U.S. Department of State  
Dispatch Volume 7, Number 31, July 29, 1996 
Bureau of Public Affairs 
 
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE: 
 
1. The U.S. and ASEAN: Forging a Common Approach to Common Challenges - 
Secretary Christopher 
2. Human Rights in Indonesia - Secretary Christopher   
3. The U.S. and Russia Issue Joint Statement Supporting Conclusion of a 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty - Secretary Christopher, Russian Foreign 
Minister Primakov 
4. The U.S. and China: Cooperating on Common Concerns - Secretary 
Christopher, Chinese Foreign Minister Qian 
5. The U.S. and Australia Meet the Challenges of the New Millennium - 
Secretary Christopher 
6. The U.S. and Australia: A Deepening Environmental Partnership - 
Secretary Christopher 
7. The U.S. and Australia: Strengthening Our Alliance for the Post-Cold 
War Era - Secretary Christopher, Australian Foreign Minister Downer,  
Secretary of Defense Perry, Australian Defense Minister McLachlan 
 
 
ARTICLE 1: 
 
The U.S. and ASEAN:  Forging a Common Approach to Common Challenges 
Secretary Christopher  
Seven-plus-Ten Session 
 
Written statement at the ASEAN Post-Ministerial conference (7-plus-10 
session), Jakarta, Indonesia, July 24, 1996. 
 
It is a great pleasure to have this opportunity to exchange views with 
my colleague, Foreign Minister Alatas, in his capacity as ASEAN's 
dialogue partner. The scope and depth of our discussions over the last 
two days at the ASEAN Regional Forum and this Post-Ministerial 
Conference reflect both ASEAN's great achievements and the growing 
importance of our partnership.  
 
On my trips to Southeast Asia, I have seen first-hand the remarkable 
changes taking place in this region. In the space of a generation, 
ASEAN's economies have gone from selling tin and rubber to making 
microchips and automobiles. From Bangkok to Bandung, the children of a 
growing middle class now have opportunities and freedoms that their 
grandparents might not have imagined. Here in Indonesia--the most 
populous ASEAN nation--per capita income has risen tenfold in the last 
three decades, an achievement that mirrors the strides that this nation 
has made in providing for    the health, education, and welfare of its 
people.  
 
I also have seen how ASEAN has progressed from upholding a fragile unity 
to advancing a unique vision of cooperation. Born amid the turmoil of 
the Vietnam war, ASEAN came full circle last year when Vietnam joined as  
a full member. Now you are consolidating   the peace that you helped 
achieve in Indochina. Through this PMC process, as well as the ARF, the 
ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), and your participation in the Asia-Pacific 
Economic Cooperation (APEC), you have helped all the nations in the 
region forge a common approach to common challenges.  
 
Strong ties with ASEAN are an essential element of America's engagement 
in the Asia-Pacific region. Indeed, because we are a Pacific power, we 
are committed to working with ASEAN in a partnership that advances a 
growing range of shared security, economic, and political interests.  
 
We welcome the strong support that your nations continue to provide for 
our security presence--the strategic underpinning of the stability and 
prosperity that the Asia-Pacific region has enjoyed during the last 
half-century. Our alliances with Australia, the Philippines, and 
Thailand and our access arrangements with other ASEAN countries  provide 
the anchor in Southeast Asia for    our unshakable commitment to  
security across the Pacific.  
 
We look forward to deepening the cooperation and ties among our armed 
services. Our nations and the region benefit from the military exercises 
that we conduct--including Cobra Gold, the Pacific Command's largest 
joint exercise. They benefit from the continued U.S. access to 
commercial and military facilities which helps ensure the readiness of 
our forces. They benefit from the provision of training that emphasizes 
the importance of civilian control over the military and respect for 
basic, universal human rights. And they benefit from the sale of U.S. 
military technology that enables ASEAN nations to meet their legitimate 
defense needs.  
 
This PMC process and the ASEAN Regional Forum complement our bilateral 
security relationships by providing a valuable opportunity to discuss 
pressing regional and global security issues. Whether peace on the 
Korean Peninsula, the completion of a comprehensive test ban treaty, or 
the fight against transnational threats, the United States and ASEAN 
stand to gain by deepening our cooperation across a broad front. Indeed, 
our strategic and economic interests are deeply intertwined. Only by 
working together to promote security and stability can we hope to 
sustain the economic dynamism of the Asia-Pacific region.  
 
Today, the ASEAN nations form a half-trillion-dollar regional economy 
that is expected to double in size over the next decade. With expanding 
middle classes, swelling demand for consumer goods and services, and 
growing need for infrastructure, ASEAN looms large in the strategies of 
American companies and has attracted the attention of the United States 
Government as one of the world's 10 big emerging markets.  
 
The United States has been proud to participate in and contribute to 
this spectacular development. Two-way trade between the United States 
and ASEAN reached $101 billion in 1995, having expanded nearly 50% over 
the last two years. ASEAN has become our third- largest overseas export 
market. American investment in the region now exceeds $25 billion. From 
building power plants and producing computer equipment to selling 
insurance and operating communications networks, the U.S. commercial 
presence in the region is as varied as it is enormous.  
 
The United States strongly supports ASEAN's commitment to regional 
liberalization and greater openness to the global economy at the same 
time. New patterns of trade and investment are linking markets and 
blurring borders throughout Southeast Asia. AFTA's goal of cutting 
tariffs by 2000 will spur faster growth and deeper integration among the 
region's economies and will contribute to our APEC goal of free and open 
trade by 2020.  
 
The ASEAN economies already boast many of the defining elements of a 
world-class business environment, and progress continues to be made that 
inspires confidence in the future. Governments are reinforcing their 
commitment to market reforms. Workforces are gaining technical 
sophistication. Private sector companies are proving themselves in the 
high-pressure crucible of competition. Physical and financial 
infrastructures are expanding to meet the demands of growth.  
 
But in this fast-forward world in which the only constant is change, no 
country or region--including the United States-- can relax its drive for 
improvement. As I suggested at our 7-plus-1 session last year in Brunei, 
ASEAN's ability to make concrete progress in meeting several specific 
challenges can make it an even more powerful magnet for international 
investment and trade. 
 
First, we strongly support efforts to complete an AFTA agreement on 
intellectual property rights that meets the highest international 
standards. A strong agreement will attract potential investors and 
foster a research environment more conducive to local development of  
technologies such as computer software. To further strengthen investor 
confidence, we also call on ASEAN members to implement rapidly the 
global agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property 
Protection. At the same time, we urge individual ASEAN countries to 
toughen enforcement of their national laws.  
 
Second, we welcome efforts to reach an AFTA agreement on liberalizing 
trade in services--especially financial services. Doing so by 1997 can 
give crucial and timely impetus to the important global agreement on 
financial services that we are pursuing through the World Trade 
Organization (WTO).  
 
Third, we believe it is also in the interests of the ASEAN nations to 
open up competition in their massive emerging telecommunications markets 
and to treat all service providers equally. All over the world, 
governments are breaking up long-entrenched monopolies to encourage 
price competition and improve service. Such liberalization can be 
supported by the creation of independent regulatory bodies that  will 
follow non-discriminatory and transparent procedures to safeguard 
against monopoly domination of markets.  
 
Fourth, we believe that the ASEAN nations should support the 
liberalization of air transport throughout the Asia-Pacific region. By 
introducing free competition in air services, the people and economies 
of this vast region can be more closely linked through more affordable 
and efficient passenger and cargo services.  
 
Fifth, we urge ASEAN to develop transparent, fair, and consistent 
guidelines for government procurement contracts. Such guidelines would 
ensure that the region has the benefit of the most competitive, cost-
efficient contracts for the airports, port facilities, 
telecommunications, and traffic systems that it needs to sustain 
investment and growth.  
 
Finally, we also urge focused international action against the 
persistent problem of illicit payments. Bribery and corruption undermine 
productive development, discourage foreign investment, erode the rule of 
law, and prevent fair competition on a level playing field. For all 
these reasons, I have called attention to this problem in this and every 
region of the world, and I have led an effort on behalf of the United 
States to establish common practices among OECD nations. As booming 
market economies that seek    to attract foreign investment and build 
confidence in public institutions, the ASEAN nations have a 
responsibility to promote transparent competition.  
 
Meeting each of these challenges will improve the region's business 
environment and benefit both the ASEAN nations and their trading 
partners. It will also extend the reach and strengthen the rules of the 
open global trading system that has been essential to this region's 
economic rise.  
 
