U.S. Department of State
Volume 7, Number 51, December 16, 1996
Published by the Bureau of Public Affairs



ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

1.  Commemorating Human Rights Day--Secretary Christopher
2.  U.S. Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean: Building Upon a 
Solid Foundation--Jeffrey Davidow
3.  Treaty Actions
4.  What's in Print: Foreign Relations of the U.S.



ARTICLE 1:


Commemorating Human Rights Day
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at a ceremony commemorating Human Rights Day at the State 
Department, Washington, DC, December 12, 1996


Thank you very much. I want to welcome you all here to the Ben Franklin 
Room. I see many familiar faces around the room, many people that I 
ought to introduce, and would like to, but I think you'll all understand 
if I introduce just one, and that is Senator Claiborne Pell, who's been 
such a champion of human rights all throughout his marvelous career, and 
who will be leaving the government about the same time I will. 
Claiborne, thank you so much for coming. As John said, we'll be hearing 
from Don Fraser in a few minutes; the legislation he co-sponsored with 
Senator Harkin established the State Department's human rights reports, 
and he is one of the fathers of this entire movement. I'm going to be 
speaking a little bit more personally today than usual--perhaps that's 
one of the indicia of a soon-to-be-departed Secretary of State--but I 
hope you'll forgive it and understand it if I speak perhaps more 
personally than I customarily do.

As John said, the early human rights reports were prepared under my 
direction as Deputy Secretary of State. It was a very rudimentary effort 
at that time, compared to the rather sophisticated and precise reports 
now. We were starting from scratch at that time, without any baseline, 
without any precedent. The reports were either drafted or revised in my 
back room, and some of you have been around long enough to know that 
there was quite a struggle then. Sometimes, I would hear rather loud 
voices emanating from my back room, as those initial reports were 
struggled over and fought out. But they did provide a baseline and a 
precedent that we've been able to use every year since then. It was the 
right thing to do, and I think on the whole we did it right. 

Now the reports are a well-established and very effective tool of our 
diplomacy. I wanted to come today to honor four of our officers who have 
excelled in human rights reporting, and who will be introduced to you 
and honored just a little later.

Taken together, these 20 years of human rights reports tell a very 
powerful story. Many people live under democracy now, the President has 
said, more than at any other time in our history. So many of the 
countries which were really sad chapters in those early human rights 
reports have graduated to the point where they are now firmly part of 
the democratic family. It is a long list, fortunately, but just think of 
some of the remarkable transformations: Chile; Poland--I sat next to the 
Polish Foreign Minister in Brussels just last night, and we talked about 
democracy as it has come to Poland; the Philippines, where I was a few 
days ago, with a robust democracy and with so much progress all across 
the board; and South Africa, just to name a few of the places I've been 
in the year 1996. Since that time, prisoners of conscience have become 
presidents and parliamentarians. At this moment, as John has said, the 
people of Serbia are speaking the same words that ushered in freedom all 
throughout central Europe, and we can be proud that their voices have 
been broadcast over the Voice of America.

As Secretary of State, I have insisted that our foreign policy be 
grounded in what are America's fundamental interests. I have no doubt in 
my mind--I never have had any doubt--that defense of human rights is one 
of those fundamental American interests. It's not peripheral, it's 
central, and I owe to John Shattuck, I think, just a word, that I 
believe he has done more than any other Assistant Secretary of State. Of 
course, we all build on the achievements of our predecessors, but I 
think John has done more than any of his predecessors in making human 
rights part of the mainstream of American foreign policy. 

It is clear that if we want to protect our security, we have to oppose 
repressive practices that can produce ethnic conflicts and require us to 
intervene in a way we don't want to intervene, but sometimes have to. If 
we want to compete in the global economy, one of the lessons that our 
businesses are learning is that business rights, just as individual 
rights, depend on the rule of law. John has done some precedent-breaking 
work here in enlisting American business, which has come to understand 
the close nexus between human rights and rights that protect their 
interests. If we want to defeat terrorism and drug trafficking, we need 
partners whose governments are accountable, where no one at all is above 
the law. 

