Diplomacy for global competitiveness will translate at the Training Center into courses and private sector partnerships that deepen our understanding of the global economy. The men and women trained on this campus will emerge as export advocates. They will learn to help promote not just our values, but our exports; to protect not only our physical security, but our intellectual property. Training at the Center will be structured to reinforce the Clinton Administration's emphasis on cross-cutting global issues. The environment, population, refugees, as well as narcotics, international crime, and terrorism will all be an integral part of the curriculum. Confronting these global issues will test our capacity to work with diverse international institutions and cultures -- and it will test our ability to work in disciplines not always associated with foreign affairs professionals. This Center represents an important new investment in the people who carry out our diplomacy. For two centuries, Americans have chosen this form of public service because they have been deeply committed to the enduring purposes of our nation's foreign policy. We cannot assign an exact monetary value to their work. But we can say with great confidence that the commitment, the competence, the judgment, and the courage of American diplomats testify to -- and adds to -- America's strength. Whether they are in Washington or in Warsaw, they serve a foreign policy that reinforces our interests and reflects our values. With the benefit of this marvelous new facility, we will ensure that America continues to have the finest diplomats in the world. I am very fortunate to be here today as new members of America's foreign affairs team take their oaths of office. This oath will be administered by Molly Raiser, the State Department's Chief of Protocol, to members of several foreign affairs agencies. These new employees are America's Country Teams of the future. It is quite significant that we have brought people from various agencies, not just from the State Department but from agencies all across the federal government. This is indeed a National Foreign Affairs Training Center. [After the Swearing-In] Now I have the very distinct honor to present the American flag to Director [of the National Foreign Affairs Training Center] Larry Taylor. This flag has completed a round-the-world transit in care of the Department of State's Diplomatic Courier Service. That voyage symbolizes the link between this Center and Americans working around the world, just as this Center will serve as a link between the American people and their representatives abroad. So I present this flag to Larry with a great deal of honor and satisfaction that I am putting it in his hands as an indication of our confidence in the future of this Center. Thanks you. (###)