Late this year, two ASEAN nations will fittingly share the 
responsibility of leadership on behalf of the global trading system: 
first, when the Philippines hosts the APEC forum in Manila in November; 
and second, when Singapore hosts the first ministerial meeting of the 
World Trade Organization one  month later.  
 
The United States and Indonesia share a particular interest in APEC's 
success. Three years ago, President Clinton brought APEC leaders 
together for the first time and focused the region's economies on a 
vision of unbounded economic growth and integration through 
unprecedented liberalization and cooperation. Two years ago, President 
Soeharto forged the consensus among the APEC member economies to achieve 
open and free trade and investment across the region by 2020. This year, 
President Ramos will have our full support as he takes on the critical 
task of ensuring that we move ahead with the implementation of the Osaka 
Action Agenda that Japan did much to shape last November.  
 
We are encouraged by the start that APEC member economies have made in 
crafting Individual Action Plans to reach our common goals. It is 
essential that our plans are comprehensive and comparable--the keys to 
realizing our shared vision of an open Pacific marketplace. It is also 
essential that we continue to develop the economic cooperation that can 
make the APEC region the most modern business environment in the world.  
 
The WTO ministerial should promote the full implementation of the 
commitments we made in the Uruguay Round agreement and galvanize our 
efforts to conclude the Round's "unfinished business," especially in 
services. The United States and ASEAN will both benefit from reaching 
agreements in 1997 that embrace high standards of openness in two key 
service sectors--financial services and telecommunications. In both 
negotiations, we look to ASEAN nations to make new offers on open access  
and investment that are substantially more forthcoming.  
 
In Singapore, we should also begin to set the WTO's priorities for the 
early 21st century. We should strive to open up key sectors, for 
instance by considering an information technology agreement in that 
vital sector. We also should place new emphasis on government 
procurement. An agreement to increase transparency can be a first step 
toward more comprehensive liberalization of this sector.  
 
Another WTO priority for the United States is to begin a dialogue on the 
relationship between trade and core labor standards. Our approach 
recognizes that different countries have different comparative 
advantages, including different wage levels. But workers everywhere 
should have the benefit of internationally recognized basic workers' 
rights that we all have endorsed, such as freedom of association and an 
end to child labor exploitation and forced labor. Ensuring such 
protection is also essential to maintaining the consensus for further 
trade liberalization in the United States and around the world.  
 
By striving together to ensure the success of the WTO and APEC, the 
United States and ASEAN can sustain the momentum for regional and global 
liberalization that has already produced such dramatic breakthroughs in 
this decade. We can also greatly further the process of regional 
integration that has done so much to strengthen our partnership over the 
past decade. I look forward to working with you today to lay the 
groundwork for progress to come. Thank you very much. 
 
 
Seven-plus-One Session 
Written statement at the ASEAN Post-Ministerial conference (7-plus-1 
session), Jakarta, Indonesia, July 24, 1996. 
 
It is a great honor to represent the United States at this year's ASEAN 
Post-Ministerial Conference. Building on yesterday's meeting of the 
ASEAN Regional Forum--ARF, I welcome this opportunity to exchange views 
with my friends and colleagues, now including those from Russia, China, 
and India. On behalf of the United States, I thank Foreign Minister 
Alatas for Indonesia's hospitality and hard work. 
 
The expansion of this dialogue is a tribute to ASEAN's dynamism and 
development. The achievements of ASEAN's members have helped to triple 
Asia's percentage of global output in the last three decades. Your 
launch of the ASEAN Regional Forum has added a valuable dimension to our 
common effort to maintain peace and stability. Your commitment to 
integration has been vital to the success of the Asia-Pacific Economic 
Cooperation-- APEC--forum. Your emphasis on consultation and consensus 
has helped lay the basis for what President Clinton called a Pacific 
community "of shared interests, shared goals, and a shared commitment to 
mutually beneficial cooperation." 
 
ASEAN's contribution to the remarkable transformation of the Asia-
Pacific region over the last half-century reflects the energy and vision 
of its diverse peoples. It also testifies to the long-standing 
partnership between ASEAN and the United States and to the American 
commitment to defend freedom and promote prosperity across the Pacific. 
As Foreign Minister Jayakumar of Singapore recently said, "it was the 
climate of security and stability that United States power provided that 
enabled economic growth to germinate and flourish in Southeast Asia and 
across East Asia." In turn, the American people have benefited over the 
last half-century from strong security ties with its allies and 
partners, growing economic links, and the talent and drive of countless 
Asian immigrants. 
 
With the end of the Cold War, the Asia-Pacific region is more important 
to U.S. interests than ever before. Our security rests on maintaining 
stability where the interests of many powers intersect. Our prosperity 
depends on sustaining the dynamism and openness of a region that 
accounts for 40% of our trade. The health of our environment and the 
safety of our citizens rely increasingly on cooperation with the nations 
of the Asia-Pacific. And as technology and trade blur borders and shrink 
distances, we count on the flow of peoples and ideas across the Pacific 
to spur what Prime Minister Mahathir of Malaysia calls "mutual 
enrichment" rather than the clash of civilizations predicted by some. 
 
As President Clinton made clear during his most recent trip to Japan and 
Korea last April, the United States is and will remain a Pacific power. 
During the last three years, we have reinvigorated our bilateral 
alliances and sustained our forward-deployed presence. We confronted the 
threat posed by North Korea's dangerous nuclear program and concluded an 
agreement that is leading to its dismantlement. We have worked to 
establish a relationship with China that will help ensure global and 
regional stability. We opened a historic new chapter in our relations 
with Vietnam. We have supported security dialogues such as the ASEAN 
Regional Forum and the Northeast Asia Security Dialogue. We gave new 
momentum to regional economic integration by hosting the first APEC 
leaders meeting. And we have concluded scores of agreements with our 
trading partners that promise concrete mutual benefits.  
 
These key strategic decisions reflect the strong emphasis that the 
Clinton Administration has put on our relations with Asia. Our goal has 
been twofold: first, to strengthen the ties that have kept the peace and 
helped nations born of colonial empires become vibrant democracies; and 
second, to devise new approaches to regional cooperation in order to 
advance a growing range of shared interests in a more interdependent 
world. 
 
Security 
 
Of these shared interests, maintaining security always comes first. 
While the Asia-Pacific region is today remarkably free of conflict, the 
end of the Cold War is just one period in a long history scarred by old 
antagonisms. The United States shares the view of almost every country 
in this region that our strong security presence remains the bedrock for 
regional stability and prosperity. We are committed to maintaining 
approximately 100,000 troops in the Pacific--roughly equivalent to the 
level we maintain in Europe. 
 
The cornerstone of our engagement in the Pacific remains our partnership 
with Japan. The Joint Declaration signed by the President and Prime 
Minister Hashimoto last April in Tokyo will enable our alliance to meet 
the challenges of the next century. These strengthened ties, in turn, 
will benefit all the nations of the Asia-Pacific region. 
 
During the last three years, we also have developed an unprecedented 
degree of cooperation with our ally, South Korea. Building on the 
partnership that helped forge the U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreed Framework, we are 
striving together to reach a durable peace on the Korean Peninsula. We 
continue to urge North Korea to respond positively to the proposal made 
by President Kim and President Clinton for Four-Party Talks among the 
United States, South Korea, North Korea, and China. 
 
We also have reaffirmed our three other core alliances in the region. We 
have bolstered links to our treaty allies--the Philippines and Thailand-
- and expanded our military access arrangements with other ASEAN 
members. Two days from now, I will travel to Australia for our annual 
ministerial meeting, where we will explore ways to expand our excellent 
cooperation. 
 
Our alliances and forward-deployed presence provide a firm foundation 
for deepening our engagement with other nations in the region. Of 
course, no nation will play a larger role in shaping the future of Asia 
than China. Its continuing modernization and development are essential 
to the security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. So, too, is a 
stable environment for the peaceful resolution of issues between the 
P.R.C. and Taiwan and a smooth and successful transition of Hong Kong to 
Chinese sovereignty in 1997.  
 
The United States seeks a constructive relationship with China that will 
enable us to advance an array of important interests. We recognize that 
we continue to face areas of difference, which we must seek to manage 
constructively. We have made steady progress in recent months, including 
resolving disagreements over nuclear exports and intellectual property 
rights and renewing China's most-favored-nation trading status. 
 
