U.S. Department of State
Volume 7, Number 42, October 14, 1996
Bureau of Public Affairs



ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE


1.  Africa at a Crossroads: American Interests and American Engagement--
Secretary Christopher

2.  The U.S. and Africa: Working Together to Meet Global Challenges--
Secretary Christopher

3.  U.S. Partnership With a New Ethiopia--Secretary Christopher

4.  U.S. Support for Resolving the Burundi and Rwanda Conflicts--
Secretary Christopher

5.  The U.S. Peace Corps in Mali: Working Together To Strengthen a 
Nation--Secretary Christopher

6.  Secretary Christopher's Visit to South Africa--Secretary 
Christopher, South African President Mandela

7.  Luanda Demining--Secretary Christopher



ARTICLE 1:


Africa at a Crossroads: American Interests and American Engagement
Secretary Christopher
Address at the South African Institute of International Affairs, 
University of Witswatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, October 12, 
1996


Thank you for that warm welcome. Some of you may have heard that  an 
unnamed American newspaper has questioned my ability to pronounce 
difficult African names during the course of this jet-lagged trip. Well, 
I took this as quite a challenge, so I decided to give this speech at 
the university in Africa with the most difficult, unpronounceable name. 
That's why I came here to the University of "Wits."

It is an honor to speak at a university known around the world for its 
principled opposition to apartheid and for its leading role in building 
the new South Africa. I want to thank the South African Institute for 
International Affairs for hosting me and for your work in raising 
awareness of global issues in this country.

For some time now, Americans have been coming to South Africa to 
celebrate with you the end of apartheid. That has been our great 
privilege, and it is mine, too. But now we have new work to do. The 
victory of freedom has opened new challenges for your people. It also 
has opened an opportunity that our nations must grasp: the opportunity 
to act together to advance common interests in Africa and around the 
world. That is why today I want to speak about America's engagement on 
this continent and to explain why peace, democracy, and prosperity in 
Africa matter so much to the United States.

I wanted to give this speech in South Africa because your example has 
inspired Americans and the world. Today, people look at South Africa and 
say:  If this diverse, once-divided nation can be united by common 
values and aims, then so can any multi-ethnic nation in Africa and the 
world. If South Africa can forge a community of interest with the 
neighbors it once fought, then any region can come together. If South 
Africa can elect a former political prisoner to be its president, if it 
can tell the truth about its past and move forward, so can any nation 
striving to overcome a painful legacy.

When people say that South Africa is a leader, it is not just a 
testament to your size and your economic might. It is a tribute to the 
courage, patience, and tolerance that you have shown in your remarkable 
transition. It is a tribute to the optimism that you inspire in others, 
through Africa and around the world.

Today, all the nations of Africa have a chance to realize the potential 
that exists in their human and natural resources. This was impossible 
when Africa was divided by Cold War cleavages and superpower rivalries. 
It was impossible when most African nations stagnated under single-party 
rule, pursuing economic policies that were based upon ideology, not 
experience. It was impossible when South Africa stood in opposition to 
its neighbors, unable to exercise moral or political leadership.

It is possible today because all over the world, people are recognizing 
the truth that Robert Kennedy expressed here in South Africa 30 years 
ago: that our essential humanity can only be protected and preserved 
where government must answer, not just to the wealthy, not just to those 
of a particular religion, or a particular race, but all its people.

The triumph of that democratic ideal ended the Cold War. It overcame 
apartheid. And in country after country, it is empowering Africans to 
shape their own destinies.

Of course, when we talk about Africa's renewed promise, we must not 
gloss over the tragic problems of those nations still in crisis. Nor can 
we underestimate the devastation caused by poverty, environmental 
neglect, excessive population growth, and disease. We also dare not 
overlook the persistence of human rights abuses or the continued 
existence of injustices such as slavery.

When we speak about Africa, we must, of course, recognize its great 
diversity. But many African nations have this in common: that they are 
at a crossroads. Many countries have ended violence but have not yet 
established conditions for lasting peace. Many have held elections but 
not yet solidified the rule of law. Many are freeing their economies 
from the shackles of state control but have not yet been able to free 
their people from poverty. In other words, much of Africa is at a 
fragile mid-point--the point at which good leadership, sound policies, 
and steady international support and engagement can make the greatest 
difference. That's where the opportunity lies.

All nations must cooperate, not compete, if we are going to make a 
positive difference in Africa's future. The time has passed when Africa 
could be carved into spheres of influence or when outside powers could 
view whole groups of states as their private domain. Today, Africa needs 
the support of all its many friends, not the exclusive patronage of a 
few. The United States will do  its part  not only because it is right 
but because it is in our interest to help Africa succeed. 

We need African partners in our effort to meet global challenges. 
African nations played a leading role in extending the Non-Proliferation 
Treaty. Without the support and help of democracies such as Benin and 
South Africa, we might have lost our most important barrier against the 
spread of nuclear weapons. Likewise, without the nearly unanimous 
support of African nations, we might not have gained the UN General 
Assembly's approval of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty last month.

We need African partners if we are to dismantle the global networks of 
crime, narcotics, and terror that, unhappily, are also gaining a 
foothold here. The health and prosperity of Americans depend on 
preserving the global environment, and we can only do so if we are fully 
engaged in Africa. America, like the whole world, has an interest in 
preserving Africa's tropical forests, which have given us effective 
treatments for leukemia and Hodgkin's Disease.

We clearly have an interest in helping Africa realize its immense and 
mostly untapped economic potential. As Africa's regions come together, 
as its nations become more stable and free, opportunities for investment 
and trade in Africa will only grow.

Our late Commerce Secretary, my friend Ron Brown, understood this. No 
one ever worked harder or with more success to broaden and diversify our 
trade and investment relationship with Africa, including southern 
Africa, which he named one of the 10 great emerging markets in the 
world. We are carrying on Ron's work. U.S. trade with Sub-Saharan Africa 
grew by 12% last year. Our exports to Africa already exceed those to the 
entire former Soviet Union. Here in South Africa, our ambassador has 
told me that almost one new American company is starting or expanding 
its operations every week. I want to pay tribute to our ambassador, Jim 
Joseph, who is here with me today. He has done such a fine job in 
representing America in this country that he loves so much.

