U.S. Department of State
Dispatch Volume 7, Number 27, July 1, 1996
Bureau of Public Affairs


ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

1. Terrorism or Peace:  The Strategic Choice in the Middle East -- 
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, Israeli Prime Minister 
Netanyahu, Egyptian Foreign Minister Moussa, Palestinian Authority 
Chairman Arafat,  Saudi Foreign Minister Saud 
2. Terrorist Attack in Dhahran -- President Clinton
3. From Restoring to Upholding Democracy:  A Progress Report on U.S. 
Policy Toward Haiti -- Deputy Secretary Talbott
4. Advancing Hemispheric Relations -- Peter Tarnoff  



ARTICLE 1:

Terrorism or Peace:  The Strategic Choice in the Middle East
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, Israeli Prime Minister 
Netanyahu, Egyptian Foreign Minister Moussa, Palestinian Authority 
Chairman Arafat, Saudi Foreign Minister Saud.

Jerusalem

Opening statements at a joint press conference following meeting, 
Jerusalem, June 25, 1996.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. Shalom. Mr. Secretary:  Welcome. It is a great 
pleasure for us to welcome you here again. We all have the highest 
respect for your dedication and your devotion to bringing peace with 
security to our region. I am certain that the relationship between 
Israel and the United States is, as I described it to President Clinton, 
solid as a rock. It will continue to be one of trust and friendship. You 
just contributed, I think, to the continuation of that tradition. We had 
a very  productive discussion -- working discussion -- which will 
continue tonight, and I look forward to my talks on these matters in 
greater detail with President Clinton in Washington, DC, during the 
forthcoming visit.

Since Madrid, there have been important achievements made in cementing a 
broader peace in our area between Israel and its neighbors. We are 
seeking to preserve these achievements and to broaden them as well. We 
intend to resume negotiations with Syria, with Lebanon, and with other 
Arab states. We believe that the principle that should guide these 
negotiations is "no prior conditions." I think this is the only way to 
achieve productive and  successful negotiations. It is something that 
has guided us throughout the quest for peace under successive 
governments. Equally, we intend to resume negotiations with the 
Palestinian Authority.

I want to make it clear that we want to see the advancement toward peace 
and, as well, that the achievement of such progress toward peace be 
contingent on security. We received a clear mandate from the people:  
The people want peace with security. We have to underline that the 
people told us that terrorism is incompatible with the advancement 
toward peace. Therefore, there is a strategic choice for all the parties 
in the Middle East:  It is either terrorism or peace, but you cannot 
have both. We are committed to continue the search and the achievement 
of a safe peace for Israel and all its neighbors, and we intend to act 
on it.

I will continue the negotiations toward this end -- I should say the 
talks toward this end -- with the Secretary tonight. And as I said 
before, I look forward to continuing them in greater detail with 
President Clinton in Washington.

Secretary Christopher. Thank you very much, Mr. Prime Minister. I am 
very pleased to be back here in Israel, and especially in Jerusalem,  
and to have had an opportunity to have these conversations with the new 
Prime Minister and his colleagues.

In this -- our first meeting since he assumed office -- we reaffirmed 
the central importance of the strategic relationship between the United 
States and Israel and our commitment to maintain the special friendship 
between our two nations. In the context of this special relationship, as 
the Prime Minister said, we've just had a very useful discussion on a 
wide range of issues. Of course, we focused much  attention on the Arab-
Israeli peace process. The Prime Minister made it clear to me -- as he 
has just said -- that  he is personally committed to the pursuit of 
peace with security, that a secure peace is a fundamental Israeli 
interest, and that this commitment reflects the deep hopes and desires 
of the people of Israel.

Tomorrow, I will go to Cairo to meet with President Mubarak, as well as 
with Chairman Arafat. In the near future -- indeed, I can announce today 
-- on the 9th of July, Prime Minister Netanyahu will be coming to 
Washington to meet with President Clinton. They will, of course, 
continue the discussions that we began today, and, indeed, perhaps the 
principle purpose of my meeting today is to try to help ensure that that 
meeting will be as effective and productive as it possibly can be.

During the last several years, we have seen considerable progress toward 
peace in this region and the beginning of a transformation of the 
landscape of the Arab-Israeli conflict, but much more remains to be 
done. The enemies of peace are still around. The Prime Minister and I 
resolved today  in our discussion that those enemies of peace must not 
succeed. Instead, we must build  for a future -- a better future -- to 
preserve and implement the agreements that have been reached with the 
Palestinians and with the Jordanians and to try to achieve future 
agreements with Lebanon and Syria. We also must work to create an 
economic basis for prosperity in the region, so that we can demonstrate 
that peace is not just an abstraction but has a concrete meaning in the 
lives of the people.