I look forward to meeting with Vice Premier Qian Qichen here in Jakarta 
to discuss how we can achieve common goals, such as the conclusion of a 
comprehensive test ban treaty-CTBT--and peace on the Korean Peninsula. 
We also hope to build on the highly productive talks that National 
Security Adviser Lake held two weeks ago in Beijing and to lay the 
groundwork for regular high-level contacts between our governments. 
 
Since opening formal diplomatic relations with Vietnam last summer, the 
United States also has sought to advance its relations with ASEAN's 
newest member. Our decision to normalize ties has furthered our efforts 
to secure the fullest possible accounting of our prisoners of war and 
those missing  in action. It has also enabled us to broaden trade and 
investment, to expand cooperation on counternarcotics, and to work with 
Southeast Asian nations to bring the Comprehensive Plan of Action for 
Vietnamese boat people to a humane conclusion. As Vietnam continues to 
develop and become more open, the United States looks forward to 
expanding our economic ties, as well as deepening our dialogue on human 
rights and other shared interests. 
 
The United States and Russia also share a strong interest in ensuring 
regional security. We welcome Russia's participation in this dialogue 
and regional security talks. Russia's recent presidential election is a 
tribute to the enormous progress that Russia has made. President 
Yeltsin's victory is a mandate for continued political and economic 
reform. As these reforms deepen, Russia's influence as a force for 
security and stability in the region will grow. We also believe that 
India's growing interest and involvement in the Asia-Pacific region will 
enhance regional security. 
 
Mechanisms such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and this post-ministerial 
conference complement our bilateral efforts to promote stability and 
prosperity. The ARF is already encouraging meaningful discussion of 
security issues, confidence-building measures, and other forms of 
cooperation. It is playing a valuable role in defusing tensions 
surrounding territorial claims in the South China Sea and the Spratly 
Islands. It can be particularly useful in supporting non-proliferation 
and the transparency of conventional arms transfers. U.S. engagement in 
the ARF will deepen as we make further concrete progress on our work 
program--and on moving from confidence-building to preventive diplomacy. 
We will seek to ensure the ARF's ability to discuss important regional 
security issues in a meaningful way.  
 
Yesterday's meeting gave us the chance to exchange views about the 
situation on the Korean Peninsula. President Clinton is committed to 
strong U.S. support for the Agreed Framework that has put the North 
Korean nuclear problem on the road to resolution. While the Korean 
Peninsula Energy Development Organization-- KEDO, established to 
implement the Framework--is moving forward, it faces a significant 
funding shortfall. Many of the nations here already are assisting KEDO. 
I urge those that have not done so to give KEDO significant and 
sustained support. Since all of us in the Asia-Pacific will gain from a 
stable and prosperous Korean Peninsula, I also urge you to encourage 
resumption of the dialogue between North and South that is essential to 
closing the Cold War's last remaining division. 
 
Beyond North Korea, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction 
continues to pose the most pressing threat to global security in the 
post-Cold War world. That is why more than 170 nations agreed last year 
to the indefinite extension of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty--
NPT. Now we have the chance to fulfill the goals of the NPT Review 
Conference by reaching a comprehensive test ban treaty for signature in 
September. The United States welcomes yesterday's statement by the ARF 
chairman supporting completion of a CTBT--an achievement that would 
greatly benefit the peoples of this region in particular. 
 
We welcome the increasingly strong support of ASEAN members and other 
Asia-Pacific nations for global non-proliferation regimes. We remain 
committed to examining ways to resolve our differences over the proposed 
Southeast Asia nuclear weapons-free zone. We will continue to work with 
you to help build export control systems to prevent destabilizing 
transfers of sensitive items and technologies. 
 
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is just one of a set of 
security challenges that have attained a new and dangerous scope as the 
world has grown closer. Terrorism, crime, narcotics, pollution, and 
disease transcend borders and defy ideologies. They threaten the 
region's remarkable gains. Each of us must vigorously fight these 
enemies on our own. But we never will be truly secure until we 
effectively fight them together. An effective United Nations is 
essential to meeting these challenges to our security. That is one 
reason why the United States is aggressively promoting UN reform. 
 
As nations that are assuming growing responsibilities, ASEAN members 
also have a critical role to play in the global effort to confront 
transnational threats. The United States asked to put global issues on 
the agenda of this meeting because our post-ministerial conference 
dialogue can be a valuable forum for intensifying our international 
cooperation. 
 
First and foremost, we must unite our forces against the terrorists who 
have killed and maimed innocent civilians from Tokyo to New York. Those 
who support such heinous crimes must likewise face the full weight of 
sanctions that the international community can bring to bear. 
 
We thank the Philippines for helping to foil a plot to blow up U.S. 
airliners over the Pacific and for assisting efforts to apprehend Ramzi 
Yousef, the alleged mastermind of the World Trade Center bombing. We 
call on all the governments in the region to ratify the 11 existing 
international anti-terrorism agreements by the year 2000 and to adopt 
and pursue the practical steps against terrorism endorsed by the P-8 
leaders last month in Lyon. 
 
We must also take measures to crack down on the narcotics traffickers 
and international criminals who threaten citizens and undermine 
societies on both sides of the Pacific. The cancer of heroin and opium 
from Burma--the world's largest producer--is metastasizing throughout 
East and Southeast Asia, sapping the vitality of its youth and 
corrupting its officials. The illicit networks that channel drugs, 
illegal aliens, and stolen merchandise between Asia and the United 
States and Europe in turn use their ill-gotten gains to prey on 
legitimate commerce. 
 
President Clinton has intensified our efforts to combat crime and drug 
addiction at home and at the 50th UN General Assembly called for a 
sustained campaign against these global predators. The United States 
hopes to deepen its cooperation with ASEAN and other Asia-Pacific 
nations against illegal narcotics, especially to stem the flow of heroin 
from Burma. And we call on all nations--especially the growing economies 
of ASEAN--to adopt strict measures to combat money laundering and to 
deny criminals refuge and access to their assets. 
 
The United States also believes that environmental issues will have an 
increasingly profound impact on stability and prosperity in the Asia-
Pacific region and around the world. From the lush paddies of the Mekong 
Delta to the granaries of China and the old-growth forests of America's 
Pacific Northwest, we cannot sustain economic growth and improve living 
standards if we do not cooperate to conserve the natural resources upon 
which our health and future prosperity depend. Indeed, there is no 
greater symbol of our increasing interdependence than what the writer 
Herman Melville called "the mysterious divine Pacific," whose rich 
waters provide sustenance for all our nations.  
 
The recent U.S. proposal to set binding targets for reducing global 
greenhouse gas emissions reflects our determination to intensify our 
global efforts against pollution. We are cooperating throughout the 
Asia-Pacific region to sustain forests, reduce rapid population growth, 
and stem the spread of HIV/AIDS. We are also deepening our regional 
efforts to curb marine pollution, develop clean technology, halt 
destructive logging practices, and meet critical needs for clean water 
and sanitation. We welcome the support of the ASEAN nations for the 
International Coral Reef Initiative, whose leadership Australia is about 
to assume. We look forward to furthering the results of the recent APEC 
Sustainable Development Ministerial, especially our common goal of 
cleaner oceans and seas in the Pacific basin. 
 
Prosperity  
 
Nowhere is the mutually reinforcing relationship between our common 
security and economic interests more apparent than in the Asia-Pacific 
region. Continued stability is essential if the ASEAN economies in 
particular are to sustain the dynamism that has fueled explosive growth 
rates. We also share a powerful interest in maintaining the open global 
trading system that has enabled our economies to grow and our peoples to 
prosper. 
 
Dramatic export-led growth has given ASEAN an increasing stake in 
opening markets not only in this region but around the world. That is 
why, nearly 10 years ago, ASEAN gave important impetus to the 
negotiation of the GATT Uruguay Round, culminating in the most far-
reaching trade agreement in history. Now Singapore is renewing ASEAN's 
trade leadership by hosting the first ministerial meeting of the new 
World Trade Organization--WTO--this December. 
 
The Singapore ministerial can make a critical contribution by promoting 
the full implementation of our commitments in the Uruguay Round itself. 
In particular, we must reduce tariffs and subsidies if we are to reach 
the agreement's full potential to spur trade and growth. We must also 
conclude the Uruguay Round's "unfinished business," especially in 
services. The United States and ASEAN will both benefit from reaching 
agreements in 1997 that embrace high standards of openness in two key 
service sectors--telecommunications and financial services. 
 