We also recognize our interest in helping Africa resolve the conflicts 
that stand in the way of a better future. Crisis after crisis has taught 
us that the cost of prevention is never as great as the price of 
neglect; that lifting lives is even more rewarding than saving lives. 
The American people have always responded with generosity when a 
humanitarian emergency sears our conscience. But if together we succeed 
in being peacemakers and democracy-builders, we will not be called upon 
to provide emergency relief nearly as often, and that is surely in our 
interest and Africa's as well.

For all these good reasons, President Clinton is determined to intensify 
American engagement in Africa. In the last four years, in a tough 
budgetary climate in the United States, he has sought to protect our 
assistance to Africa, even as aid to other regions declined sharply. We 
have provided $600 million to support South Africa's transition to 
democracy. We have helped nations such as Mali and Benin consolidate 
democracy. We launched an initiative to prevent conflict and achieve 
food security in the Greater Horn of Africa. We have been deeply engaged 
in support of peace in Mozambique and Angola. Our armed forces provided 
critical support for relief in Rwanda, and they helped save hundreds of 
thousands of lives in Somalia. We are the world's leading supporter of 
eliminating landmines in Africa--a cause I think the world is finally 
awakening to.

I cannot be here today and pretend to you that there is no debate in 
America about Africa's relative importance. But my travel to Africa this 
past week has only strengthened my conviction that America must remain 
engaged on this continent. I intend to build on the experiences of this 
visit and to draw on its lessons to make that case to the American 
people. We cannot and we will not walk away from Africa.

Our approach to Africa is to promote democracy, to prevent conflict, to 
encourage economic prosperity and integration, and to support 
sustainable development. These fundamental elements are inseparable. 
Political freedom is the key to peace within nations. Economies perform 
best where people are free to shape their destiny. But democracy itself 
cannot thrive in nations divided by armed conflict or crippled by 
dwindling natural resources. Let me discuss each element of our approach 
in turn.

The first is to promote democratic government, human rights, and the 
rule of law. I can remember when apologists for colonialism argued that 
Africa was not developed enough to be "ready" for democracy. Sadly, many 
African leaders have used the same excuse to justify dictatorship. But 
now the tide is turning. Since 1989, more than 20 nations have embraced 
democratic government, rejecting what Mali's President Konare has 
condemned as "the logic of 'shut up and obey.'"

The rising tide of democracy means that Africans are finally gaining a 
chance to solve problems and to shape their future. In southern Africa, 
drought has not led to catastrophe in part because most governments in 
this region are held accountable by their voters and by a free press. 
Democracy makes it more likely that internal divisions will be settled 
peacefully at the ballot box. That has been possible in emerging 
democracies such as Mozambique and Namibia, and certainly it has been 
impossible in dictatorships such as Sudan. Democracy makes it more 
likely that business people will invest, because they have more 
confidence in a place where the rule of law will protect their 
investments.

Of course, democracy means more than elections. It depends on a free 
press, independent courts, and a public culture in which every person 
can participate fully in political and community life.

In the last four years, American assistance has helped women's groups 
get involved in politics, helped human rights advocates gain a voice, 
and defended independent journalists. We support institutions that 
establish accountability for past abuses, such as South Africa's Truth 
and Reconciliation Commission. This morning, I had the honor and 
pleasure to sign an agreement on behalf of the United States that will 
provide $400,000 for the commission's work, and I had the pleasure and 
inspiration of being with President and Archbishop Tutu. We are also the 
world's leading supporter of the Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal.

Former President Soglo of Benin certainly had it right when he said that 
Africa can't afford to be held to a lesser democratic standard by the 
world. Nigeria's oppressive rule is especially troubling at the moment. 
Nigeria should be a leader in Africa. But its rulers have squandered 
their nation's potential and made it the poorest oil-rich country on 
earth. The effects of corruption and drug trafficking in Nigeria can 
already be felt from South Africa to North America. The United States 
hopes that the Nigerian Government will move forward with political and 
economic reform. We are open to dialogue with its leaders. But we are 
prepared to take appropriate steps if repression continues.

When democracy is threatened, its fate depends in part on the will of 
other nations to defend it. Already, many African leaders have 
recognized that national boundaries must not shield abuses that threaten 
whole regions. As I said at the OAU two days ago in Addis Ababa, by 
acting together African nations can effectively vindicate the principle 
that democracy must be safeguarded, that military coups are 
unacceptable, and that election results must be respected.

The second element of our approach is to work with African nations to 
resolve Africa's remaining armed conflicts and to prevent new ones. In 
Africa's Great Lakes region, the United States and South Africa are 
working with regional leaders to avert renewed genocide. I was in Arusha 
yesterday to support the efforts to achieve a negotiated solution to the 
crisis in Burundi. I had an opportunity to discuss this issue with 
President Mandela this morning and found that we fully share the goal of 
achieving an agreement that will restore democracy and protect minority 
rights. In Angola, which I will visit Monday, we also are working to 
resolve the war that has raged there for a generation.

Our experience in Angola has demonstrated the essential role the United 
Nations can play in resolving conflict. We are determined to meet our 
responsibilities to the UN. We are striving to improve its effectiveness 
and strengthen its leadership.

Like other parts of the world, Africa also needs strong regional and 
sub-regional organizations, such as SADC, that take responsibility, in 
partnership with Africa's friends abroad, at moments of crisis. It needs 
well-trained regional forces that can be deployed rapidly when and where 
they are needed for humanitarian and peacekeeping missions. It needs a 
mechanism that combines the experience of Africa's armed forces with the 
resources and capabilities of its non-African partners.

To meet this need, we are working with our partners in Africa and around 
the world to create what we are calling an African Crisis Response 
Force. This concept is not new, but it is certainly necessary. It allows 
us to realize a goal that the OAU has espoused and other nations have 
long shared: to build Africa's capacity for resolving conflict--just as 
we have done in many other regions of the world.

The crisis in Burundi adds urgency to the creation of such a force. But 
it could meet Africa's long-term needs as well. It can help ensure that 
neither my country nor any African nation will ever face a choice 
between acting alone at times of crisis or doing nothing. I am happy to 
say that a number of African nations already have expressed their 
willingness to contribute to such a force. Based on the results of my 
trip, I am increasingly confident that an African Crisis Response Force 
can and, indeed, will be created.

