U.S. Department of State 
Dispatch Volume 7, Number 16, April 15, 1996 
Bureau of Public Affairs 
1. American Diplomacy and the Global Environmental Challenges Of the 
21st Century--Secretary Christopher  
2. U. S. Policy Toward Algeria--Robert H. Pelletreau  
3. Fact Sheet: African Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone Treaty 
4. Advances in Civilian Implementation of the Dayton Accords 
American Diplomacy and the Global Environmental Challenges of the 21st 
Secretary Christopher 
Address to the alumni and faculty of Stanford University, Palo Alto, 
California, April 9, 1996 
Thank you very much for that kind introduction. I am especially honored 
to be introduced by Gerhard, whom I have known and admired in his 
various incarnations, especially his current one. Even putting aside my 
personal ties, I can think of no better venue for my remarks today on 
global environmental issues than this university. From the founding of 
the Sierra Club in 1892 to the first Earth Day in 1970, Stanford faculty 
and alumni have led efforts to preserve our country's natural resources 
for future generations. Your centers for Conservation Biology and Global 
Ecosystem Function have done pioneering work. Let me also say that I am 
personally grateful for the continuing work of Coach Montgomery and 
Coach Willingham to keep the California Bear population under control. 
With strong leadership from President Clinton and Vice President Gore, 
our Administration has recognized from the beginning that our ability to 
advance our global interests is inextricably linked to how we manage the 
Earth's natural resources. That is why we are determined to put 
environmental issues where they belong: in the mainstream of American 
foreign policy. I appreciate and value this opportunity to outline our 
far-reaching agenda to integrate fully environmental objectives into our 
diplomacy and to set forth our priorities for the future. 
The environment has a profound impact on our national interests in two 
ways:  First, environmental forces transcend borders and oceans to 
threaten directly the health, prosperity, and jobs of American citizens. 
Second, addressing natural resource issues is frequently critical to 
achieving political and economic stability and to pursuing our strategic 
goals around the world. 
The United States is providing the leadership to promote global peace 
and prosperity. We must also lead in safeguarding the global environment 
on which that prosperity and peace ultimately depend. 
In 1946, when I came to Stanford as a law student, the connection 
between the environment and foreign policy was not so readily apparent. 
At home, Americans were entering a period of unprecedented prosperity 
fueled by seemingly infinite resources. Abroad, we were beginning to 
focus on the struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. 
And I was trying to master the intricacies of contracts, torts, and 
something called remedies, taught by Stanford's version of John 
Houseman. I was also trying to measure up to the high standards set by a 
new young Dean, Carl Spaeth, who had just come to Stanford from a very 
promising career at the State Department and who first stimulated my 
interest in the work in which I am now engaged full time.  
But since 1946, population growth, economic progress, and technological 
breakthroughs have combined to fundamentally reshape our world. It took 
more than 10,000 generations to reach a world population of just over  
2 billion. In just my lifetime--a period that may seem like an eternity 
to many of the students in the audience--the world's population has 
nearly tripled to more than 5 1/2 billion. 
These changes are putting staggering pressures on global resources. From 
1960 to 1990, the world's forests shrank by an amount equivalent to one-
half the land area of the United States. Countless species of animals 
and plants are being wiped out, including many with potential value for 
agriculture and medicine. Pollution of our air and water endangers our 
health and our future. 
In carrying out America's foreign policy, we will, of course, use our 
diplomacy backed by strong military forces to meet traditional and 
continuing threats to our security, as well as to meet new threats such 
as terrorism, weapons proliferation, drug trafficking, and international 
crime. But we must also contend with the vast new dangers posed to our 
national interests by damage to the environment and resulting global and 
regional instability.  
As the flagship institution of American foreign policy, the State 
Department must spearhead a government-wide effort to meet these 
environmental challenges. Together with other government agencies, we 
are pursuing our environmental priorities--globally, regionally, 
bilaterally, and in partnership with business and non-governmental 
organizations. Each of these four dimensions is essential to the success 
of our overall strategy. 
First, our approach to these problems must be global because pollution 
respects no boundaries, and the growing demand for finite resources in 
any part of the world inevitably puts pressure on the resources in all 
Across the United States, Americans suffer the consequences of damage to 
the environment far beyond our borders. Greenhouse gases released around 
the globe by power plants, automobiles, and burning forests affect our 
health and our climate, potentially causing many billions of dollars in 
damage from rising sea levels and changing storm patterns. Dangerous 
chemicals such as PCBs and DDT that are banned here but still used 
elsewhere travel long distances through the air and water. Overfishing 
of the world's oceans has put thousands of Americans out of work. A 
foreign policy that failed to address such problems would be ignoring 
the needs of the American people. 
Each nation must take steps on its own to combat these environmental 
threats, but we will not succeed until we can effectively fight them 
together. That realization inspired the path- breaking efforts of the 
United Nations at the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment 25 
years ago and at the historic Rio Summit on Environment and Development 
four years ago. There, the international community forged a new global 
commitment to "preserve, protect, and restore. . .the Earth's ecosystem" 
and to promote economic development in ways that also preserve our 
natural resources. 