At the Singapore ministerial, we should also begin to set the WTO's 
priorities for the early 21st century. We should strive to open up key 
sectors, for instance, by considering an information technology 
agreement to eliminate tariffs in that vital industry. 
 
We should give new emphasis to the government procurement sector. With 
their massive infrastructure needs, the ASEAN economies need fair 
competition from low-cost, high-quality global suppliers. An agreement 
to increase transparency in government procurement can be a first step 
toward more comprehensive liberalization of this sector through the WTO. 
 
Another new priority for the United States at the Singapore ministerial 
is to begin a dialogue on the relationship between trade and core labor 
standards. Our approach recognizes that different countries have 
different comparative advantages, including different wage rates. But 
workers everywhere should have the benefit of internationally recognized 
basic worker rights that we have all endorsed, such as freedom of 
association and an end to child labor exploitation and forced labor. 
Ensuring such protection is also essential to maintaining the consensus 
for further trade liberalization in the United States and around the 
world. 
 
Just as ASEAN nations were at the forefront of launching the Uruguay 
Round, they also have given force and focus to APEC since its inception. 
Building on the bold vision of economic integration framed by President 
Clinton and his colleagues at the historic Blake Island leaders' 
meeting, President Soeharto forged an equally bold consensus in Bogor a 
year later for free and open trade in the Asia-Pacific region by 2020. 
This year, another ASEAN nation--the Philippines--assumes the 
responsibility of sustaining the momentum achieved with Japan's 
leadership in Osaka. 
 
Our overarching objective this November in Manila must be to begin 
implementing the Osaka Action Agenda that provides the practical 
blueprint for turning the Bogor commitments into concrete results. The 
United States is encouraged by the work that has started on Individual 
Action Plans presented by all APEC member economies in May. It is 
essential that APEC member economies implement these plans to further 
our goal of economic integration and growth--and that we uphold our 
commitment to the guiding principles of comprehensiveness and 
comparability as we move forward. 
 
Our Pacific community will rely increasingly on new communications 
networks; integrated transportation links; and the easier flow of goods, 
services, and people. In Manila, we must continue to develop the 
economic cooperation that will make the APEC region the most advanced 
and flexible business environment in the world. We need the full 
engagement of the private sector in giving APEC practical relevance to 
traders, investors, and travelers around the Pacific Rim. 
 
Finally, we must continue to work through APEC to encourage greater 
transparency in government procurement practices. APEC's workshop on 
infrastructure development, meeting in Seattle this week, is gathering 
information on the highest standards and best practices already in 
effect around the region--standards and practices that can inform the 
principles that we agreed in the Osaka Action Agenda to adopt. APEC 
efforts can complement those we are also making bilaterally with the 
ASEAN nations and globally through the WTO. 
 
Democracy and Human Rights 
 
The United States also will maintain its support for human rights and 
democratic government. The spread of democracy throughout Asia has been 
a critical factor in reducing the risk of armed conflict and ensuring 
the stability required for sustained growth. In the coming century, the 
most stable and prosperous societies will be those where creative ideas 
are freely exchanged, where political debates can be resolved peacefully 
at the ballot box, where the press can expose corruption and courts can 
root it out, and where contracts are respected. As every business person 
knows, the rule of law is a comparative advantage for those nations that 
guarantee it. 
 
A few decades ago, few people thought that Asia was poised for rapid 
economic development. Today, there is a growing consensus that the only 
successful route to prosperity and progress is through open markets and 
trade, irrespective of geography. The new myth is that democracy in Asia 
must wait for development. That myth would come as news to the people of 
Mongolia, who clearly believe that a greater political stake in shaping 
their future is essential to improving their fortunes. In the 
Philippines, the return of democracy has helped galvanize economic 
renewal. Democracy and development must go hand in hand if either is to 
succeed. 
 
In Burma, the vast majority of people have expressed their desire for a 
peaceful transition to democratic rule. The longer their legitimate 
wishes are denied, the greater the chance of instability, bloodshed, and 
migration within Burma and across its borders. The danger is compounded 
by growing economic distress felt by ordinary Burmese. 
 
As the rule of law deteriorates in Burma, the threat its heroin trade 
poses to our nations is growing. Major drug traffickers receive 
government contracts and launder money with impunity in state banks. The 
warlord, Khun Sa, remains unpunished. The longer the political impasse 
continues, the more entrenched the drug trade will become. 
 
The only way to protect our shared interests is to encourage a genuine 
political dialogue between the government and the chosen representatives 
of the Burmese people. We want to work with the nations of the region, 
but we retain the option of taking more forceful action as developments 
in Burma warrant. We recognize that ASEAN has a different approach--
indeed, President Clinton's decision to dispatch two special envoys to 
the region last month reflects the importance we attach to hearing your 
views. We hope that the ASEAN nations will use their engagement in Burma 
constructively--during, and most important, after our meetings here--to 
promote greater openness and stability. As Burma draws closer to ASEAN, 
it will be especially important that the process of reconciliation in 
that country move forward, not backward. 
 
Cambodia has already set out on the path of reconciliation and renewal, 
thanks to the courage of its people and the engagement of the 
international community. It has traveled remarkably far in overcoming a 
generation of conflict, terror, and genocide. Last year, it joined the 
ASEAN Regional Forum, and we look forward to the day when it becomes a 
full member of ASEAN. 
 
The great challenge for Cambodia is to build confidence in its future as 
a stable democracy that offers greater economic opportunities for its 
people. In the next two years, local and national elections will give 
Cambodia a chance to show its commitment to the democratic process and 
the freedoms that underlie it--in particular, freedom of the press and 
the freedom to organize politically. Cambodia can also build critical 
investor confidence by maintaining political stability, fighting 
corruption, and soundly managing its natural resources. Two weeks ago in 
Tokyo, at the Consultative Group meetings, the United States and the 
international community pledged continued assistance as Cambodia's 
leaders strive to meet these challenges. 
 
Working together, our nations have made great strides in strengthening 
security and promoting prosperity across the Pacific. The United States 
looks forward to deepening our joint efforts in the years to come. 
Technology and commerce have enabled us to turn the great ocean that 
separates us into a vast conduit for goods and ideas. Let our commitment 
to greater cooperation enable us to turn our broad diversity into a 
source of unifying strength. 
 
Thank you very much. 
 
 
ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) 
Written statement at the ASEAN Regional Forum, Jakarta, Indonesia, July 
23, 1996. 
 
It is an honor to lead the U.S. delegation to the third meeting of the 
ASEAN Regional Forum. On behalf of the United States, I want to thank 
Foreign Minister Alatas of Indonesia for his hard work over the last 
year to ensure our success today. 
 
The presence of 21 nations around this table attests to the great 
changes brought to the Asia-Pacific region by the end of the Cold War. 
 
A decade ago, the idea that we would all gather to address security 
issues would have seemed perhaps as farfetched as someone predicting in 
1945 that Asia would lead the world in economic growth. 
 
Although our nations have never had a greater chance to work together on 
behalf of peace and stability, important challenges remain. Economic 
growth is spurring cooperation and integration, but competition for 
resources and markets is creating new tensions. Many Asian nations are 
in the process of transition. And all of us must contend with complex 
new threats such as the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; 
the spread of terrorism,  crime, and drug trafficking; and the far-
reaching consequences of damage to the global environment. 
 
The United States shares the belief of almost every Asian nation that 
American engagement remains essential to the security and prosperity of 
the Asia-Pacific region in this new era. Indeed, President Clinton has 
recognized that with the end of the Cold War, this region is more 
important to our interests than ever before. There should be absolutely 
no doubt that the United States intends to remain a Pacific power. 
 
During the last three years, working with our allies and partners, the 
President has made a number of key strategic decisions to reinforce our 
engagement--through our alliances, our forward-deployed presence, our 
commitment to maintain approximately 100,000 troops in the Pacific, and 
our participation in regional security dialogues such as this one. Our 
goal is to help build a Pacific community based on shared interests, 
shared goals, and the pursuit of mutually beneficial cooperation.  
 
The foundation of our engagement in the region remains our five treaty 
alliances, beginning with our partnership with Japan. The Joint 
Declaration signed by President Clinton and Prime Minister Hashimoto 
last April will strengthen our alliance's ability to promote security 
and stability for all the nations in the region. Through our joint 
efforts to resolve the nuclear crisis and reach a lasting peace on the 
Korean Peninsula, the United States and South Korea have reinforced our 
ties and expanded our cooperation. We have reaffirmed our strong links 
with Thailand, the Philippines, and Australia--where I will travel two 
days from now to explore ways to deepen U.S.-Australia cooperation. And 
we have expanded our security arrangements with our other ASEAN 
partners. 
 