These are the points I have tried to make as I've traveled around the 
world in countries that are still struggling, and in speaking to young 
people in places like Vietnam and China and to governments all around 
the world. It is certainly the point President Clinton made so 
powerfully just two weeks ago when he said that political repression and 
drug trafficking in Burma are "two sides of the same coin."

Of course, our commitment to human rights is much more than a practical 
necessity, although it is certainly that. It's an expression of the 
values we share with people of every culture and every faith. It is a 
responsibility that comes with our leadership in the world, and a 
quality that strengthens our ability to lead.

As I look back on the wonderful four years I've had here in this 
marvelous job, two things stand out to me today as I look over this 
audience. I will always remember the jubilant crowd in the streets of 
Port-au-Prince as I flew back there with President Aristide for the 
first time since he had been deposed, and looked out at the crowd from 
the balcony of his palace. I will also remember my visits to Sarajevo, 
seeing people walk with confidence past houses that were utterly 
shattered by bullets, being able to walk down streets where just a few 
months ago no one dared to venture. 

These achievements are not just a source of temporary inspiration. They 
set lasting precedents. In Haiti, for the very first time, we were able 
to assemble a coalition of nations from throughout this hemisphere to 
restore democracy in a country of this hemisphere. In Bosnia, perhaps 
more than any other time in human history, human rights diplomacy played 
a crucial role in forging a peace treaty. John Shattuck was a regular 
participant in the day and night sessions that we had in Dayton, Ohio. 
John has played an indispensable role in his missions to investigate war 
crimes in the Balkans, just as he did at Dayton. 

I believe that the establishment of the War Crimes Tribunals for Bosnia 
and for Rwanda will be seen as a lasting legacy of the President's first 
term in office. I know that supporting them and trying to make them more 
effective will be a major goal of the President's second term. Last week 
at the Bosnia Conference in London, we were able to fashion a consensus 
that our economic aid would be tied to the human rights performance of 
the countries that are involved in Bosnia. Bringing war criminals to 
justice is at the very foundation of the peace process. We are right now 
seeking new and effective means to make more effective the work of the 
War Crimes Tribunals. I'm not satisfied--we're not satisfied--with the 
way it's working, but think of how far we've come. Think of how unusual 
the whole development of these tribunals would have been regarded only a 
decade ago. We're breaking new ground here, and if it seems frustrating 
to you, it is to an extent to me, but it is always that way as you go 
through one of these evolutions and create new international 
institutions. 

The United States has also continued to be the world's leading voice for 
political freedom in nations where it has been denied. The promotion of 
human rights was front and center in all of my talks with the Chinese 
leader in Beijing two weeks ago. We are, to take another example, 
continuing to sustain our insistence on democratic rule in Cuba. We have 
stood with, and will continue to stand with, the principled opposition 
to dictatorship in Burma and Nigeria and around the world as a whole. We 
approach this work with persistence and patience, but not with 
pessimism. In the long view of history, we are making real progress, and 
I think we can as long as we stick to our ideals and remember American 
values.

Dramatic change doesn't always come as quickly as we'd like. It is a 
long-term effort. There is no single formula, no single combination of 
engagement and isolation, dialogue, and condemnation that works the best 
in any given case. But change often comes at unexpected times to 
unexpected places; who would have thought that democracy would be so 
well embedded today in places like Mali and Mongolia? Who would have 
thought that Romania would have come as far as it did? Yesterday 
evening, I sat next to a new representative of the non-Communist, 
democratically elected government in Romania, and once again rejoiced at 
unexpectedly good news. Sometimes we wonder about our influence, whether 
we have any, but as we look back with the clear light of hindsight, I 
think we can see that if we work at it with persistence and patience, we 
will have an influence. The United States is still looked at around the 
world as the beacon of freedom, and what we say means a great deal. What 
America says and does always matters.

The going is still hard, as John and Tim so correctly said. The real 
heroes of this are the people in countries where rights are still 
denied. I spent some time this afternoon with Dr. Rugova, from Kosovo, 
the leader of the Albanians there. I have great respect for his patience 
and his dignity and the way he has pursued goals under the most 
difficult circumstances.