The third element of our approach is to help Africa realize its economic 
potential. Many countries in Africa have acted to reduce budget 
deficits, privatize enterprises, and deregulate economies. These are 
hard and sometimes painful steps--in Africa and everywhere else in the 
world. But they are the only path to sustained growth and rising living 
standards.

The United States strongly supports the efforts of the international 
financial institutions to help African nations succeed in traveling down 
this path, and President Clinton is seeking adequate funding for this 
work. We also helped forge the consensus that donor nations reached last 
month to relieve more of the debt owed by the world's poorest countries.

We applaud the World Bank's greater focus on education, because 
education is critical to economic development. There is no good reason 
why the donor community and African countries cannot work together to 
help every child in every country benefit from at least a full primary 
education by the year 2010. Development also depends on unleashing the 
talents of all of Africa's people. Africa's women, in particular, must 
gain full access to every school, clinic, and parliament if the 
continent is to succeed in tapping its full potential.

The United States also strongly supports the new measures that the World 
Bank and IMF will be taking against corruption around the world. The 
private sector can thrive only when ordinary citizens are not forced to 
pay bribes for basic services, when contracts are awarded fairly, and 
when foreign investors are not intimidated. Fighting this kind of 
corruption is a global challenge. It is also an African challenge. We 
are encouraged by the priority that African democracies such as Tanzania 
are giving to rooting out these corrosive practices.

We also should work together to help Africa become more integrated with 
the global economy. Thirty-two Sub-Saharan African nations have joined 
the new World Trade Organization, and we are helping them  share its 
benefits and meet its requirements. In this region, SADC is eliminating 
duties and non-tariff barriers. We encourage it to work with its 
counterparts in East and West Africa to liberalize trade throughout the 
continent.

The final element of our approach is to overcome the transnational 
problems that undermine democracy, peace, and prosperity. African 
nations will prosper only if their economies grow faster than their 
population. Africa's economies will grow only if they manage wisely the 
forests, grasslands, waters, and wildlife that are fundamental to every 
industry from agriculture to tourism to manufacturing.

When some people look at the massive social and environmental pressures 
your continent faces, they predict anarchy and chaos. They think 
violence is the inevitable consequence of environmental decay, disease, 
and population growth. These forces are, to be sure, destructive. But I 
believe that human neglect and unaccountable government are the most 
important causes of the human disasters we have seen in countries such 
as  Liberia. Genocide is not a natural disaster.

I am convinced, as President John Kennedy once said, that "problems 
created by man can be solved by man." During my trip this week, I have 
been inspired by the men and women I met who are struggling to meet 
Africa's greatest challenges and are succeeding. Thanks to them, infant 
survival rates, life expectancy, and literacy are steadily rising. 
Thanks to them, a higher proportion of Africa's lands are set aside for 
protection than anywhere in the world.

The United States stands with them. In Africa, the U.S. Agency for 
International Development is placing particular emphasis on sustainable 
development. When I was in Addis Ababa earlier this week, I visited a 
community where the U.S. is working with local people to pave streets, 
fix bridges, and create economic opportunity. When I was in Mali, I 
visited our young Peace Corps volunteers, who are working with villagers 
to plant trees and to keep drinking water safe. They are doing that in 
an area threatened by the desert, and this is fascinating and heroic 
work. Any American who saw what I saw this week would be proud of our 
country's role on this continent and just as determined as I am to 
preserve it.

The goals I have talked about here this afternoon--democracy, peace, 
prosperity, and sustainable development--are goals I know the United 
States and South Africa share. I also know that South Africa faces great 
challenges at home--from the old quest to assure justice and opportunity 
for all to the new urgency of fighting crime and narcotics. The most 
important thing South Africa can do for Africa and for the world is to 
ensure that its own transformation here at home succeeds. We remain 
optimistic about the future of the South African economy and its 
leadership. But I know you do not believe your responsibility ends here 
in South Africa.

South Africa has already made great progress in promoting regional 
cooperation and peace in southern Africa. SADC has been a tremendous 
success, and under President Mandela's leadership it will only grow 
stronger. But your national interest does not end even in this region. 
After all, no one wants the nations that we once called the "front line 
states" to find themselves on a new front line, facing instability and 
poverty to the north. That is why we applaud President Mandela's 
courageous leadership on human rights and South Africa's growing 
engagement in the OAU.

South Africa is an important global partner for the United States, too. 
Your nation has provided decisive leadership against nuclear 
proliferation, not once but many times. We share an interest in fighting 
terrorism, drugs, and crime, and in protecting the global environment. 
The Binational Commission chaired by Deputy President Mbeki and Vice 
President Gore already has put many of these practical issues on our 
common agenda, and we're working together on these issues.

When I look around the world, I see very few countries with greater 
potential to help shape the 21st century than the new South Africa. I 
see few relationships as vital to advancing our common interests as the 
U.S.-South Africa relationship.

Our nations are linked by so much shared history, so many shared values, 
and so many shared common aspirations. You have struggled to become what 
Bishop Tutu calls "the rainbow people of God." In America, we have 
struggled, in the words of Martin Luther King, "to transform the 
jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of 
brotherhood." Despite all of our remaining problems, our examples still 
inspire the world. Nations look to us to exercise principled leadership. 
Let us continue to heed their call. 

(###)



ARTICLE 2:


The U.S. and Africa: Working Together to Meet Global Challenges
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the Organization of African Unity, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 
October 10, 1996


Secretary General Salim, distinguished representatives, ladies and 
gentlemen: I'm very much honored to be here this morning. I've been an 
admirer of the OAU, and I am particularly an admirer of the recent 
activities that you've undertaken, the new vigor and determination that 
you've shown, and the contribution that you've made to peace and 
stability in the African region. 

I think I should tell you that when I was on my way here yesterday from 
Bamako, to my surprise, the pilot of the airplane came back and brought 
a big cake for me, which indicated that I had now established a record 
for the most miles traveled by a Secretary of State during a four-year 
term--704,000 miles. That may say something good about my endurance and 
stamina. I'm not sure it says very much about my judgment and 
discipline. But in any event, as you hear me this morning, I hope you'll 
make allowances for permanent jet lag, now somewhat complicated by high 
altitude. 

It was a pleasure as I came in this morning to tour the Conflict 
Management Center that we worked together to create, and I hope that it 
will be a useful organism for the OAU. It is an important element of a 
broader effort that I want to focus on today: what the OAU is doing, and 
what we are doing together, to prevent and resolve conflicts, and to 
strengthen Africa's democratic revolution. 