We have also deepened our engagement with other nations, opening a new 
chapter in our ties to Vietnam, continuing our support for reform in 
Russia, and expanding our cooperation with India. 
 
 Of course, no nation will play a greater role than China in shaping the 
future of Asia. Its continuing modernization and development are 
essential to the security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region and 
the world. We have worked hard to advance an array of shared interests, 
recently achieving several important understandings that strengthen our 
joint commitment to non-proliferation and expanded trade and investment. 
 
We recognize that we continue to face areas of difference, which we must 
seek to manage constructively. The United States strongly believes in 
the need to ensure a stable environment for the peaceful resolution of 
issues between the P.R.C. and Taiwan. We encourage both sides to 
continue taking steps to reduce recent tensions in the Taiwan Strait, 
including a resumption of cross-Strait dialogue. I look forward to 
furthering our progress in my meeting here with Vice Premier Qian 
Qichen--our 14th since I became Secretary of State. 
 
The United States believes that our participation in the ASEAN Regional 
Forum, the Northeast Asia Security Dialogue, and other mechanisms 
complements our bilateral efforts to promote stability. Last year, there 
were more than 130 multilateral meetings on security issues in the Asia-
Pacific region--proof that Harold Macmillan was not the only one to 
believe that "jaw, jaw is better than war, war." This new web of 
contacts is helping to reduce tensions, ease suspicions, and foster 
habits of consultation. The ARF--the only region-wide, governmental-
level security dialogue--has led the way by promoting dialogue, 
encouraging transparency, and expanding cooperation. 
 
We welcome the progress that the ARF has made over the past year. In 
particular, the ARF's work in areas such as confidence-building, 
peacekeeping operations, and search and rescue will enhance security and 
stability. U.S. engagement in the ARF will deepen as we make further 
concrete progress in our intersessional meetings, especially as the ARF 
evolves into a forum for preventive diplomacy. We will seek to ensure 
the ARF's ability to discuss important regional security issues in a 
meaningful way. 
 
The United States believes that the ARF can continue to play a 
constructive role in defusing tensions surrounding territorial claims in 
the South China Sea and the Spratly Islands. Ensuring freedom of 
navigation in sea lanes that carry 25% of the world's ocean freight is 
vital to the security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. The 
United States stands by the principles of our May 10, 1995 statement: 
While we take no position on individual territorial claims, we will not 
accept any that are inconsistent with international law, including the 
1992 UN Law of the Sea. We oppose the use or threat of force, we call on 
all parties to intensify their diplomatic efforts, and we are willing to 
assist in any way the claimants deem helpful. 
 
We also welcome the ARF's continued support for efforts to reach a 
lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula. Achieved with the help of our 
allies and partners, the U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreed Framework has put on the 
road to elimination an ominous threat to regional security. The freeze 
on North Korea's nuclear program is intact under international 
supervision. 
 
Implementation of the Framework's terms has dramatically reduced the 
risk of conflict and helped pave the way for progress with North Korea 
on issues such as missile non-proliferation and MIAs. Cooperation among 
the United States, South Korea, and Japan is stronger than it has ever 
been. And we continue to urge North Korea to respond positively to the 
proposal made by President Kim and President Clinton for four-party 
talks among the United States, South Korea, North Korea, and China. 
 
Each of us has a strong interest in furthering these positive 
developments on the peninsula. Let me assure you that President Clinton 
is committed to ensuring strong U.S. support for the Framework. But 
while the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization--established 
to implement the Framework--is moving forward, it faces a significant 
funding shortfall. Many of the nations represented here are already 
assisting KEDO. I urge those that have not done so to provide 
significant and sustained support. Measured against the costs of 
heightened tensions--let alone armed conflict--such support is a 
responsible investment in the security and prosperity of the Asia- 
Pacific region. All our nations also have an interest in encouraging 
resumption of the North-South dialogue that is essential to ending the 
peninsula's cruel division. 
 
Since its inception, the ARF has recognized the threat posed to regional 
and global security by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. 
Now our nations have an opportunity to build on the indefinite extension 
of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty last year by supporting the 
completion of a comprehensive test ban treaty that will ban nuclear 
explosions for all time. The text of the treaty as it now stands 
represents a concrete and essential step toward further nuclear 
disarmament, and we urge all nations participating in the Commission on 
Disarmament to support it. 
 
We call on ARF participants to buttress their support for global non-
proliferation regimes with strong export control policies that prevent 
destabilizing transfers of sensitive items and technology. 
 
Since modern weaponry has the potential to give old regional rivalries a 
new edge, encouraging transparency and restraint in arms transfers also 
remains important to maintaining security and stability. We should 
continue to focus on the possibility of enhancing our participation in 
the UN Register of Conventional Arms Transfers and developing a regional 
register over the next year. 
 
As an organization committed to "consultative dialogue and consultation 
on political and security interests of common interest and concern," the 
ARF should also consider the impact of current conditions in Burma on 
the region. The SLORC's refusal to heed the desire of a majority of the 
Burmese people for a transition to democratic rule and its increased 
harassment of the democratic opposition not only violates basic, 
universal human rights but raises the chance of instability, bloodshed, 
and migration within Burma and across its borders. The steady 
deterioration of the rule of law has increased the threat that Burma's 
burgeoning drug trade poses to citizens from Bangkok to Berlin and from 
Shanghai to San Francisco. 
 
The approaches to Burma our nations follow may differ, but we have a 
shared interest and a shared goal: a meaningful political dialogue that 
leads to greater stability and openness. President Clinton recently 
dispatched two special envoys to consult closely with friends and allies 
in the region. It is important that we use our engagement with Burma to 
promote concrete results, especially after these meetings in Jakarta. 
 
Burma's participation in the ARF and its closer relationship with ASEAN 
make it especially important that the process of reconciliation move 
forward, not backward. 
 
Cambodia's continued progress toward reconciliation and reconstruction 
also remains essential to regional security. The United States welcomes 
Cambodia's admission as a full member of ASEAN in 1997. We are committed 
to assisting its continued democratization and development, and we 
believe that strong international support for local elections in 1997 
and national elections in 1998 is essential to advancing those goals. 
 
There is one other issue that I would like to bring to your attention: 
the threat that terrorism poses to all our nations. From Tokyo to 
Manila, the Asia-Pacific region has borne grim witness to the threat 
posed by these lawless killers. We urge all nations to ratify the 11 
existing international anti-terrorism agreements and adopt the practical 
measures to combat terrorism endorsed by the P-8 last month in Lyon. 
 
We look forward to working together to fulfill the ambitious goals of 
next year's working groups. Our seven intersessional meetings will give 
us the chance to expand our cooperation into important new areas, from 
disaster relief coordination to joint efforts on demining. We are 
particularly pleased that China has agreed to co-host with the 
Philippines meetings on confidence-building measures. To ensure tangible 
results from next year's ARF activities, we should encourage greater 
participation by military and defense officials--a step crucial to the 
ARF's goal of confidence-building and practical cooperation. 
 
In the past three years, the ARF's commitment to consultation and 
consensus has borne great fruit. The ability of ARF members to discuss 
sensitive issues with candor and mutual respect will be crucial to this 
forum's continued success. Now we face the responsibility of making the 
substance of our meetings the symbol of our success. 
 
Thank you very much.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2:  
 
Human Rights in Indonesia 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks prior to meeting with members of the Indonesian Human Rights 
Commission, Jakarta, Indonesia, July 23, 1996 
 
It is a very great pleasure for me to meet here again with the 
Indonesian Human Rights Commission. Two years ago, the late Ron Brown, 
then Secretary of Commerce, and I met with them, and it is with great 
expectation that I see them again. Since that time, the Commission has 
played an extremely important role in Indonesian society, investigating 
human rights abuses and promoting accountability for those who are 
responsible. I am very pleased to note the record of achievement that 
they have made in the two years since I last met with them, and I look 
forward to meeting with them again today to hear about the problems they 
have faced and the progress they have made.   
 
Since we were here last, the Commission, as you know, has opened an 
office in East Timor, an area of special concern to the United States 
and the entire international community. I think it is clear that this 
Commission with its very steady and discreet and careful way of 
proceeding--an honorable way of proceeding--has raised the awareness of 
human rights issues within the Indonesian Government and with the people 
of Indonesia.  
 