I want to assure you that President Clinton is determined to keep 
America on the side of democracy and the side of human rights around the 
world. I hardly need to tell this audience that my colleague, Ambassador 
Albright, is and will be an eloquent champion of values and interests as 
she takes over as my successor. She has been at the United Nations, and 
she'll have an even broader platform as Secretary of State. With the 
President's determination and with her leadership, I think that we will 
have hopeful experiences in the next four years, as we have had in 
Bosnia and Haiti this time around. I know that our nation will be well 
served, and our principles will be advanced, with Ambassador Albright at 
the helm. I leave with a wonderful sense of confidence in Madeleine and 
in people like Tim Wirth and John Shattuck. We're moving ahead.

But I want to say to all of you in the room--I see a number of people 
whom I know are involved importantly in NGOs--that we understand that it 
is you who in many instances have kept this movement going. It is you 
who have inspired us, and even at the right moment pressured us, to make 
sure that human rights is always on our agenda. So I pay tribute to each 
of you. I pay tribute to what you've done. And now, in a moment, we'll 
have an opportunity to pay tribute to some of the officers in the State 
Department who have been so effective in this endeavor. Thank you all 
very much. 

(###)



ARTICLE 2:


U.S. Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean: Building Upon a 
Solid Foundation
Jeffrey Davidow, Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs
Remarks to the Miami Conference on the Caribbean and Latin America, 
Miami, Florida, December 9, 1996


Over the past 20 years, this conference has helped define the direction 
of economic policies in the hemisphere. It has made a major contribution 
to the intellectual revolution which is transforming the region. So it 
is a particular pleasure and honor for me to address this forum, and to 
use this occasion to outline U.S. policy toward Latin America and the 
Caribbean for the second Clinton Administration.

A Solid Foundation

As policymakers, we have the uncommon luxury today of building upon an 
unusually solid foundation. Freely elected and reformist governments are 
in place throughout the hemisphere. The region is stable and economies 
are growing. Per capita income has increased this decade by an annual 
average of about 1%, in contrast to its decline over the 1980's. 
Inflation continues to recede, with ECLAC projecting an average rate for 
this year somewhere in the low 20's, the lowest level in a quarter-
century. Having been tested and found reliable, the region's commitment 
to market economics within a democratic framework is continuing to 
attract foreign and--more importantly over the long run--domestic 
investment.

Above all, we have a unity and clarity of vision that was both 
celebrated and made concrete by the 1994 Summit of the Americas in 
Miami. It's not just that we have an unprecedented hemispheric consensus 
on the broad goals of democracy, economic integration, protection of the 
environment, and combating poverty. What is most impressive is the depth 
of the commitment to those general goals not only by the hemisphere's 
governments, but also by private sector leaders and the public. The 
commitments we made in Miami have been a steadying force that has helped 
the region withstand the shocks and stresses of the past two years 
without backtracking on essential reforms.

And of course, the Summit vision is much more than a vision. We still 
have a long way to go in achieving all our goals. But there has been 
remarkable progress toward implementing the 23 initiatives of the Action 
Plan established by our leaders in Miami. Specific achievements include 
the world's first anti-corruption convention, agreements on cooperation 
to fight terrorism and to combat money laundering, establishment of a 
hemisphere-wide capital markets committee to liberalize and improve 
financial markets, as well as major initiatives underway for health and 
education, and to clean up and conserve the environment. I am happy to 
report that the Summit on Sustainable Development which just concluded 
in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, gave a strong additional impulse to work in 
these areas. Finally, we have made very substantial progress toward the 
Free Trade Area of the Americas, which I will address in a little more 
detail later.

A Continuing Commitment to Reform and Cooperation

As in the first Clinton Administration, three principal objectives will 
guide U.S. policy in the region:

-- Strengthening democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human 
rights;
-- Working cooperatively to address transnational problems--particularly 
combating the menace of the illegal drug trade, crime, migrant 
smuggling, and terrorism, as well as meeting new challenges such as 
environmental degradation; and finally
-- An objective which is of great interest to you and to us, promoting 
economic integration through an open and fair trade policy and the 
building of a Free Trade Area of the Americas--FTAA.

Our action agenda within the second Clinton Administration will closely 
track these objectives. As to particular initiatives, it is clearly 
premature to get into specifics. However, I can share with you some of 
my general thinking about what we will need to accomplish.