I've come here on behalf of President Clinton, and at his particular 
request, to underscore America's commitment to Africa. We need to work 
in partnership with Africa to meet the global challenges of our time--to 
meet the global challenges, for example, in the fight against nuclear 
proliferation and narcotics and crime; to work together to deal with the 
imperative of protecting and improving our environment. To sum up, we 
want to help Africa realize its enormous economic potential. We want to 
work with Africans to avert the conflicts that claim innocent lives and 
thwart your progress toward democracy and prosperity.

In the last four years, the United States has acted on many fronts to 
support democracy across this continent. We have worked with you to 
resolve conflicts in Angola and Mozambique. We've supported African 
responses to crises in Liberia and Burundi. We're working on the 
President's commitment to strengthen our trade and economic links to 
Africa--commitment that was championed so effectively by my late 
colleague, Brown. In a tight budgetary climate in the United States, we 
are also working hard to maintain our assistance programs. 

Too often, people outside this region look at Africa's future with an 
exaggerated pessimism. It is certainly true that the nations of Africa 
face daunting problems, but citizen after citizen and country after 
country are showing that these problems can be overcome when governments 
answer to their people, open up their economies, and manage their 
resources wisely. 

The winds of change, I'm glad to note, are gathering force all across 
Africa. More than 20 democracies have begun to emerge just in the last 
seven years. Of course, there have been some incomplete transitions and 
some setbacks. Some states still deny the aspirations of their people, 
but they  are swimming against the tide of the new democratic change in 
Africa.

As you well know, many African countries are also acting to reform their 
economies. This is not an easy process, but it is the only path to 
sustain growth and to raise living standards. 

All over the world, a critical part of economic reform is overcoming 
corruption. I'm heartened by the new priority that African democracies, 
from Benin to South Africa, are giving to fighting corruption. Two years 
ago in Pretoria, many African governments agreed that the OAU should 
work with the OECD, which is taking steps to criminalize illicit 
payments of companies abroad. I hope that cooperation in this area can 
go forward. I also believe that the OAU should consider a continent-wide 
convention against corruption, perhaps one similar to that recently 
adopted by the Organization of American States. 

The efforts to build democracy and promote development are underway, but 
they will not succeed until we have secured the peace on this continent. 
Here in Ethiopia, for example, only with the end of the war could 
comprehensive steps be taken to stave off drought and famine. Across 
Africa, conflict is increasingly seen for what it is--an endless drain 
on lives and resources that squanders opportunities for growth and 
prosperity.

The very best strategy for preventing conflict is to promote democracy. 
This is because democracy can ensure that Africa's internal disputes are 
settled by voters casting ballots, instead of soldiers wielding guns. 
From Mali to Namibia to Mozambique, all across this great continent, 
this is the lesson that Africans are teaching. The investments we make 
in democracy today can make urgent emergency responses unnecessary 
tomorrow. 

This summer, the leaders of the Great Lakes region united in a swift 
response to the coup in Burundi. They were united by opposing sanctions 
and calling for democratic rule and all-party talks. I urge the OAU to 
build on this encouraging precedent by taking strong public and private 
stands to defend legitimate governments. When you act together, you have 
the very great power of principle on your side: the principle that, 

First, negotiated settlements to conflicts must be implemented;
Second, that democratic institutions must be safeguarded;
Third, that military coups are unacceptable;
Fourth, that election results must be respected.

Speaking of elections, I also hope that here in the OAU, you will give 
even greater attention to what the Secretary General spoke about--your 
new efforts at election monitoring--to make sure that leaders who 
promise fair elections are held to their word. 

The good news is that new African leadership to prevent and resolve 
conflicts can be seen in every corner of the continent. The recent 
ECOWAS summit spoke clearly to Liberia's warlords, demanding 
disarmament, demobilization, and an election in 1997. The South African 
Development Community threw its weight behind the peace process in 
Mozambique, and just last week, in Angola. 

The OAU's growing efforts to monitor and mediate disputes, together with 
the Secretary General's able leadership, are paying off throughout the 
continent. In recent years, the OAU's quiet diplomacy has helped keep 
democracy on track in the Congo and in Comoros. It has broken new ground 
by sending military observers to Rwanda and Burundi. 

Nevertheless, sad to say, Burundi today remains on the brink of an even 
greater tragedy, and other nations are also at risk. We must develop the 
capacity for an effective response in Burundi and in any other future 
crises. And we must find new ways for Africans to work together and for 
the international community to support you. 

The time has come to build on your expertise to create a new political 
and military partnership--one that we have called the African Crisis 
Response Force. There is already a good foundation to build on, as we 
consider such a new force. The OAU has gained experience in monitoring 
problem areas. African states have extensive experience in peacekeeping 
efforts under the United Nations auspices. Many African countries have 
troops prepared to participate in peacekeeping operations but not the 
resources to finance them. And several Western countries are willing to 
support such operations but believe that African nations should take the 
leading role. Hence, an African Crisis Response Force would be a logical 
next step. 

It would consist of African troops reinforced by training, equipment, 
logistical, and financial support. It would come from the United States 
and other countries. Such a force would be developed in full 
consultation with the United Nations and the OAU. It would not be a 
standing force but one that could be quickly assembled, led by Africans, 
and deployed under UN auspices. Its mission would be to protect innocent 
civilians, ensure the delivery of humanitarian aid, and help resolve 
conflicts in Africa and beyond. 

We are actively engaged in the dialogue with our African and European 
partners, as well as the UN and the OAU, about this valuable new idea. 
The OAU and its members will have a particularly important role to play 
in shaping this partnership. I hope it will become a strong link in the 
chain of successful responses to conflict. 

The United States is prepared to provide substantial support for this 
initiative, support which, of course, would be in addition to the $8 
million we are now providing to various OAU activities, including our 
support for the new Conflict Management Center. In all of these areas, 
the OAU needs the support and involvement of Africa's subregional 
organizations. That's why we've committed $40 million last year alone to 
support ECOMOG in Liberia. It is why we have organized the Greater Horn 
of Africa Initiative, bringing together governments, regional 
organizations, and NGOs.