Our main purpose today, as I have said, is to listen to them and to hear  
the Commission's assessment of the state of human rights in Indonesia. 
The United States has a deep interest in their efforts to encourage 
political pluralism here in Indonesia. As the economy here continues to 
grow and flourish, demand for greater liberty and free expression are 
certain to grow as well. How Indonesia responds to those demands will 
have important implications for the future of this great country and for 
the entire region as well. Certainly, the Commission is a very important 
and strong step in the right direction. It is important that we 
acknowledge the fine work that it has done; it is critical that it 
continues to be able to do so.   
 
Thank you so much for joining me here today. I look forward to a very 
good discussion.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3: 
 
The U.S. and Russia Issue Joint Statement Supporting Conclusion of a 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty 
Secretary Christopher, Russian Foreign Minister Primakov 
Opening statements at a press conference, Jakarta, Indonesia, July 23, 
1996 
 
Foreign Minister Primakov [through interpreter]. Ladies and gentlemen: 
We have just finished a rather lengthy conversation with the Secretary 
of State, Mr. Christopher. After the end of the conversation, we 
compared notes and came to the conclusion that the conversation was 
successful, and both of us expressed satisfaction. First of all, we 
highly value the forum which just ended here today. We also came to the 
conclusion that the participation of the countries, which are not 
situated in this region but do participate in this forum, not only have 
good reasons for [their participation], but also that participation 
produces positive results.    
 
Among the international issues we considered were the situation in 
Yugoslavia and in the Middle East. We reiterated our desire to have 
timely elections in Bosnia, and we again stressed that all obstacles 
should be removed from the road to such negotiations. Our two countries 
do act along that road--in that direction.  
 
With regard to the situation in the Middle East, interest was expressed 
from both sides that the peace process should be implemented there 
without lengthy intervals. In that context, we supported the results 
achieved during the visit of Prime Minister Netanyahu to Egypt and his 
negotiations with President Mubarak, as well as the context of the 
meeting of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Israel, Mr. Levy, with the 
leader of the Palestinians, Mr. Arafat.  
 
The main thing that I wanted to draw your attention to, ladies and 
gentlemen of the press, is the joint statement that we have decided to 
make together on the banning of nuclear tests--on the treaty on the 
banning of nuclear tests. The text of the statement is as follows:  
 
Guided by the desire to do everything possible to bring about the 
implementation of the terms of reference of the Conference on the Treaty 
on the Comprehensive Banning of Nuclear Tests and the decisions of the 
United Nations with regard to the signing of the Treaty on the 
Comprehensive Banning of Nuclear Tests, the Russian Federation and the 
United States of America are prepared to support the draft Treaty on the 
Comprehensive Banning of Nuclear Tests as it was proposed on June the 
28th of this year by the Chairman of the Special Committee on the 
Banning of Nuclear Tests of the Conference on Disarmament, Mr. Ramaker, 
although it--that is, the draft--does not fully satisfy both sides. We 
urge other participants in the negotiations to also support that draft, 
so when the work of the session of the Conference on Disarmament is 
resumed on July 29th, its participants could make a decision to approve 
the draft treaty and to send it for approval and for opening for 
signature in the course of the forthcoming session of the United Nations 
General Assembly. 
 
It is our common view that this joint statement has great significance. 
I thank you for your attention.  
 
Secretary Christopher. Thank you. Let me say that I am pleased to be 
here in Jakarta with Foreign Minister Primakov. I think his presence 
here-Russia's membership in the ASEAN Regional Forum as well as now 
being an ASEAN dialogue partner--is a very welcome addition, and it 
reflects Russia's growing engagement in the Asia-Pacific region.  
 
This is the first time the Minister and I have gotten together since the 
Russian election. The election was a tremendous achievement for the 
Russian people. It reaffirmed the great value of the democratic process 
in that country. As you know, last week Vice President Gore was in 
Moscow for the Gore- Chernomyrdin Commission, which continues to address 
practical requirements for bringing Russia into the mainstream of the 
world's industrialized democracies. The President, the Vice President, 
and I are all committed to work with Russia to promote economic growth 
and reform.   
 
An important part of our discussion today focused on European security, 
because over the course of the next year we'll be facing some very 
important decisions there that can contribute significantly to stability 
and integration. We expect to have intensified discussions with our 
European allies and friends, including Russia, on these important 
questions. Today focused on the way ahead, including the way ahead on 
the relationship between Russia and NATO. As the Minister said, we 
discussed the situation in Bosnia, where our troops--that is, Russian, 
NATO, and U.S. troops--are cooperating in a very excellent way. We 
talked about the September elections and the importance that they go 
forward under conditions that allow the people of Bosnia to make their 
choices freely and fairly. Our common effort there, I think, is an 
indication of the possibilities of cooperation in a new Europe. I thank 
the Minister for reading out the statement. I share his view that the 
joint statement by the United States and Russia has great significance.  
 
Just two other matters briefly: We did talk about the importance of the 
Russian Duma ratifying the START II Treaty, and we discussed the 
continuing situation in Chechnya. As usual, as the Minister said, we had 
a productive and useful meeting together. I thank him for hosting this 
valuable occasion. Again, thank you, Mr. Minister. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4: 
 
The U.S. and China:  Cooperating on Common Concerns 
Secretary Christopher, Chinese Foreign Minister Qian 
Opening statements at joint press availability, Jakarta, Indonesia, July 
24, 1996 
 
Foreign Minister Qian [through interpreter]. I am pleased to have this 
meeting with Secretary Christopher. This will be our second meeting 
since the beginning of this year. I look forward to having an in-depth 
and extensive exchange of views with the Secretary on the Sino-U.S. 
relationship and international and regional issues of common interest. 
The recent months have seen some positive progress in the Sino-U.S. 
relationship. Both sides, through negotiation, settled the so-called 
issue of the ring magnets and have reached agreement on the protection 
of intellectual property rights. Also, President Clinton has announced 
the unconditional renewal of China's MFN status. And earlier this month, 
Mr. Anthony Lake, Assistant to the President for National Security 
Affairs, visited China. This shows that in spite of the disagreements 
and contradictions of this kind between China and the U.S., our common 
interests outweigh our differences. As long as both sides can proceed 
from a grasp of the common interests of the two countries, the Sino-U.S. 
relationship can be improved and developed. 
 
I have noted with pleasure that President Clinton, Secretary 
Christopher, and other U.S. leaders have successively made speeches to 
underscore the importance of the Sino-U.S. relationship. I wish to 
express our appreciation. At present, the Sino-U.S. relationship is 
faced with new opportunities of development with more positive factors 
in the relationship. Of course, there still exist some disagreements 
that should be seriously resolved. The two sides should seize the 
current opportunity, adopt a constructive attitude, reduce trouble, and 
develop cooperation. The adherence to the various principles, as 
enshrined in the three Sino-U.S. joint communiques, remains the 
fundamental guarantee for the progress of the Sino-U.S. relationship on 
a healthy and steady track. Finally, I hope that this meeting with the 
Secretary will generate new progress in promoting the growth of the 
Sino-U.S. relationship. Thank you. 
 
Secretary Christopher. Good afternoon. It is a great pleasure for me to 
be meeting with Foreign Minister and Vice Premier Qian Qichen here in 
Jakarta. This is our 14th meeting, I believe, since I became Secretary 
of State. As the Foreign Minister has said correctly, we have made 
steady progress in recent months in the U.S.-China relationship. He did 
touch on some of the high points of that progress in recent months. 
Today I look forward to discussing with him how we can build on these 
important developments so as to deepen our cooperation. In particular, I 
look forward to discussing with him how we can strengthen high-level 
contacts between our two countries--the kind of contacts that are very 
important in fostering understanding and achieving common objectives. As 
our discussions with our colleagues here made clear, the United States 
and China have an important interest in maintaining the security and 
prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. I hope to exchange views with the 
Foreign Minister on our common goal of achieving a non-nuclear Korean 
Peninsula and talk to him about the status of the four-party talks 
proposal made by President Clinton and President Kim last April. 
 
Both of our countries share an interest in ensuring a stable environment 
for a peaceful resolution of the issues between the P.R.C. and Taiwan. 
The United States remains committed to a one-China policy and the three 
joint communiques, and we strongly urge a resumption of the cross-strait 
talks. We also have a strong interest in a smooth transition of Hong 
Kong to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. 
 
As nuclear powers, we share a responsibility to work together for the 
completion of the comprehensive test ban treaty by this September. I 
look forward to discussing with the Vice Premier how we can achieve that 
goal and expand our cooperation, generally speaking, on global non-
proliferation.  
 