If there is to be an overall theme to our efforts during the next four 
years, I would say it would be institutionalizing the reforms which are 
now underway. The past two years have shown that the reform process is 
not as fragile as some feared, but neither can we be confident that it 
is irreversible. There is a strong momentum for policy changes, but what 
is still under construction in most countries are the detailed 
regulations, enforcement practices, and efficient administration which 
make policies effective and responsive to people's needs.

I want to emphasize also that the Summit will continue to provide the 
framework on which we will build our action agenda. As you know, Chile 
will be hosting the next Summit of the Americas in early 1998. Building 
on the accomplishments achieved since the Miami Action Plan in December 
1994, and on our experience in the intervening four years, we believe 
the Santiago Summit can focus on a limited number of new initiatives--
perhaps a half-dozen or so--which will address three priority areas: 
democracy and human rights, poverty, and economic integration.

An Action Agenda

Let me say just a few words about each of these areas.

First, the region has made truly remarkable progress in achieving 
peaceful resolution of disputes, strengthening democracy, and enhancing 
human rights. We must consolidate and further this progress.

In Guatemala, the support of the U.S., other international "friends," 
and the UN is helping the parties reach a final settlement to their 36-
year civil war.

Between Peru and Ecuador, the U.S., Argentina, Brazil, and Chile are 
strongly supporting direct negotiations to find a just and lasting 
settlement to a border dispute which flared into open conflict less than 
two years ago.

In Haiti, the U.S.-led Operation Uphold Democracy directly restored a 
democratic government. We are also working in less dramatic ways to 
nurture new democratic institutions, to share our experience on the 
appropriate role of the military in a civil society, and to strengthen 
the administration of justice and rule of law.

On Cuba, we are committed to challenging peacefully the Cuban 
Government's 37-year reign of tyranny and denial of basic individual and 
political rights.

Another challenge, and probably the most difficult single issue which we 
must address, is the region's persistent poverty. A very large 
proportion of Latin America's people live in conditions that are highly 
unhealthy and with extremely limited opportunities--probably more than a 
third according to several recent estimates, which amounts to well over 
150 million people.

Concerns about the sustainability of economic reforms in the face of 
wide-spread poverty and wide income disparities make poverty alleviation 
a key issue at the Santiago Summit. But addressing this issue is 
critical not only to sustain political support for reform, but also to 
build a modern economy, with a broad base of consumers and workers for 
growth.

The alleviation of poverty requires a well-targeted and comprehensive 
strategy. Over the long run, the most powerful single weapon against 
poverty is education. "Education as investment" has been suggested as a 
key Summit theme by President Frei. I strongly agree.

This brings me to the third focus for our work over the next few years--
making the FTAA a reality. There has already been very considerable 
movement toward that goal including: two successful ministerial meetings 
in Denver and Cartagena; the establishment of a private sector trade 
forum; and the formation of 11 working groups to collect and analyze 
data and develop recommendations for negotiating procedures in a wide 
variety of areas.

At the third ministerial this coming May in Belo Horizonte, I anticipate 
that the ministers will determine when and how to launch formal 
negotiations. We need a decisive beginning in Brazil; we need to answer 
the fundamental questions and define practical negotiating goals and 
procedures for the FTAA. If we don't answer these questions decisively 
by the time all the presidents reunite in March of 1998 in Santiago, 
then I think we can be accused of having failed--failed to meet the 
mandate given us by our leaders, and failed to meet the expectations of 
our publics.

I can assure you that President Clinton remains deeply committed to the 
creation of the FTAA by the year 2005. He is personally interested in 
the Summit process and is determined that the United States will 
continue to be an active player in building a peaceful, democratic, and 
prosperous hemisphere.

On the much-discussed issue of fast-track, again I can assure you that 
the President remains deeply committed to seeking a dialogue with our 
Congress and working in a bipartisan fashion to obtain this important 
authority promptly. I personally remain optimistic on this issue. I 
believe it is increasingly well understood that it is in our interest to 
negotiate strong and balanced trade agreements, whether through the 
FTAA, bilateral free trade agreements, or accession to NAFTA by Chile. 
When we have flexible and comprehensive negotiating authority, we are in 
a better position to exercise leadership in the international trading 
system.