The OAU plays another critical role--representing Africa's interests 
around the world. Africa's support for the permanent extension of the 
Non-Proliferation Treaty was absolutely critical. It was also vital for 
the adoption by the General Assembly of the Comprehensive Test Ban 
Treaty. We must continue to work together in our campaign to adopt a 
comprehensive ban on antipersonnel mines--a series of horrors that 
Africa knows far too well. Finally, we cannot hope to meet the 
challenges of sustainable development and women's empowerment without 
Africa's continued leadership--the kind of leadership you showed at the 
UN Women's Conference in Beijing last fall. 

The United Nations has an important role to play in meeting the full 
range of challenges that I've outlined today. To help us meet them, the 
United Nations needs effective new leadership. We've made it clear that 
we are sympathetic to Africa's desire for a second term. I urge you to 
identify strong African candidates for the Secretary Generalship of the 
United Nations. 

In closing, let me say that the challenges that I've outlined today  are 
formidable, but think of the challenges that you've already overcome 
here in Africa. When I see the courageous struggle for peace and 
democracy being waged by Africans from the Sahel to southern Africa, I'm 
impressed by the stubborn persistence of hope among the nations of this 
continent. If we also have strength and determination, we can realize 
Africa's hopes for a better future. Thank you very much. 

(###)



ARTICLE 3:


U.S. Partnership With a New Ethiopia
Secretary Christopher

Arrival Statement
Opening statement of a news conference upon arrival, Addis Ababa, 
Ethiopia, October 9, 1996.


Good evening. I'm very pleased to be here in Addis Ababa on behalf of 
President Clinton to welcome the progress that Ethiopia has made toward 
overcoming a legacy of dictatorship and civil war. The United States is 
very pleased to be a partner of the new Ethiopia. Through our 
assistance, we are helping the Ethiopian people build a democratic 
society--one that respects human rights. We are helping them rebuild and 
reform their economy. Through the Greater Horn of Africa Initiative, we 
are helping Ethiopia and its neighbors achieve stability and improve 
security in a region that has known the tragedies of both war and 
famine. 

One of my goals during my stay here will be to highlight the growing 
U.S. commercial presence. Fifty years ago, the State Department had the 
foresight to help one of our leading companies, TWA, develop a new 
airline based here in Addis. Fifty years later, Ethiopian Airlines is 
one of the most modern, quality airlines in the world--definitely here 
in Africa. With all-Boeing fleets and long-haul aircraft, each powered 
by Pratt Whitney engines, our aviation partnership between an American 
company and Ethiopian Airlines is certainly flying high.

At the airport, before coming here, I toured the Large Engine Test 
Center. That facility brings together the advanced technologies of 
Boeing, Pratt Whitney, and the Central Engineering Company of 
Minneapolis, Minnesota.  I also had a chance to see the flight simulator 
that Ethiopian Airlines bought from Boeing. It's the only one of its 
kind in Africa and the Middle East. 

The number of American companies represented in Ethiopia has doubled in 
the last two years. Our presence in Ethiopia, of course, means jobs not 
only for Americans, but for Ethiopians as well. I hope that my visit to 
Ethiopia encourages the people of this country to move further down the 
path of economic reform and toward a more open, democratic society. 
That's the kind of path and the kind of development that will encourage 
even more investment and will lead to a brighter future for Ethiopia's 
people. 

I very much look forward to my day in Addis. I will be meeting Prime 
Minister Meles, members of the government, opposition figures, and  
human rights groups. Late in the afternoon, I'll be visiting a Food for 
Development project funded by USAID. I will also tour the OAU Conflict 
Management Center, along with Secretary General Salim, and meet   with 
the OAU ambassadors, discussing with them how we can cooperate to 
strengthen the OAU as a force for preventing and resolving future 
conflicts.


Korea Village
Remarks at the Infrastructure Development Project, Korea Village, Addis 
Ababa, Ethiopia, October 10, 1996.

First, let me pay my respects to all the veterans of the Korean war who 
are here today. I'm very honored to be here with you. I am old enough to 
be a veteran of World War II, so I know something of your service, and I 
honor you for being here today. Next I'd like to greet all the residents 
of this area who were kind enough to gather here to be with us today. 
And, finally--certainly, last but not least--I want to thank the school 
children who have come here and sung so well for me today, and who have 
given me this warm greeting.

I am very pleased to be visiting this CARE project, and I want to thank 
our Ethiopian and American hosts for having arranged this very moving 
occasion. I am especially happy to be here today because of the unique 
history of this community. As I think all of you know, in the 1950s this 
was the training site for brave Ethiopian soldiers who fought with 
American forces in the Korean war. 

After the war, many of the veterans came to live in this area, and that, 
of course, is why it is called Korea Village. Now Korea Village is a 
project that once again brings together our three nations--Ethiopia, 
Korea, and the United States. The United States, through its aid agency, 
and the Korean Government provide the resources; Ethiopian citizens and 
the CARE organization--one of our great private organizations--do the 
hard work. Working together, what has been done is to make this 
community a better place to live, which is certainly inspiring to me. 
This is something the American people would be exceedingly excited to 
see. They would be glad to know how much you have accomplished here with 
just a small amount of outside aid. This project helps the citizens of 
this city overcome some of the most difficult problems they face--
problems like food shortages, unemployment, and the lack of buildings. 

The ladies told me that in return for a daily ration of wheat and 
vegetable oil, the women of this community have worked for months 
digging up rocks and breaking them down in order to build this walkway 
and bridges. The ladies thanked me for the aid that the United States 
has given, but I want to thank them--as it is really to them that we are 
indebted for this great community improvement. This road used to  be 
just a muddy path, but now it's a symbol of your country's 
transformation from a country that was mired in crisis to a country that 
is moving down the road to progress. 

I look forward to reporting to President Clinton and the American people 
about this inspiring project. And I thank you again--especially you 
Korean war veterans and especially the children--for coming here to join 
me and to honor me by your presence. Thank you very much. 

(###)



ARTICLE 4:


U.S. Support for Resolving the Burundi and Rwanda Conflicts
Secretary Christopher

Meetings With Regional Leaders
Statement prior to meetings, Arusha, Tanzania, October 11, 1996.

Good afternoon. I have come to Arusha to meet with President Mkapa, 
President Moi, President Museveni, former President Nyerere, and foreign 
ministers from around the region. I want to thank President Mkapa for 
hosting today's meetings and our other colleagues for participating in 
them.