The United States hopes also to expand our cooperation on the growing 
range of common challenges, from fighting narcotics to protecting the 
global environment. We must also cooperate to strengthen the global 
trading system. As the Vice Premier has noted, our two nations continue 
to face differences on such areas as human rights, but we agree on the 
need to manage those differences constructively.  
 
I look forward to our discussion again today, as I have in the past, 
because I know we will be trying to put the U.S.-China relationship upon 
a very solid footing for the future. Thank you very much.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 5: 
 
The U.S. and Australia Meet the Challenges of the New Millennium 
Secretary Christopher 
Opening remarks at Australia-U.S. Ministerial, Sydney, Australia, July 
26, 1996 
 
Prime Minister Howard, thank you for your warm welcome.  
 
These annual consultations reflect the strength of our ties and the 
importance of our objectives. On the foundation of our commitment to 
open societies and open markets, our nations have built an alliance that 
advances our shared interests and safeguards the security and prosperity 
of the Asia-Pacific region. 
 
During the past three years, President Clinton has put an unprecedented 
emphasis on strengthening our interlocking security and economic 
interests in the Asia-Pacific region. Our 45-year-old partnership with 
Australia--the southern anchor of our network of treaty alliances--is 
crucial to that goal. Our agenda this year highlights the critical 
importance of our joint efforts in three areas: regional developments 
and challenges, defense and strategic arrangements, and global 
cooperation. Let me touch briefly on each. 
 
First, while the nations of the Asia-Pacific region have never had a 
greater chance to work together on behalf of peace and stability, 
important challenges remain. Your leadership is crucial--from supporting 
the freeze and eventual dismantling of North Korea's nuclear program to 
promoting reconciliation and reconstruction in Cambodia. We also want to 
continue working with you to promote peaceful change in Burma. I look 
forward to discussing the steps that the United States has taken to 
strengthen regional security through our Joint Declaration with Japan 
and our deepening engagement with China. And we share a strong interest 
in the continued progress of the ASEAN Regional Forum that Foreign 
Minister Downer and I just attended. 
 
Second, even as the United States welcomes new approaches to regional 
cooperation, we share your interest in strengthening our bilateral 
security ties. Our treaty alliances will be the pillars of our security 
in the next century. We are committed to reinforcing them. We will 
maintain our forward-deployed presence of approximately 100,000 troops 
in the Pacific. I look forward to discussing plans for expanding 
training facilities in Australia, as well as opportunities for joint and 
combined exercises within the next year. The security declaration we 
issue tomorrow will make clear the enduring role for our alliance in the 
post-Cold War world. 
 
Third, we must deepen our global cooperation, especially our shared 
efforts to stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Australia 
played a critical role in negotiating the biological and chemical 
weapons convention. Now our joint leadership remains crucial to 
completing a comprehensive test ban treaty. We believe that the text of 
the treaty as it now stands represents a concrete and essential step 
toward further nuclear disarmament and a major gain in security for all. 
We also look to Australia as an important partner in our effort to 
negotiate an eventual ban on anti-personnel land mines and to achieve a 
fissile material cutoff convention. 
 
Australian leadership and the U.S.-Australian partnership in building a 
strong, open global trading system will be called on again in the months 
ahead. We must work together in Manila in November to maintain APEC's 
momentum toward free and open trade in the Asia-Pacific region. In 
Singapore this December, we must use the landmark first ministerial of 
the World Trade Organization to press for full implementation of our 
commitments in the Uruguay Round, and to set the WTO's priorities for 
the early 21st century. 
 
Today we can also act to strengthen our joint efforts to confront global 
threats such as terrorism, narcotics trafficking, international crime, 
and damage to the global environment. Although terrorism is not formally 
on our agenda, I hope that Australia will join the United States in 
adopting and pursuing the practical steps against terrorism endorsed by 
the P-8 leaders last month in Lyon. Citizens in both our countries will 
benefit from our agreement to develop a concrete agenda for 
counternarcotics cooperation. The transfer today of the secretariat of 
the International Coral Reef Initiative from American to Australian 
stewardship highlights our expanding partnership to conserve the natural 
resources that are essential to the health and prosperity of all people. 
 
Finally, our common commitment to democracy and human rights also finds 
expression in our advocacy of those values around the globe. Most 
recently, the Australian Government has set up the Asia-Pacific Human 
Rights Forum here in Sydney, bringing together the region's independent 
human rights commissions for the first time. This is a hopeful 
development which we strongly support. 
 
The breadth of our agenda today reflects the depth of our partnership. 
Together, the United States and Australia face formidable tasks, from 
maintaining the common defense to preserving ecosystems whose complexity 
we are only just beginning to comprehend. I am confident that our shared 
history and warm ties will enable us to meet the challenges of a new 
millennium.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 6: 
 
The U.S. and Australia: A Deepening Environmental Partnership 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks delivered at hand-over of the International Coral Reef 
Initiative, Sydney, Australia, July 26, 1996 
 
It is a pleasure to join Foreign Minister Downer today following the 
first session of our ministerial meeting. For almost half a century, the 
United States and Australia have stood together as treaty allies to 
safeguard the security and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. As our 
discussions this morning have made clear, our alliance is no less 
important in the post-Cold War world. While the risk of conflict in the 
region has been dramatically reduced, we face a growing range of 
important challenges. These include emerging global threats such as the 
spread of weapons of mass destruction, international crime and 
narcotics, and damage to the global environment. 
 
This afternoon, I am pleased to have the chance to highlight one aspect 
of our growing cooperation in these new areas by marking the transfer of 
the International Coral Reef Initiative, or ICRI, from American to 
Australian stewardship. There could hardly be a more appropriate host 
country for this initiative than Australia, whose Great Barrier Reef is 
the world's largest. 
 
Today, scientists estimate that 10% of the world's coral reefs have 
already been seriously damaged. Pollution, over-fishing, and over-use 
have put a much larger percentage under heavy strain. If current trends 
continue, much of the planet's reef resources could be lost during the 
next century. Their disappearance would destroy the habitat of countless 
species. It would unravel a web of marine life that holds the potential 
for new chemicals and medicines. It would have a devastating effect on 
coastal communities from Cairns to Key West, Florida, that depend on the 
reefs for food and for a significant source of income from tourism. 
 
The International Coral Reef Initiative is designed to avert that 
prospect. Founded in 1994 by Australia, the United States, and six other 
governments, the ICRI seeks to help nations fulfill an important 
commitment made at the 1992 Rio conference to promote the sustainable 
use of marine resources. Through its workshops and research, the ICRI 
helps nations and regions devise strategies to conserve and manage coral 
reefs and it supports and coordinates regional and global efforts to 
monitor their condition. 
 
In the Asia-Pacific region, for example, the ICRI has played a crucial 
role in galvanizing efforts to stop the  destructive practice of using 
cyanide to harvest live coral reef fish. Around the world, more than 75 
nations and scores of multilateral and non-profit organizations and 
private companies have participated in ICRI programs to compile 
databases, raise public awareness, and build new partnerships with the 
private sector. Under its auspices, the United States has helped Jordan 
develop a marine park in the Red Sea, trained coral reef surveyors in 
the South Pacific, and supported the creation of a coral reef 
researchers directory. We look forward to remaining closely involved in 
the ICRI as Australia takes over the secretariat. 
 
We also look forward to working with Australia on a range of other 
environmental issues. For example, our cooperation was instrumental in 
achieving a precedent-setting agreement at the United Nations to 
conserve fisheries. We are partners in the international climate change 
negotiations, where we will work cooperatively to reduce harmful 
greenhouse gas emissions. 
 
Environmental forces transcend borders and oceans to threaten directly 
the health, prosperity, and jobs of citizens of all nations. And natural 
resource issues are frequently critical to achieving political and 
economic stability. That is why I have launched an initiative at the 
U.S. State Department to integrate environmental issues and objectives 
into all aspects of American foreign policy. 
 