We all have an enormous stake in seeing this process continue and in 
achieving a real peace between Israel and the Arabs. That peace must be 
lasting and secure. Real peace without security is not possible, and 
real security without peace is also impossible.

Our long, enduring relationship with Israel is based upon shared values, 
shared interests, and deeply rooted friendship. We have an unshakable 
commitment to Israel's security and well-being. As the President has 
said, we will do everything within our power to help Israel minimize the 
risks it is taking for peace. With the trust and confidence that have 
long been the hallmarks of our relationship with Israel, we will work to 
move forward toward the kind of peace that the people in this region 
have long deserved and have long been denied.

Thank you very much.


Cairo, Egypt

Opening statements at a press conference, Cairo, Egypt, June 26, 1996.

Foreign Minister Moussa. On behalf of President Mubarak, I wish to 
welcome President Arafat and Secretary Christopher. The talks between 
President Mubarak and Secretary Christopher were very fruitful and 
important. The Secretary reported to the President about his talks in 
Israel pertaining to the peace process and the position taken by the new 
Israeli Government. The talks and consultations will continue. As you 
know, we expect a visit by the Prime Minister of Israel at the 
invitation of President Mubarak. Then President Mubarak is going to 
visit the United States, and the item on the agenda is the peace process 
-- the basis of the peace process and how to guarantee a positive and 
sustained continuity of the process on the basis we all agreed upon 
within the verdict of Madrid -- mainly, land for peace.

The discussion between the President and the Secretary centered around 
the peace process and other problems in the area. We also heard the news 
of the explosion -- the attack that took place in Saudi Arabia. The 
President expressed his condolences and sympathy for the victims. We do 
express those condolences to the Government of Saudi Arabia and to the 
governments to whom the victims belong. We are all against terror and 
violence, and we will continue to work for a more stable and safe Middle 
East. You will recall that the final communique of the Arab Summit has 
addressed this problem of terrorism, and our position, as Egypt, has 
been committed to the language in that statement.

I am not going to say any more than that, but I'd like to introduce 
President Arafat to address you all.

Chairman Arafat. First of all, we have to thank President Mubarak for 
giving us the chance to have this meeting together here at his 
residence. Second, I am sending all my condolences to the victims of the 
explosion which happened yesterday to our brothers, the Saudis. Also, I 
want to take this chance to convey this same message to President 
Clinton and other governments for this terror which caused the victims 
which have been declared. We condemn completely what has happened. 

We have, at the same time, very important talks with His Excellency 
concerning the peace agreements between us and Israel, and we have 
reaffirmed completely our commitment to the peace process. We hope that 
the Israelis also will be committed to the peace process. As you 
remember, it was clear and obvious at  the Arab Summit conference and in 
the final communique that all Arab leaders are committed to and are 
pushing forward the peace process. We hope that the Israelis will follow 
the same line, especially implementing what has been agreed upon and 
what has been signed.

There are many important points we are waiting for the Israelis to carry 
out -- like the withdrawal from Hebron, the problem of the settlements, 
the [inaudible] of our detainees and prisoners, and many other items, 
including the [inaudible] between us and Jordan and Cairo, Egypt, and 
also the safe passage between the West Bank and Gaza. All of this has 
been discussed in good terms with the Secretary, and we hope to continue 
this discussion. And I'm here to repeat again that we are committed, 
Your Excellency, to the peace process and hope that the other side -- 
Israel -- will be committed also to fulfill what has been agreed upon 
and what has been signed. Thank you very much.


Secretary Christopher. Good afternoon. I am very pleased to be with you 
here in Cairo. I have met with President Mubarak, Chairman Arafat, and 
Foreign Minister Moussa. Let me first say a few words about the 
situation in Saudi Arabia. I am both terribly saddened and outraged by 
this terrorist attack on the American coalition military personnel in 
Saudi Arabia. I want to express my deepest sympathy to the families of 
all of those involved -- both killed or wounded.

I have decided to travel to Dhahran this afternoon in order to assess 
the situation personally and to give my condolences to the families and 
to visit the wounded. This will enable me to report to President Clinton 
when I meet with him either very late tonight or in the very early hours 
of tomorrow morning.