Since Rio, the United States has intensified our global efforts. We led 
the way to an agreement to phase out the remaining substances that 
damage the ozone layer, to ban the ocean dumping of low-level 
radioactive waste, and to achieve a new consensus in Cairo on 
stabilizing global population growth.  
We are working to reform and strengthen the UN's key environmental and 
sustainable development programs. We have joined forces with the World 
Bank to incorporate sound environmental policies in lending programs and 
to fund projects through the Global Environment Facility that directly 
benefit our health and prosperity. We are striving through the new World 
Trade Organization to reconcile the complex tensions between pro-moting 
trade and protecting the environment--and to ensure that neither comes 
at the expense of the other. 
This year, we will begin negotiating agreements with the potential to 
make 1997 the most important year for the global environment since the 
Rio Summit. We will seek agreement on further cuts in greenhouse gases 
to minimize the effects of climate change. We will help lead an 
international process to address the problems caused by toxic chemicals 
that can seep into our land and water, poisoning them for generations. 
We will develop a strategy for the sustainable management of the world's 
forests--a resource that every great civilization has discovered is 
"indispensable for carrying on life," as the Roman historian Pliny once 
wrote. We will work with Congress to ratify the Biodiversity Convention, 
which holds benefits for American agriculture and business. We will also 
seek ratification of the Law of the Sea Treaty, which safeguards our 
access to ocean resources. We will provide the leadership needed to 
ensure that this June's UN summit in Istanbul effectively confronts the 
pressing problems associated with the explosive growth  
of cities in the developing world. Finally, by the end of 1997, the 
State Department will host a conference on strategies to improve our 
compliance with international environmental agreements--to ensure that 
those agreements yield lasting results, not just promises. 
This is a daunting global agenda. Achieving these goals will take time 
and perseverance. But I often remember Don Kennedy's advice to graduates 
to set a "standard higher than you can comfortably reach." 
The second element of our strategy--the regional element--is to confront 
pollution and the scarcity of resources in key areas where they 
dramatically increase tensions within and among nations. Nowhere is this 
more evident than in the parched valleys of the Middle East, where the 
struggle for water has a direct impact on security and stability. In my 
many trips to the region, I have seen how rapid population growth and 
pollution can raise the stakes in water disputes as ancient as the "Old 
Testament." As Shimon Peres once remarked to me, "The Jordan River has 
more history in it than water." We are helping the parties in the Middle 
East peace process to manage the region's water resources--to turn a 
source of conflict into a force for peace. 
There can be no doubt that building stable market democracies in the 
former Soviet Union and Central Europe will reinforce our own security. 
However, for these new nations to succeed, we must help them overcome 
the poisonous factories, soot-filled skies, and ruined rivers that are 
one of the bitter legacies of communism. The experience of this region 
demonstrates that governments that abuse their citizens too often have a 
similar contempt for the environment.  
Three weeks ago in Kiev, I walked through the wards of a children's 
hospital that treats the victims of Chernobyl. I saw first-hand the 
terrible damage that this 10-year-old catastrophe still inflicts on the 
region's people. We are helping Ukraine to ensure that there will be no 
more Chernobyls. In Central Asia, we are helping nations recover from 
Soviet irrigation practices that turned much of the Aral Sea into an 
ocean of sand. Our Regional Environment Center in Budapest supports the 
civic groups in Central Europe that are essential to a healthy democracy 
and to a healthy environment. 
The United States also has an enormous stake in consolidating democratic 
institutions and open markets in our own hemisphere. To deepen the 
remarkable transformation that is taking place across Latin America and 
the Caribbean, we are advancing the agenda for sustainable development 
that our 34 democracies adopted at the Miami Summit of the Americas. To 
help democracy succeed, for example, we must ease the pressures of 
deforestation and rapid population growth that I have seen at work in 
the bare hills and crowded city streets of Haiti. To sustain our 
prosperity, we must work to preserve the rich diversity of life that I 
saw in the Amazon rainforest. To help heal the wounds of old conflicts, 
we must reverse the environmental damage that has narrowed economic 
opportunities and fueled illegal immigration from El Salvador. And to 
help combat drug trafficking and crime, we are encouraging sustainable 
agriculture as an alternative to the slash-and-burn cultivation of opium 
poppies and coca from Guatemala to Colombia. These goals will be high on 
our agenda at the Sustainable Development Summit this December in 
In Africa, we are pursuing environmental efforts designed to save tens 
of thousands of lives, prevent armed conflict, and avert the need for 
costly international intervention. Our Greater Horn of Africa 
Initiative, for example, addresses the root causes of environmental 
problems that can turn droughts into famines and famines into civil 
wars. We must not forget the hard lessons of Rwanda, where depleted 
resources and swollen populations exacerbated the political and economic 
pressures that exploded into one of this decade's greatest tragedies. We 
also have a national interest in helping the nations of the region 
address the AIDS crisis, which is decimating a whole generation of young 
Africans and wasting the economic resources that African nations so 
desperately need to build stable governments and a brighter economic 
To intensify our regional environmental efforts, we will establish 
environmental hubs in our embassies in key countries. These will address 
pressing regional natural resource issues, advance sustainable 
development goals, and help U.S. businesses to sell their leading-edge 
environmental technology. 