The most urgent issue on our agenda today is Burundi. The United States 
condemned the July coup in Burundi, and we have supported regional 
leaders in their extraordinary efforts to resolve the conflict. Our 
goals are clear: to restore democracy, to protect minority rights, and 
to prevent further bloodshed. These goals cannot be achieved by force of 
arms or imposed by one group of Burundians over another. The United 
States calls on both sides in the conflict to suspend their hostilities 
and to begin all-party negotiations.

Of course, we cannot dictate the terms of a settlement; that is the 
responsibility of Burundi's people. Our responsibility is to press both 
sides to reach an agreement that allows all the people of Burundi to 
live together in a secure and democratic country. 

When we see progress, we must be ready to recognize it. Both sides have 
expressed a willingness to negotiate. Mr. Buyoya's decision to reopen 
the National Assembly and to lift the ban on political parties is 
encouraging. The rebel groups must know that we expect them to choose 
dialogue as well. It is time for all sides to stop the killing and to 
start talking.

With good faith on all sides and the continued engagement of a united 
region, we believe a peaceful settlement is attainable. Should the 
situation in Burundi deteriorate further, however, the international 
community must be prepared to act quickly to prevent a humanitarian 
catastrophe. Yesterday at the OAU, I called for the creation of an 
African Crisis Response Force so that the continent will have the 
ability to respond rapidly and effectively to crises in Africa and 
beyond.

We also spoke today about our efforts to encourage the voluntary 
repatriation of Rwandan refugees. The U.S. has provided $850 million in 
humanitarian aid to this region since 1993. We recognize the burden the 
countries of this region have faced, and we appreciate their generosity. 
But we must now pursue a more comprehensive approach to the problem the 
camps pose. 

We believe it is time to close the camps closest to the Rwandan border 
that pose the greatest security threat. The refugees should be 
encouraged to return voluntarily to Rwanda, which we believe most can 
now do safely. Where that is not possible, they should be moved to camps 
further from the border.

Later today, I will meet with Louise Arbour, the Chief Prosecutor of the 
International War Crimes Tribunal. The Tribunal serves a critical 
purpose--not just to punish genocide in Rwanda, but to deter genocide in 
Burundi and elsewhere. The United States has been the strongest 
supporter of the Rwanda Tribunal. I am pleased to announce that we will 
contribute an additional $650,000 for its work, which will be tied to 
improvements in its management. Today, I urged all the governments of 
this region to cooperate fully with this effort.

Finally, we spoke today about the East African nations' growing 
political and economic cooperation. The United States strongly supports 
the East African Community's effort to create a single East African 
marketplace. It is a reminder that most of the nations and people of 
East Africa are moving away from conflict and catastrophe, even as they 
try to resolve the crises in Burundi and Rwanda. 

The United States will stand with them as they move toward democracy, 
free markets, and integration. And we will continue to work with them as 
they try to heal the region's remaining wounds. 

(###)



ARTICLE 5:


The U.S. Peace Corps in Mali: Working Together to Strengthen a Nation
Secretary Christopher

Presidential Palace
Remarks following meeting with Mali President Konare, Prime Minister 
Keita, and Foreign Minister Traoreon, Bamako, Mali, October 8, 1996.

Thank you Mr. Foreign Minister. Let  me just first say that I really 
value the opportunity to get acquainted with my fellow Foreign Minister 
and President Konare. I thank him very much for inviting me here today.

We just completed more than two hours of discussion with President 
Konare and Prime Minister Keita. First of all, I expressed America's 
admiration for President Konare's leadership and Mali's transformation. 
Mali's success is the best answer to those who claim that Africa's 
problems are insoluble.

What has been accomplished here sends a signal to all of Africa. When 
people are trusted to choose their leaders and the leaders make the 
right choices, nations can avert crisis and begin to unlock their 
economic potential.

In our meeting today, I pledged our continuing support for Mali's 
democratic and economic reforms. In particular, I announced that an 
additional $700,000 grant will be given to Mali to help hold its free 
and fair elections in 1997. I emphasized that our aid program, generally 
speaking, would continue to focus on education, health, and employment 
for the youth, exactly the topics in which they are most interested. I 
also indicated that we want to continue to support Mali's economic 
reform.

During the course of the day, we discussed President Konare's courageous 
efforts to end the conflict in northern Mali. I am glad to say that our 
Peace Corps volunteers will be returning to that area soon and that  we 
are ready to provide an additional $1 million to help demobilize the 
former rebel forces. Also, we are ready to help train the newly 
integrated units of the Mali army. These are some of the ways that 
America can be helpful. 

As the Foreign Minister said, we discussed various crisis situations 
here in the region. I particularly welcomed the President's commitment 
to join with other African nations, the U.S., and Europe to help assist 
in forming the African Crisis Response Force.

I also thanked President Konare for his principled stand on the issue of 
human rights. That is an issue, along with many others, where Mali can 
provide leadership and inspiration for its neighbors, indeed, for all of 
Africa. So, from my standpoint, it was an exceedingly good meeting, and 
I thank the President, the Prime Minister, and the Foreign Minister for 
hosting me and our delegation.


Peace Corps Village
Remarks at the Semaya Peace Corps Village, Bamako, Mali, October 8, 
1996.

Good afternoon, and thank you for such a warm greeting. There have been 
a number of times when Peace Corps volunteers would come wherever I was 
and I would have a chance to greet them, but this is the first time I've 
gone out to a Peace Corps village. I must say it's exciting; it's 
thrilling.

I want to thank the Chief of Semaya for hosting me; Foreign Minister 
Traore--for his being here; and also Peace Corps Country Director Brad 
Favor for being here. I am very grateful to the people of Semaya for 
hosting this Peace Corps group and making them all feel so welcome. I 
must say that a lot of Americans would be very proud if they could see 
you-- Peace Corps volunteers--performing the things you do virtually at 
no cost to the people of the area, yet providing some real value. 
Planting trees, making trees better by the various technologies they 
bring, improving the quality of water: It really is terrific.

You know, for 25 years, the people of Mali and the Peace Corps have been 
partners in helping to preserve this nation's natural resources and 
making them more accessible. This is the largest Peace Corps contingent 
in all of Africa, and isn't it wonderful to see it in action.