The new terrorist attack is a painful reminder that the threat of 
terrorism exists throughout this region and emphasizes once again the 
need for an effective and coordinated action against this scourge of 
terror. At the same time, of course, it is not enough to combat terror 
alone -- we must pursue peace with a new sense of determination and 
energy.

During our discussion  today, we focused on ways to strengthen the Arab-
Israeli negotiating process, which I know is of such importance here in 
Egypt -- and Egypt plays a very important role. As the Foreign Minister 
said, I briefed the President on my conversation yesterday with Prime 
Minister Netanyahu, and, in turn, he gave me a readout on the Arab 
Summit. We both agreed that now is the time to focus on the practical 
work -- the work of negotiating. What is very clear in the discussions I 
had in Israel yesterday and here today is that both the Israelis and the 
Arabs have made a fundamental commitment to peace. Our challenge now is 
to build on that commitment, build on this historic achievement of the 
past few years to reach a truly comprehensive peace.

We must all work to preserve and implement agreements that have already 
been reached between the Israelis and the Palestinians. This would 
include the Declaration of Principles, which was signed in Washington in 
1994; the Gaza-Jericho Agreement, signed here in Cairo; and the interim 
agreement, signed September 25, 1995.

I told both President Mubarak and Chairman Arafat that Prime Minister 
Netanyahu has made it clear to me that he understands his obligation to 
honor all of these agreements. He wants to develop a good working 
relationship with the Palestinians, and I know he intends to take the 
proper steps in this direction. We must also move forward to agreements 
between Israel, Syria, and Lebanon. In this context, Prime Minister 
Netanyahu indicated yesterday that he thought the Madrid framework was a 
very useful one for proceeding. Clearly, part of this effort must 
involve economic development and cooperation so the benefits of peace 
can be available to and enjoyed by all members of this region.

I emphasized to Chairman Arafat today that the United States will 
continue to address the economic needs of the Palestinians and be 
helpful in every respect we can. In addition, President Mubarak and I 
and Foreign Minister Moussa talked about the importance of the upcoming 
Cairo Economic Summit. We pledged to work for its success. I look 
forward to discussing this as well as other issues with President 
Mubarak when he comes to Washington to visit at the end of July.

I appreciate very much the opportunity to be  here to meet with my 
colleagues to discuss these important issues at what is, in many 
respects, a tragic moment. For our part, I want to emphasize that the 
United States will continue to regard the Arab-Israeli peace process as 
a very top priority. We will strive to make it a reality. The journey 
will not be short or easy. Nevertheless, I think we will continue to 
oppose those who are trying to undermine the peace process by terror or 
violence. We must not let them succeed. Working together with Israel, 
Egypt, Jordan, the Palestinians, and all those in  the region, I know we 
can make real progress if we just stick to it and continue the 
persistence that has brought us this far. Thank you, Mr. Minister.


Dhahran, Saudi Arabia

Opening statements at a press conference, Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, June 
26, 1996.

Secretary Christopher. Good evening. At President Clinton's request, I 
have come here to Dhahran to confer with U.S. military and Saudi 
military officials about the terrible tragedy that took place here 
yesterday. I want to express my deepest sympathies and condolences to 
the loved ones of those who were injured and killed in this tragic 
blast.

Before I leave, I also want to meet some of the dedicated men and women 
who were wounded in this attack. I particularly want to thank Prince 
Saud, Prince Bandar, the Deputy Governor, and the many Saudi authorities 
who have helped in so many ways to provide extraordinary assistance in 
the course of this tragedy. I heard many stories of heroism on the part 
of the Saudis, who took action to try to ensure that all of the wounded 
were out of the building and who tried to save all of those who could 
possibly be saved.

The bomb that exploded last night was a direct and deliberate attack on 
the citizens of the United States and on our friends and allies. The men 
and women who are here at this base are on a mission of peace -- a 
mission to deter aggression by Iraq and to enforce the "no-fly zone" in 
Iraq. The President and I are determined to do everything that we can to 
identify and track down and punish those who are responsible for this 
cowardly act of terror.

No one should doubt our determination and resolve. However long it 
takes, we will find those who did it. And no one should feel that we 
will be in any way deterred in carrying out our mission of peace over 
Iraq. We will continue to do that. We will not be stopped by this 
outrageous event.

The scourge of  terrorism that we've seen so often in this region is an 
assault on the very fabric of our society. It is a tool used by those 
who want to kill peace and want to reward hatred. It's a danger that 
knows no borders or geographic limits.