Let me add also that this Administration recognizes the concern 
expressed by many Caribbean and Central American countries that they 
were put at a disadvantage with the passage of NAFTA. The Administration 
remains committed to the goal of enhancing trade benefits for the CBI 
region, and we will be working closely with the 105th Congress to 
achieve it.

Looking back on what I have just outlined as our action agenda in moving 
toward the next Summit, I must admit these are large and ambitious 
goals. They are also goals which are achievable only with the broadest 
cooperation, not only among governments, but also with the private 
sector--business, labor, academia, non-governmental institutions, and 
concerned citizens everywhere. I am confident that this conference will 
contribute significantly to those cooperative efforts.

Conclusion

Let me conclude by noting that, in my view, U.S. policy toward Latin 
America today is unusually strong and resilient.

We share with Latin America and the Caribbean a clear vision of where we 
want to go. We have a common strategy to achieve that vision which is 
specific and comprehensive. And we have an ongoing dialogue among 
governments, and with the other key players of this hemisphere's 
societies, which ensures that our goals and our strategies reflect 
changing realities. I view today's meeting as an important part of that 
dialogue, and I wish this conference every success.

(###)



ARTICLE 3:


Treaty Actions
Multilateral


Chemical Weapons
Convention on the prohibition of the development, production, 
stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction, with 
annexes. Done at Paris Jan. 13, 19931. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 103-21. 
Enters into force Apr. 29, 1997.
Ratifications: Hungary, Oct. 31, 1996; Moldova, July 8, 1996; Swaziland, 
Nov. 20, 1996; Philippines, Dec. 12, 1996.

Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights. Adopted by the UN 
General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976; for 
the U.S. Sept. 8, 1992. 
Accession: Thailand, Oct. 29, 1996.

North Atlantic Treaty
Agreement among the States Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty and 
other States participating in the Partnership for Peace regarding the 
status of their forces. Done at Brussels June 19, 1995. Entered into 
force Jan. 13, 1996.

Additional protocol to the agreement among the States Parties to the 
North Atlantic Treaty and the other States participating in the 
Partnership for Peace regarding the status of their forces. Done at 
Brussels June 19, 1995. Entered into force June 1, 19962. Ratification: 
Sweden, Nov. 13, 19963. 
Signatures: Finland, Dec. 16, 1996; Spain, Dec. 16, 1996.

Prisoner Transfers
Convention on the transfer of sentenced persons. Done at Strasbourg Mar. 
21, 1983. Entered into force July 1, 1985. TIAS 10824. 
Signature: Latvia, Oct. 30, 1996. 
Ratifications: Lithuania, May 24, 1996; Romania, Aug. 8, 1996.


Bilateral

China 
Agreement extending the agreement for cooperation in science and 
technology of  Jan. 31, 1979, as amended and extended. Effected by 
exchange of notes at Beijing Aug. 6 and 28, 1996. Entered into force 
Aug. 28, 1996; effective Apr. 30, 1996.

Japan
Agreement concerning cooperation of the Advanced Spaceborne Thermal 
Emission and Reflection Radiometer (ASTER) Program, with memorandum of 
understanding. Effected by exchange of notes at Washington Oct. 24, 
1996. Entered into force Oct. 24, 1996.

Jordan
Agreement concerning cooperation in the Global Learning and Observations 
to Benefit the Environment (GLOBE) Program, with appendices. Signed at 
Amman Oct. 31, 1996. Entered into force Oct. 31, 1996. 

Air transport agreement, with annexes. Signed at Amman Nov. 10, 1996. 
Entered into force Nov. 10, 1996.

Marshall Islands
Agreement concerning cooperation in the Global Learning and Observations 
to Benefit the Environment (GLOBE) Program, with appendices. Signed at 
Majuro Oct. 17, 1996. Entered into force Oct. 17, 1996.

Mexico 
Agreement for cooperation in the Global Learning and Observations to 
Benefit the Environment (GLOBE) Program, with appendices. Signed at 
Mexico Nov. 15, 1996. Entered into force Nov. 15, 1996.