I have said many times that all the nations of the world share a 
responsibility to manage the environment wisely. I have tried to 
emphasize the environment as a core part of American foreign policy. You 
have a beautiful proverb in this country that captures this sentiment. 
It goes like this: "Each tree has its purpose."  

The people of Mali, the people of this village, and the people of the 
United States have a common purpose in fighting the encroachment of the 
desert, in fighting the depletion of the forest, and trying to prevent 
the extinction of species--problems that are all too well known in the 
Sahel--and work to prevent those problems, to overcome them, begins in 
villages like this.

As part of the water project that I have seen today, Malians and 
Americans are working together to try to construct wells and keep 
drainage from polluting them. The well that I just saw over there, I'm 
told, is 40 meters deep, and the water it reaches is pure and clean. The 
main thing, in the future, is to keep it from being polluted and to make 
it available to the people of the area.

Everybody here knows how important it is to improve the quality of 
drinking water. It helps farmers to produce more, cuts down on water-
borne diseases, and reduces the number of breeding places for 
mosquitoes. It is just one of the most important things we can do.

The Peace Corps soil conservation project helps in the never-ending 
struggle against the expanding desert. That is a struggle that is worth 
fighting, and the Peace Corps is doing it by helping villagers plant 
trees, building rock walls against soil diversion, and improving mud 
stoves so that less wood is burned and wasted.

Every one of these projects is a real hands-on training in democracy as 
the Peace Corps volunteers and the residents of the village work 
together to try to solve common problems.

Let me give you an example of the Peace Corps' contribution in the 
person of Jamie Shambaugh, who is helping me here today in walking me 
through this. Jamie discovered that Mali's Bafing Makana Park existed 
only on paper. It was a paper park. He decided something had to be done 
about that to protect the area's threatened species. He helped to raise 
the local awareness about the fact that this was a park only on paper, 
and the community developed a plan of action.

Having been alerted by Jamie, the local government, the NGOs, and donors 
are now cooperating to establish the boundaries of the park and to make 
the people who live nearby aware of what they have here and aware of the 
importance of biodiversity.

The young women I saw planting and grafting trees, the men I saw working 
on the water project--all of them are doing a terrific job, and I ask 
you to join me in giving them a hand. 

The kinds of programs we witnessed today are illustrations of programs 
that have made President Clinton and myself determined to preserve the 
Peace Corps, which is one of John F. Kennedy's legacies. This kind of 
program, and these kinds of programs, are possible because Mali is a 
democracy that listens to its people. It also cares about its people's 
needs and provides a wonderful host to our Peace Corps programs. So I 
thank the people of Mali and their government for being so generous in 
hosting the Peace Corps and giving us a chance to work in the area and 
serve. 

Let us all work together to make Mali become an even stronger and more 
prosperous democracy, the kind of country that can avert the 
humanitarian tragedies that have befallen so many of its neighbors. 

I can't leave without thanking those who provided the music--the drums--
and particularly all of you for turning out to greet me, to give me a 
real sense of how it is to live in a village, and also showing me what 
we can possibly do to be helpful.

I hope to come back someday when those mango trees are bearing fruit and 
I can see the other results of your labors. 

(###)



ARTICLE 6:


Secretary Christopher's Visit to South Africa
Secretary Christopher, South African President Mandela

Press Conference
Remarks at a press conference, Genadendaal, Cape Town, South Africa, 
October 12, 1996.

President Mandela. Mr. Warren Christopher, U.S. Secretary of State, 
needs no introduction. 

We have discussed a number of issues. First, the suggestion of a task 
force for dealing with crises in Africa; second the question of Nigeria; 
and third, Burundi and the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. 
Boutros-Ghali. 

I thanked him for raising these issues, especially the first one about a 
peace force in Africa to deal with crises--and the fact that the leader 
of the West should be concerned over what is happening in Africa is a 
matter of great satisfaction to me. It is a concept which has got quite 
a lot of potential, but my point of view is that if this initiative is 
going to succeed, it must have credibility. It must not come from one 
country; it should actually be the initiative of the United Nations, and 
in such a case it will receive wide support. 

Credibility is absolutely important so that we can concentrate on the 
problems themselves instead of allowing detractors to have ammunition to 
shoot down an initiative that would be in the interest of Africa as a 
whole. I also pointed out, in this regard, that I am part of the 
Southern African Development Community--SADC--as well as the 
Organization of African Unity--OAU. I could have no individual views 
apart from the two organizations of which I am a member. I would, 
therefore, refer this matter to these organizations, which would discuss 
the matter and come back again to the Secretary of State.  

The Secretary raised concerns about the leaders in the surrounding areas 
who are dealing with the question of Burundi. As you know, sanctions 
have been applied, and we also have been invited to join in applying the 
sanctions against Burundi. But the leaders, at the same time, feel that 
space must be given to the President there who staged this coup. Foreign 
Minister Buyoyo discussed this with him, because one of the most 
unfortunate issues about sanctions is that they hit not only the culprit 
but innocent civilians; therefore, those who are involved in applying 
sanctions constantly think in terms of the effect of such sanctions on 
innocent people in the country itself. I thought that was a good 
development. 

We also discussed, in passing, Nigeria. I indicated the efforts that we 
have made in order to bring Abacha on board, and the Secretary of State 
also expressed his own views.

We also discussed the Secretary General, as I said. Our attitude in 
Africa--both in SADC and the OAU--is to support Boutros-Ghali in seeking 
a second term. We are aware of the attitude of the United States. We 
know the difficulties which we are facing if we cannot get the United 
States on board on this question. The OAU summit in Cameroon took a 
decision on sending a delegation to see President Clinton on this 
question so that we could discuss the matter at length and see whether 
we can come to some common agreement. I will be speaking one of these 
days to President Paul Biya of Cameroon, who is the Chairman of the OAU, 
to find out how far this initiative has gone. But I really appreciated 
the visit of the Secretary of State and the fact that the United States 
should be so interested in what is going on in Africa. That is a very 
good sign, indeed. I am sure that the Secretary would like to say 
something.


Secretary Christopher. 

Thank you, Mr. President. It is always a special honor to be in the 
presence of President Mandela. It is always inspiring to me. I am 
particularly grateful to him this morning for rearranging his schedule 
so that we could meet before he has to leave for difficult travel today, 
and I am very grateful to you Mr. President for doing that. 