The President and I have made combating terrorism a central objective of 
our policy both at home and abroad. We and our friends around the world 
will not be intimidated. These acts of terror only strengthen our 
resolve to stay the course and to defend peace and those who take risks 
for peace.

I'm very grateful to King Fahd, Crown Prince Abdallah, and the Saudi 
authorities who could not come here and join me on very short notice, 
for their strong support -- support they've always given in the fight 
against terror not only here in their country but throughout this 
region. The people of America are especially grateful for the historic 
efforts that I mentioned in this instance to try to save a maximum 
number of lives -- and  also in many instances to deter others from 
other attacks.

Later tonight, I will fly from here to Lyon to join President Clinton at 
the Lyon Summit. Already on the agenda at the Lyon Summit is the issue 
of international terrorism. But I am absolutely sure, in the wake of 
this terrible attack, that the eight leaders will place an even higher 
priority on taking firm international steps to deal with terrorism and 
to root out the terrorists -- to chase them down wherever they are.

Your Highness, Mr. Ambassador, the Governor:  Thank you very much for 
all your help and cooperation here today and for giving help and 
cooperation as we seek to hunt down those who did this dastardly act.


Foreign Minister Saud.  Mr. Secretary, I'm deeply appreciative, too, for 
being here, because this gives me an opportunity -- in the name of the 
custodian of the two holy mosques and in the name of the people and 
Government of Saudi Arabia -- to express our condolences to those who 
have lost their loved ones. I know that words cannot console in 
tragedies like this, but one thing we can be sure of and make sure of is 
that for those who perpetrated this act, everything that can be done 
will be done in order to apprehend them -- to bring justice.

Also, the other aspect of it is that whatever the objective of those who 
carried out this dastardly and cowardly act -- whatever their objective 
--  it will not be achieved. They will neither deter nor divert our 
common endeavor. Our hearts, in Saudi Arabia, go out to those who have 
lost their loved ones, but we assure them that everything that can be 
done will be done to apprehend those and to add to the security of 
everybody who is a guest in our country. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. 

(###)



ARTICLE 2:

Terrorist Attack in Dhahran
President Clinton
Remarks by President Clinton, released by the White House, Office of the 
Press Secretary, Washington, DC, June 25, 1996.

An explosion occurred this afternoon at the United States Military 
Housing Complex near Dhahran, Saudi Arabia.

Our best information at this time is that there are many injured. There 
have been fatalities; we do not yet know how many. The explosion appears 
to be the work of terrorists, and, if that is the case, as with all 
Americans, I am outraged by it.

The cowards who committed this murderous act must not go unpunished. 
Within a few hours, an FBI team will be on its way to Saudi Arabia to 
assist in the investigation. Our condolences and our prayers go out to 
the victims' families and their friends. We're grateful for the 
professionalism shown by the Saudi authorities in their reaction to this 
emergency. We are ready to work with them to make sure those responsible 
are brought to justice.

Let me say again:  We will pursue this. America takes care of its own. 
Those who did it must not go unpunished. Thank you. 

(###)



ARTICLE 3:

From Restoring to Upholding Democracy:  A Progress Report on U.S. Policy 
Toward Haiti
Deputy Secretary Talbott
Statement before the House International Relations Committee, 
Washington, DC, June 26, 1996

Mr. Chairman, I welcome the chance to discuss United States policy 
toward Haiti. I do so in the spirit of our on-going consultations on 
this important subject. Over the past 2 1/2 years, 34 Administration 
officials have testified to or briefed Congress a total of 147 times to 
discuss Haiti; 44 of those appearances were before this committee. I 
have come before you five times on a variety of subjects -- twice on 
Haiti. I am pleased to do so again.

Our Haiti policy goes to the very core of our political values -- it 
serves our basic national interest, and it deserves bipartisan support. 
Under both Republican and Democratic administrations, one of the 
principal and enduring goals of American foreign policy, particularly in 
this hemisphere, has been to promote, strengthen, and when necessary, 
defend democracy. There is no more dramatic example of that policy than 
Haiti. 

When President Clinton came into office, Haiti and Cuba were the only 
exceptions to the democratic consensus that has developed in the Western 
Hemisphere over the past two decades. Following a coup d'etat in 
September 1991, a human rights outrage and a humanitarian catastrophe 
festered off our own shores. Tens of thousands of Haitians took to 
rickety, overcrowded boats to seek sanctuary in the U.S. Two years ago, 
there were 16,000 boat people heading our way in a single month. At that 
time, the man who won 67% of the votes in the first free, open, and 
honest election in Haitian history lived eight blocks from here -- in 
exile in Washington, DC.  