Agreement concerning the transmission and reception of signals from 
satellites for the provision of satellite [telecommunications] services 
to users in the United States and Mexico, with protocol and exchange of 
letters of Nov. 8, 1996. Signed at Mexico Apr. 28, 1996. Entered into 
force Nov. 6, 1996.

Russia 
Agreement to cooperate in installing seismic stations for monitoring 
nuclear weapons tests. Signed at Washington and Moscow Oct. 15 and 19, 
1996. Entered into force Oct. 19, 1996.


1 Not in force. 
2 Not in force for the U.S. 
3 With reservation.



ARTICLE 4:

What's in Print: Foreign Relations of the United States

The Department of State has recently released three volumes in its 
ongoing series Foreign Relations of the United States.

1958-1960, Volume III, National Security Policy; Arms Control and 
Disarmament

This is the final volume of 75 print volumes and eight microfiche 
supplements documenting the foreign policy of the Eisenhower 
Administration. These publications contain more than 30,000 foreign 
affairs documents from the Department of State, the White House, and 
other agencies covering the years 1952-60.

This volume presents the record of the most significant aspects of the 
U.S. defense posture. Descriptions of National Security Council 
briefings regarding the disastrous effects of a hypothetical U.S.-Soviet 
nuclear war are included.

Reactions of the Eisenhower Administration to the Soviet announcement of 
a suspension in its nuclear testing program and the meetings of 
technical experts from Western and Soviet blocs are also covered.

A microfiche supplement to this volume, to be published in 1997, will 
contain additional documentation on national security policy and arms 
control and disarmament.

A summary of this volume is available on the Internet at the Department 
of State's Home Page: http://www.state.gov.

Copies of Volume III (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02438-1) may be purchased 
for $58.00 ($72.50 for foreign orders).


1961-1963, Volume VIII, National Security Policy

Restructuring by the Kennedy Administration of the national security 
bureaucracy developed by the Eisenhower Administration is documented in 
this volume. The embryo of the modern National Security Council (NSC) 
was created by abolishing the Operations Coordinating Board, 
transferring some functions of the NSC Planning Board to the Department 
of State, and consolidating the NSC and White House foreign policy 
staffers under National Security Adviser, McGeorge Bundy.

The White House set up ad hoc committees and working groups to deal with 
ongoing crises, while the traditional NSC process of grinding out 
approved basic interagency policy papers ground to a halt.

President Kennedy's emphasis on counterinsurgency and paramilitary 
operations is documented, as well as the controversial issue of the 
"missile gap."

Copies of Volume VIII (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02442-0) may be purchased 
for $37.00 ($46.25 for foreign orders).


1961-1963, Volume XXII, Northeast Asia

This volume, one of 25 print volumes and five microfiche supplements 
documenting the foreign policy of the Kennedy Administration, includes 
compilations on U.S. relations with three Northeast Asian states--Korea, 
Japan, and China.

During this period the Republic of Korea was in the midst of political 
change--from a brief interlude of democracy to military dominance. The 
Kennedy Administration tried to move Korea toward democracy and reduce 
the cost of defending it. The relationship between the U.S. Government 
and the Nationalist Government on Taiwan is highlighted, as are the 
ambassadorial talks in Warsaw between the United States and the People's 
Republic of China. Japan was becoming a first-class economic power and 
beginning to assert itself on the international scene.

Some of the documents planned for the Japan compilation were not 
included because they are still classified. The preface to the volume 
includes a disclaimer that the compilation is "not a thorough, accurate, 
and reliable documentary record" of U.S. foreign policy decisions 
concerning Japan.

Copies of Volume XXII (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02411-0) may be purchased 
for $47.00 ($58.75 for foreign orders).

For further information, contact David S. Patterson, General Editor of 
the Foreign Relations series, at (202) 663-1127; fax: (202) 663-1289; e-
mail: pattersond@panet.us-state.gov.

The volumes may be purchased using VISA, MasterCard, and personal checks 
from:

U.S. Government Printing Office
Superintendent of Documents
P.O. Box 371954
Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954

To order by phone, call (202) 512-1800; to fax your order, dial (202) 
512-2250.

(###)


[END OF DISPATCH, VOLUME 7, NUMBER 51]

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