On behalf of the United States, I would like to thank the Government of 
Australia for its willingness to assume leadership of the ICRI. The 
commitment we share and the momentum we have generated are the best 
guarantees that treasures and resources such as the Great Barrier Reef 
will endure for generations to come.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 7: 
 
The U.S. and Australia: Strengthening Our Alliance for the Post-Cold War 
Era 
Secretary Christopher, Australian Foreign Minister Downer, Secretary of 
Defense Perry, Australian Defense Minister McLachlen 
Remarks following Australia-U.S. Ministerial, Sydney, Australia, July 
27, 1996 
 
Australian Foreign Minister Downer. Good morning. We have been delighted 
to host not only the United States Secretary of State and Secretary of 
Defense, but also the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the 
Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific. The inclusion of these four together 
in the delegation means that it is the most significant delegation to 
have taken part in AUSMIN in Australia. This demonstrates the importance 
both sides are attaching to the relationship. 
 
From the perspective of the Australian Government, this meeting has been 
an important step forward in reinvigorating our long-standing and much 
valued bilateral relationship. A key outcome for both countries from 
this meeting has been the strong reaffirmation of the centrality of the 
alliance relationship to Australia's foreign and security policy. We 
have made some important progress at this AUSMIN meeting in advancing 
our common agenda. We have made decisions on military training, the use 
of the joint facilities, and we have shared our perspectives and 
analysis with one another on the regional security outlook. Most 
importantly, we have encapsulated new directions in our security 
relationship in a new joint security declaration. Significantly, we have 
recognized that the Australia-United States alliance has immense 
importance for the region. 
 
A key theme of the meeting has been the importance we both place on 
continuing United States engagement in the Asia-Pacific region. The 
United States underwrites security in the Asia-Pacific, and the United 
States has been a driving force of economic growth and prosperity in the 
region. I stressed the value of the Australia-United States alliance 
relationship in my recent meetings with key regional partners, including 
Indonesia and China, when I briefed them on the AUSMIN talks during my 
recent visit to Jakarta. I impressed upon them that a stronger 
Australia-U.S. relationship not only brought great benefits to both our 
countries but also to the region as a whole. This alliance is an 
integral element of the mutually reinforcing web of security 
arrangements in the region. These linkages ensure the continuation of 
strong economic growth in the region. Australia and the United States 
have a long record of close cooperation in fostering region-wide 
economic initiatives such as APEC. We have also worked closely in the 
World Trade Organization and its predecessor, the GATT, in bringing 
about the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round. And we are 
committed to maintaining the momentum for further trade liberalization. 
 
As with the best of friends, we have our differences; for example, we 
have continuing concerns with U.S. agricultural export subsidies, 
although that situation is improving. But these differences do not 
detract from the vast array of issues where we have an identity of 
interests. On global security issues, we have common approaches to a 
wide range of areas such as the comprehensive test ban treaty, a ban on 
anti-personnel land mines and weapons of mass destruction, and we share 
a commitment to conflict prevention mechanisms such as the ASEAN 
Regional Forum. We also recognize that non-military threats to global 
security, such as the spread of illicit narcotics, are also important 
and need to be addressed. 
 
In the 46 years since the signing of the ANZUS Treaty, the Australia-
United States alliance relationship has stood the test of time. The new 
security declaration we have agreed on at this meeting not only 
reaffirms our long-standing relationship but lays important groundwork 
for its future development. I would like to conclude by thanking 
Secretary Christopher and Secretary Perry for the very valuable input 
they made to the meeting and for the close cooperation that has 
developed between Ian McLachlan and me on the one hand, and the two 
United States cabinet members on the other. We have developed a very 
good, personal relationship and had an extremely constructive meeting. 
Thank you.  
 
Secretary Christopher. Good morning. It gives me a lot of pleasure to be 
here at the conclusion of this year's U.S.- Australia ministerial. The 
Minister has given such a good summary of the topics we discussed that I 
can shorten my remarks and telescope them considerably. As he said, the 
joint security declaration we issued today affirms the validity and 
importance of our 45 year-old alliance and especially underscores its 
validity in the post-Cold War era. As part of that effort, we have 
agreed to strengthen the defense cooperation which is the bedrock of our 
alliance; we will establish new and expanded training facilities for the 
marines here in Australia as well as increase our opportunities for 
joint combined exercises next year.	 
 
We began this session with a very impressive strategic review by Prime 
Minister Howard of regional security issues, and I think that provided a 
very good foundation for our discussions. The United States and 
Australia see eye-to-eye on the importance of the U.S.-Japan security 
alliance as well as on China's integration as a strong and constructive 
member of the international community. We agreed to seek wide support 
for our efforts to ensure that North Korea's nuclear program remains on 
the way to dismantlement, and we are promoting a lasting peace on the 
Korean Peninsula through the proposal for Four Party Talks. I am pleased 
that I heard overnight that our Congress has taken action which puts the 
United States on the way to fully funding its commitment this year to 
KEDO, which is such an important part of our Framework Agreement. We are 
pledged to continue working for peaceful democratic change in Burma. We 
welcome the continued development of the ASEAN Regional Forum as a way 
for our two nations to work closely together on security issues. As the 
Minister said, we reaffirmed our intention to work through the APEC 
meeting in Manila this November and in the first WTO meeting in 
Singapore--also this fall--to forward our joint endeavors. 
 
One thing that was a major focus of our discussion was our determination 
to complete a comprehensive test ban treaty for signing by September. We 
support the current treaty text--the Ramaker text--and I am very pleased 
that the United States and Australia are absolutely in sync on this and 
working hard together to try to bring that about and make it ready for 
signature in September. The Minister said we reached agreement on an 
agenda of specific steps to enhance our joint attack against drug 
trafficking, with our discussions covering such items as our common 
efforts on money laundering and organized crime as well. 
 
I conclude by saying that I am very pleased to announce another 
important step in bringing Americans and Australians closer together: We 
will eliminate the visa requirement for Australian citizens traveling to 
the United States for up to 90 days for business or pleasure. Few 
countries around the world qualify for this visa waiver program under 
the strict requirements of U.S. law. I think it is very appropriate that 
Australia now is one of those countries that qualifies, as people of our 
two nations travel back and forth. We think this important step will 
greatly facilitate the travel of our citizens, and I know it will come 
as good news to Australians who are coming to the United States either 
for business or for tourism--that they no longer need to get a visa if 
they are coming for 90 days or less. 
 
Finally, I cannot conclude without thanking our Australian hosts for 
their extraordinary hospitality and for the great efforts they have made 
to make this one of the very best AUSMIN meetings that I have attended 
over the years. Thank you so much, Mr. Minister and Mr. Minister. 
 
Australian Defense Minister McLachlan. Good morning. From the defense 
point of view, I would just like to reiterate what Alexander Downer said 
earlier, and that is that the very high level of United States 
representation at this AUSMIN has enhanced it very much. Particularly, I 
would like to thank Secretary Perry for bringing with him General 
Shalikashvili, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and Admiral Prueher, who is 
Commander-in-Chief in the Pacific, and also to say that I am 
particularly pleased with the joint statement on security, which shows 
that our two countries are firmly focused on the future and determined 
to make this alliance address mutual security concerns into the post-
Cold War era. We made some important announcements yesterday about 
increasing defense exercises, so I won't go into that again; and also 
relating to the joint facilities, but it does show that this 
relationship is being enhanced, revitalized if you like, and we will 
continue as I said yesterday, to look at further opportunities on both 
sides to increase that cooperation. 
 
Finally, I would just like to say that this close alliance with the U.S. 
supports our priorities--Australian priorities--for developing closer 
relations with Asia, and it also supports our defense self-reliance. 
These are three essential elements and they are mutually reinforcing 
elements. They are in no way mutually exclusive, and I want that clearly 
understood, because we certainly clearly understand it. I think that 
from the information we have been able to discern, our Asian neighbors 
are extremely comfortable with these arrangements. So with those few 
words, I would also just like to say that my first AUSMIN conference 
seemed to me to have been extremely successful, very relaxed, with great 
contributions from both sides, and I would like to ask Dr. Perry if he 
would like to say a few words.  
 
Defense Secretary Perry. The defense relationship between Australia and 
the United States is truly a model for the rest of the world. We have 
fought side-by-side in five wars to protect our values and to protect 
our freedom. But our defense relationship today is not about war. It is 
about peace. Today, we are partners in peace--promoting stability and 
democracy in the Asia-Pacific region, and, indeed, around the world. Our 
alliance has never been stronger. Today, we work together on regional 
security, enhanced joint military training, intelligence cooperation, 
and technology sharing. The joint security declaration makes it quite 
clear that we intend to remain fully engaged and forward-deployed as an 
Asia-Pacific power. That is the keystone of our commitment to work with 
Australia in building a peaceful and prosperous future in the Pacific.  
 
(###) 
[END DISPATCH VOL 7, NO 31]

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