In the fall of 1994, a U.S.-led military force brought Jean-Bertrand 
Aristide back to Haiti and to the office to which his people had elected 
him. That mission stands as an excellent example of the pragmatic 
approach to peacekeeping that Secretary Christopher and Ambassador 
Albright have discussed with this committee on several occasions. U.S. 
forces entered Haiti with a clear exit strategy and a timetable. We held 
to both. 

First, we passed responsibility for peacekeeping from the Multinational 
Force, made up overwhelmingly of U.S. troops, to the United Nations 
Mission in Haiti -- UNMIH -- only one-third of which was composed of 
American forces. Then, on schedule earlier this year, the last U.S. 
peacekeepers left Haiti, and we passed leadership of the remaining 
international presence to our friends, neighbors, and allies, the 
Canadians. 

This Operation was first code- named "Restore Democracy." Then, once Mr. 
Aristide was back in the Presidential Palace, it became "Operation 
Uphold Democracy." Those were appropriate designations. We restored -- 
and then upheld -- not an individual  but  an institution, a process, 
and an idea:  freedom.

Today, national executive power in Haiti rests with President Aristide's 
successor, Rene Preval. On February 7 of this year, I had the honor -- 
along with four members of the House of Representatives -- of attending 
Mr. Preval's inauguration in Port-au-Prince. It marked the first 
peaceful transition from one democratically elected president to another 
in Haitian history. 

But power today in Haiti does not rest exclusively, or even 
disproportionately, with the President. It rests also with 1,900 elected 
local officials --  mayors, city, and county council members. And it 
rests with 110 elected representatives in two houses of Parliament. On 
my last trip to Haiti, on May 29, I visited that body. It has become a 
vital and serious forum for debate and deliberation. It has begun to 
fill the role that Haiti's 1987 constitution prescribes. Its members are 
keenly aware of the profound break with the past that their elected 
authority represents. President Preval acknowledges and respects that 
authority. He is working hard to persuade the Parliament to support his 
program of economic reform. 

This system of checks and balances between the executive and legislative 
branches of  government is new for Haiti, and it is something that I'm 
sure you and your colleagues would especially support, Mr. Chairman.

Indeed, I hope the Congress will make it possible to support the overall 
trend in Haiti. That trend is in the right direction -- from Haiti's 
standpoint and from our own. 

But there are many obstacles. Haiti's fledgling political institutions 
are fragile; its economy is weak and struggling; its people, while 
talented and proud, are desperately poor. Their $250 per capita annual 
income makes them far and away the poorest in this hemisphere. Quite 
simply and quite bluntly, Haiti will not make it as a democracy unless 
it is able, with our help,  to develop a viable economy.

It is in our interests as well as theirs that they succeed. Unless we 
stay engaged on their side, the gains of the last two years could slip 
away, and we could find ourselves, once again, confronting a 
humanitarian nightmare, political instability, and a refugee crisis in 
our own neighborhood.

We appreciate Congress' support for our ICITAP police training programs, 
as well as other development assistance efforts intended to strengthen 
Parliament, promote broad-based economic development, protect the 
environment, and promote improved health care. These programs represent 
an investment in our future well-being as well as a neighbor's. They are 
a bargain compared to what it might cost in the future if we were to 
turn our back on Haiti at this pivotal moment.

Let me now address a question that I know is of particular concern to 
you and your committee, Mr. Chairman:  the on-going effort of our 
Administration to deal with the problem of lingering political violence 
in Haiti. 

From the beginning, one of the central premises of our policy in Haiti 
has been that real and enduring democracy depends on the rule of law. In 
supporting democracy in Haiti, we also have opposed official 
lawlessness, at every level, on any scale.

From virtually the moment that the Multinational Force arrived in Haiti 
and sent the dictators packing, we worked with the Haitians to help them 
dismantle the old instruments of repression and to help them build, 
virtually from scratch, new structures that will over time help 
undergird civil society. As Secretary Christopher noted when he spoke at 
the first graduation ceremony of the Haitian Police Academy, 

     Honest and honorable law enforcement is no less essential to 
lasting freedom than an elected parliament and a democratic 
constitution.

But at issue here is more than just institutions; there is also an issue 
of political culture. Haiti has to cope with a legacy of state violence 
and terror as old as the country itself; indeed, much older than that, 
since most Haitians' ancestors came as slaves and suffered under harsh 
colonial rule before they broke free of France and became, in 1804, the 
second nation in this hemisphere -- after our own -- to achieve 
independence.