As you can see from his very adroit summary, we covered a lot of ground 
in the time we had together. I want to emphasize the compliments that I 
gave the President on the constitutional processes here in South Africa, 
as well as on his many other activities both here in his country, in the 
region, and in the world as a whole, providing such a strong force for 
leadership around the world. I think the United States intends to 
continue to stand by and help South Africa in every way that we can. We 
have embarked on a number of bilateral programs--something which we will 
be discussing further today. Thank you, Mr. President for having 
received me at this early hour of the morning. I wish you very well as 
you go about your very important work.


Secretary Christopher
Statement at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission signing ceremony, 
Cape Town, South Africa, October 12, 1996.

Good morning. I am very pleased to be meeting this morning with 
Archbishop Tutu, who we all know has won the admiration of people all 
over the world for the tremendous work he has done on behalf of justice 
and reconciliation and tolerance. I also want to thank Minister of 
Justice Omar for attending today's ceremony--and both of them for 
joining me in signing the agreement. The agreement provides some 
$400,000 from USAID to South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation 
Commission which, of course, we all know is chaired by the Archbishop.

By confronting some of the most painful episodes of its past, South 
Africa is taking up, through this Commission, a challenge that is faced 
by almost every new democracy all around the world. The decision taken 
to establish such a Commission reflects a determination to find the 
truth about abuses of human rights and to assign responsibility so they 
are never repeated. This is very difficult work, but it is absolutely 
essential if South Africa is to heal its wounds and achieve true 
reconciliation. As the Archbishop has said, "You cannot forgive what you 
do not know."  

Our grant will, at least, go some distance in helping the Commission 
achieve its goal, which is, of course to compile a complete record of 
the serious human rights abuses here in South Africa. It will aid in 
investigating the fate of victims, provide their families with a public 
forum, and provide amnesty to those who admit to politically motivated 
acts of violence. 

I have read a little about the operations of the Commission, and 
considering the identity of its Chairman, I am not at all surprised to 
know that it is operating in a form and in a fashion that will be 
admired around the world. Providing some relief for victims, giving a 
sense of concern, empathy, and sympathy, I think, can be an important 
part of the healing process. Archbishop Tutu and Mr. Minister, I know 
the American people will be very pleased to be able to give the kind of 
support that we are providing today. I wish you Sir, and Mr. Minister, 
the very best of wishes in carrying out this vital work.


Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the Victoria Mxinge Housing Project, Gugulethu Township, Cape 
Town, South Africa, October 13, 1996 (introductory remarks deleted).

I know democracy really begins in communities like this, and when I got 
here this morning I felt as though I was really visiting the new South 
Africa. In the old days, under apartheid, the people of this community 
had almost no chance to have their own homes and no access to water and 
electricity. The problems you are facing today are left over from the 
old times; they are a legacy of the old times, but you are overcoming 
them. You are really an inspiring example of the new South Africa. 

Our USAID program is trying to be helpful, and we are helping to provide 
loans so people can build their own homes. I have been able to see with 
my own eyes what you ladies are building with your own hands--brick by 
brick--the houses you are living in, and that is wonderful. Brick by 
brick the people of this community are helping to build a South Africa 
that can finally meet the needs of all its people.

I had the honor and inspiration to spend time, yesterday morning, with 
President Mandela, and I know that the goal he is seeking for this 
country is the kind of goal you are seeking here in this community--
homes of your own and a community of your own.

I am very proud to be here, representing President Clinton and speaking 
for the American people. The American people are proud to stand with the 
people of South Africa, and we are proud to stand with you as you take 
your own destiny in your hands, brick by brick. Before I leave, I want 
to make sure that you know our American Ambassador here, Ambassador 
James Joseph, who has not been introduced before, but he is right here 
and he is America's representative to South Africa.

Thank you again for letting me come here today, and thank you, too, for 
that wonderful singing and dancing. I have had a good time here this 
morning.

(###)



ARTICLE 7:


Luanda Demining
Statement by Secretary Christopher, Luanda, Angola, October 14, 1996

Nearly two years ago, after decades of war and the loss of a half-
million lives, Angolans decided that enough was enough. The signing of 
the Lusaka Protocol in November 1994 gave the people of Angola their 
best chance for peace in a generation.

Today, the largest current UN peacekeeping mission is deployed here in 
Angola. Under the leadership of Special Representative Beye, UNAVEM III 
has been a success. Much has been accomplished. But with UNAVEM leaving 
in a matter of months, it is imperative that both sides move rapidly to 
meet their obligations.

UNITA must fulfill its pledge to send its remaining generals to Luanda, 
to provide 26,000 volunteers for the combined armed forces, and to 
assure the free movement of goods and people throughout the country. The 
government must recover weapons from civilians and ensure that the UNITA 
soldiers it integrates have real jobs, security, and respect.

Political integration is also essential. I welcome the proposals UNITA 
has recently put forward on the government of national unity. I urge the 
government to ensure that UNITA has the resources and freedom it needs 
to make the transition from armed movement to a political party. And I 
call on President Dos Santos and Dr. Savimbi to fulfill their commitment 
to meet in Luanda as soon as possible.

Above all let me stress, as the Security Council made clear last Friday, 
that the international community expects full compliance with the peace 
accord. It will not tolerate any resumption of conflict. The United 
States is committed to a long-term partnership with Angola, and we will 
pursue that partnership with all those who maintain their commitment to 
peace.

In the past year, the United States has provided $100 million for 
programs to reform Angola's economy, to demobilize soldiers, to build 
democratic institutions, and to help the innocent victims of the war.

An unprecedented effort is also underway to clear Angola of landmines. 
Today, there are more landmines in Angola than people. Between 150 and 
200 Angolans are killed every week; millions more walk this country's 
roads and farm its lands in fear. With support from USAID, American 
organizations such as the Vietnam Veterans of America, Save the 
Children, and CARE are helping Angolans rid themselves of this scourge. 
President Clinton is also committed to a global ban on anti-personnel 
mines. Angola's tragedy has helped awaken the world to the urgency of 
this goal.

Angola's future can be bright. It has immense natural and human 
resources. Angola should join the rest of southern Africa in moving 
toward democracy, peace, and prosperity. Angola's friends will stay 
engaged to help make that happen so long as Angola's leaders take the 
tough but necessary steps they have pledged to take.  

(###)


[END OF DISPATCH, VOL. 7, NO. 42]

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