Just as Haiti's leaders often died by the sword, so they often lived -- 
and ruled and misruled. The thugs who ran the country during the three 
years between President Aristide's overthrow and his restoration 
systematically used paramilitary gangs to commit acts of rape, 
kidnaping, mutilation, and murder as methods of governance. A trademark 
method was to cut the faces off their victims with machetes, then leave 
the bodies in the street for pigs to eat and citizens to ponder. Equally 
corrosive was a pattern of judicial corruption, arbitrary arrest, and 
prolonged detention of suspects.

With the arrival of the international military mission and the return of 
President Aristide, there was a dramatic reduction in the level of 
violence and institutionalized brutality. Particularly notable in this 
regard was President Aristide's decision to disband the Haitian 
military, itself an instrument of terror. Retiring this organization 
made another coup d'etat much less likely and fundamentally altered the 
scorched, bloody landscape of Haitian politics.

That does not mean that Haiti has transformed itself, overnight, from a 
horror to a utopia. Of course not:  Old habits die hard, especially when 
fed by stubborn hatreds and fresh vendettas and by grinding social 
problems. But there has nonetheless been a dramatic improvement. Human 
rights groups estimate that there were some 3,000 political murders in 
Haiti during the period from 1991 to 1994 -- that is, after the coup and 
before President Aristide's return. Since September 1994 there have been 
no more than two dozen execution-style killings in Haiti, some of which 
appear to have had a political motive. 

Even this greatly reduced number of killings is too many, however, and 
we have taken them very seriously. The March 1995 murder of opposition 
spokeswoman Mireille Bertin was the most infamous of several murders 
that threatened the integrity of Haiti's young democracy and the 
authority of its new Haitian National Police. 

In the wake of the Bertin murder, we launched a comprehensive effort to 
identify and bring the perpetrators to justice. As the investigation of 
that murder and other crimes went forward, it became apparent that at 
least some might be traced to individuals employed by the Haitian 
security forces -- individuals who were accountable to the 
democratically elected government that we were in Haiti to support. 

Our Administration raised its concern about this situation in the 
strongest, clearest, and most persistent terms with President Aristide, 
then with President Preval. I personally made representations on this 
subject seven times. Senior White House officials did so as well. 

Our message was simple:  As part of our policy of supporting Haiti's 
transition to democracy, we would assist the new security forces, but we 
would not be able to continue that assistance if those institutions 
harbored, particularly in leadership positions, people implicated in 
serious crimes. By March of this year, the President of Haiti had 
removed all the individuals we had then reason to believe were 
implicated in these murders. 

That action, combined with the Haitian Senate's rejection earlier this 
year of the nomination of a police Director General publicly linked to 
allegations of corruption, sent a strong and welcome signal that the 
Haitian Government is bent on making a clean break with a troubled past:  
It will no longer tolerate the corruption and abuses that marked the 
Duvalier dynasty and its military successors. The new Haitian National 
Police has the potential to be an engine of this change. The HNP is, 
like democracy itself, something new under the Haitian sun -- a non-
political, competitively selected, well-trained professional force 
committed to the rule of law. But it is also, like Haitian democracy, a 
fragile, fledgling institution that needs our help. 

That help will continue to be strictly conditioned and with it will come 
our advice. By removing from the police hierarchy those implicated in 
political violence, including the Bertin assassination, Haiti has taken 
an important step away from its history of allowing security personnel 
to commit crimes with impunity. The next step is to bring those who are 
responsible for such crimes to justice. 

The Administration has made clear to the Government of Haiti at all 
levels that a thorough investigation of the political and professional 
killings is crucial both to consolidation of the rule of law and to 
maintenance of international support. The same scrutiny must be extended 
to the apparent summary executions of several individuals during an 
operation carried out by the HNP and Ministerial Security Guard in Cite 
Soleil in March.

Last fall, the Administration strongly encouraged the Aristide 
government to establish a Special Investigations Unit to focus on two 
categories of crimes:  the most egregious of those committed during the 
coup era but also the hit-team-style murders that occurred after the 
restoration of democracy. 

The U.S. Congress sent a similar message in the form of the Dole 
Amendment, which conditions non-humanitarian assistance to the Haitian 
Government on the thorough investigation of these murders. The 
Administration supports the objectives of this legislation, as do 
bipartisan majorities in both houses. To aid this effort, we have worked 
closely with the Haitian Government to provide the Special 
Investigations Unit with the resources it needs. I visited the Special 
Investigations Unit when I was in Port-au-Prince on May 30. We are 
encouraged by what we saw and heard from President Preval; Bob Manuel, 
the Secretary of State for Public Security; and Pierre Denize, the new, 
very impressive Director General of the Haitian National Police.

However, it is still too early to report that Haiti has met the Dole 
Amendment's standard of thorough investigation.  We have therefore 
consulted closely with Congress on the assistance programs we feel must 
go forward even as the Haitian authorities pursue the investigations. 
These include funds for training and equipping the HNP and the SIU, and 
strengthening the Parliament.

But Mr. Chairman, we must combine resolve with realism. Even with 
committed and capable leaders such as Director General Denize now in 
charge, the Haitian National Police is a new organization, underfunded, 
understaffed, and with little experience in the difficult tasks ahead of 
it. There is, in general in Haiti, a lack of qualified mid-level 
supervisory personnel. That applies to the security field as well and 
therefore represents a handicap for the HNP. In the last several months, 
this young force has confronted a series of high-profile kidnapings and 
the murder of eight of its own officers. Mr. Denize and his team have 
responded to this challenge with an admirable combination of 
determination and restraint. They have endeavored to carry out their 
duty without abusing their power. But the fact is, the HNP still 
requires mentoring and operational advice from the international 
civilian police in Haiti today -- the so-called CIVPOL. CIVPOL 
complements the training available through ICITAP and our Justice 
Department. There are now 274 CIVPOL officers from six countries in 
Haiti, each of them helping to provide the social stability that will 
allow Haitian democracy to flourish. 

It is essential that there be a continuing international peacekeeping 
and police presence in Haiti after the expiration of the current United 
Nations mandate this Sunday. We are therefore working hard to muster 
support within the Security Council for a proposed successor to UNMIH 
that would be composed of third country troops.

While our own military engagement in Haiti is over, the U.S. still has a 
vital interest in remaining active in the long-term, difficult task of 
helping Haiti build a stable democracy. That emphatically means a 
society of laws and of accountable law enforcement. 

(###)



ARTICLE 4:

Advancing Hemispheric Relations
Peter Tarnoff, Under Secretary for Political Affairs
Address to the Hispanic Council on International Relations, Washington, 
DC, June 19, 1996

Thank you very much. I'm delighted to be with you today to help publicly 
launch the Hispanic Council on International Relations and honor the 
Latin American diplomatic corps in Washington. The Hispanic Council on 
International Relations follows in a great American tradition:  the free 
association of men and women to pursue common goals and objectives.

I wish you great success as your organization grows and develops and 
projects its voice in the making of U.S foreign policy. I assure you 
that those of us here at the State Department will always be attentive 
to your ideas.

By far the best way to inaugurate publicly the Hispanic Council on 
International Relations is to emphasize the importance to the U.S. of 
our neighbors and partners in the Western Hemisphere. While the 
interests of the council and its members spread far beyond the confines 
of this hemisphere, I know that everyone here shares a special 
understanding of the critical nature of our relationship with the 
countries of Latin America and the Caribbean.

All of us are part of the intricate tapestry of American culture and 
society, but each of us still retains a pride in our heritage that 
readily translates into an interest in how our nation relates to the 
lands of our ancestors.

For that reason, those of you whose roots lie in Latin America or the 
Caribbean have an essential role to play in advancing Hemispheric 
relations. You are both a bridge that can help span the differences that 
still exist among our nations and an engine which will power our efforts 
to advance democracy and economic freedom in our part of the world.

I am pleased to say that the State Department shares your belief in the 
current and future importance of our ties to Latin America and the 
Caribbean. In fact, I would maintain that through such actions as the 
passage of NAFTA; the restoration of democracy in Haiti; and the quiet, 
persistent advancement of the important goals established at the Summit 
of the Americas in Miami, the U.S. has brought about an unprecedented 
new era of cooperation among the nations of our hemisphere.

Working with our regional partners, we have created something truly 
grand. Together, the 34 democracies of the Americas are building a 
future based on free trade, strong civic institutions, economic growth 
that protects the environment, and a shared commitment to reduce poverty 
and corruption. All of us can be proud of the journey that we began a 
little more than 1 1/2 years ago at the Summit of the Americas.

The summit, as President Clinton said, "affirmed the growing unity of 
values and interests among our nations" and "charted a course for 
achieving unprecedented economic growth across the region."  This 
included committing ourselves to the creation of a Free Trade Area of 
the Americas to unite the region's 850 million people into a $12-
trillion market.

Let me just mention some of the things that the nations of our region 
have done to achieve the summit's objectives since that historic 
gathering in December 1994.

First, we have moved forward with our trade agenda. Through the Denver 
Trade Ministerial meeting last June and the Cartagena Ministerial this 
March, working groups have been established to gather the necessary 
information for laying the groundwork for starting negotiations on FTAA 
2005. At the next Trade Ministerial in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, early 
next year, we will be in a position to determine on what basis 
negotiations will proceed.

In the past year, we also have held ministerials on energy, 
transportation, science and technology, money laundering, and capital 
markets development. These meetings have produced steady progress on our 
summit agenda as well as plans and follow-up actions. 

One of the most important accomplishments to date has been the 
conclusion of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, which 
Deputy Secretary Talbott signed for us at the Organization of American 
States General Assembly meeting in Panama two weeks ago.
 
The Convention is a powerful statement by the governments of the 
hemisphere that corruption will no longer be considered business as 
usual. Over time, the Convention will help our companies compete on a 
fair playing field. It will help bring to justice those who flout the 
rule of law. It is a historic step in our collective efforts on behalf 
of open markets and open societies.

These are all major milestones on the road to 2005. Since the Miami 
Summit, we have also passed with flying colors a series of events that 
threatened our progress and tested our resolve.

When Mexico was plunged into financial crisis, President Zedillo acted 
boldly to stabilize the economy without reverting to the discredited 
policies of the past. President Clinton mobilized the United States and 
the international financial institutions to stand by Mexico in its time 
of need.

When armed conflict broke out between Peru and Ecuador, the United 
States, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile acted quickly to help end the 
fighting and begin a peace process that we hope will produce a 
negotiated settlement of this dispute once and for all.

Events in Paraguay this April also demonstrated our new-found 
hemispheric ability to take united action against those who would turn 
back the clock to the decades of dictatorship in Latin America. 

While the United States played an important part of efforts to ensure 
the continuation of Paraguay's democracy, a democratic resolution of the 
crisis was also a result of the concerted efforts of the OAS and, in 
particular, the MERCOSUR countries.

By going to Asuncion during the crisis, Secretary General Gaviria and 
the foreign ministers of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay demonstrated not 
only the region's support for President Wasmosy's government, but also 
made clear that Paraguay's closest neighbors and trading partners would 
not tolerate any break with democratic rule and civilian authority over 
the military. This was the fourth time since 1991 that the nations of 
this hemisphere, through the OAS, have joined together to repel a 
challenge to democracy.

Moreover, the inauguration of President Rene Preval in February -- the 
first peaceful transition of power from one civilian elected leader to 
another in Haiti's almost 200 years as an independent nation -- was 
further proof that these efforts in support of democracy are paying 
dividends.

Unfortunately, despite our accomplishments, there is still one country 
that remains resistant to joining the hemisphere's movement toward 
democracy and prosperity:  Cuba.

Under the Castro government, Cuba continues to fall farther behind, 
while suffering under a new wave of repression that has seen pro-
democracy activists imprisoned and innocent men ruthlessly shot out of 
the skies. President Clinton's unequivocal response to the shootdown of 
two civilian planes sent a clear signal to Castro that we will do all we 
can to ensure the triumph of democracy in Cuba.

Just as the hemisphere must stand firm against threats to democracy, we 
also must join together to confront the other challenges before us, 
including the problems of drug trafficking, environmental degradation, 
and poverty. As countries with a common belief in democracy and free 
market economics and a common interest in improving the lives of our 
citizens, we are in a unique position to take cooperative action on 
these global issues.

I am confident that we will continue to move forward. Each day gives us 
new momentum and a new sign that the "spirit of Miami" -- the vision of 
a hemisphere united in democracy, stability, and prosperity -- is alive 
and well.

However, we need your help to get to where we want to go. I said earlier 
that all of you associated with the council are not just a bridge 
between countries, but an engine to move relations forward. If you 
believe, as I do, that the agenda we are pursuing is in the best 
interests of our country, I encourage you to work actively to support 
it.

The Hispanic Council on International Relations as well as the 
businesses and organizations for which each of you works must be 
involved in moving the summit process forward if we are to meet our year 
2005 goals.

In the future, we look forward to having the advice and support of the 
council to ensure that the United States leads the way toward achieving 
our common objectives in this hemisphere and beyond. 

(###)

[END DISPATCH VOL. 7. NO. 27]

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