The third element of our strategy is to work bilaterally with key 
partners around the world--beginning, of course, with our next-door 
neighbors. Whether it is fishing on the Georges Bank or in the Gulf of 
Mexico, or clean drinking water from the Great Lakes or the Rio Grande, 
we cannot separate our environmental interests from those of Canada or 
We are extending our century-old cooperation with Canada on behalf of 
clean water and flood control in the Great Lakes region. We are 
improving conservation in our adjoining national park lands. Through the 
U.S.-Canada Joint Commission, we are protecting human health and natural 
habitats. And with all our Arctic neighbors, we are establishing a 
partnership to protect that fragile region. 
Our joint efforts with Mexico have grown in importance since NAFTA took 
effect just over two years ago. Under the NAFTA side agreements on the 
environment, we have set up new institutions to help communities on both 
sides of the border safeguard the natural resources they share. Later 
this spring, we will launch an innovative program that will enable 
business and government leaders from Texas, New Mexico, and Ciudad 
Juarez to reduce some of the region's worst air pollution. When our two 
nations' cabinets meet in Mexico City next month, I will emphasize the 
importance of Mexico continuing to strengthen its environmental 
Through our Common Agenda with Japan, the world's two largest economies 
are pooling their resources and expertise to stabilize population 
growth, to eradicate polio, to fight AIDS, and to develop new "green" 
Our New Transatlantic Agenda with the European Union will spur global 
efforts on such issues as climate change and toxic chemicals. Together, 
we are already advancing our environmental goals in Central Europe and 
the New Independent States.  
Russia and China are both confronting major environmental problems that 
will have a profound effect on their future--and on ours. 
In Russia, the fate of democracy may depend on its ability to offer the 
Russian people better living standards and to reverse a shocking decline 
in life expectancy. From Murmansk to Vladivostok, poorly stored nuclear 
waste poses a threat to human life for centuries to come. Economic 
reforms will not meet their potential if one-sixth of the Russian land 
mass remains so polluted that it is unfit even for industrial use and if 
Russian children are handicapped by the poisons they breathe and drink. 
We are cooperating with Russia to meet these challenges. Ten days from 
now, President Clinton will join President Yeltsin and other leaders at 
a Nuclear Safety Summit in Moscow, which will promote the safe operation 
of nuclear reactors and the appropriate storage of nuclear materials. 
Vice President Gore and Prime Minister Chernomyrdin are spearheading 
joint initiatives to preserve the Arctic environment, reduce greenhouse 
gases, and promote the management of key natural resources. We are even 
taking the satellite imagery once used to spot missiles and tanks and 
using it to help clean up military bases and track ocean pollution. 
As we discussed this morning at your Institute for International 
Studies, the environmental challenges that China faces are truly 
sobering. With 22% of the world's population, China has only 7% of its 
fresh water and cropland, 3% of its forests, and 2% of its oil. The 
combination of China's rapid economic growth and surging population is 
compounding the enormous environmental pressures it already faces. That 
is one of the many reasons why our policy of engagement with China 
encompasses the environment. Later this month, Vice President Gore will 
launch an initiative that will expand U.S.-China cooperation on 
sustainable development, including elements such as energy policy and 
In our other bilateral relationships, we have created partnerships that 
strengthen our ties while moving beyond the outdated thinking that once 
predicted an inevitable struggle between North and South. Under the 
Common Agenda for the Environment we signed last year with India, for 
example, we are cooperating on a broad range of shared interests from 
investing in environmental technologies to controlling pesticides and 
toxic chemicals. During my trip to Brazil last month, we strengthened a 
similar Common Agenda with agreements on cooperation in space that will 
widen our knowledge about climate change and improve management of 
forest resources. 
The fourth and final element of our strategy reinforces these diplomatic 
approaches by building partnerships with private businesses and non-
governmental organizations. 
American businesses know that a healthy global environment is essential 
to our prosperity. Increasingly, they recognize that pitting economic 
growth against environmental protection is what President Clinton has 
called "a false choice." Both are necessary, and both are closely 
Protecting the environment also opens new business opportunities. We are 
committed to helping U.S. companies expand their already commanding 
share of a $400-billion market for environmental technologies. This 
effort was one of many championed by my late colleague and friend, 
Commerce Secretary Ron Brown. His last mission to Africa helped an 
American firm win a contract that will protect fisheries and fresh water 
supplies for 30 million people in Uganda, Tanzania, and Kenya. On my 
recent visit to El Salvador, I met with U.S. firms, non-governmental 
organizations, and their Central American partners who are pioneering 
the use of solar and wind power stations. 
Non-governmental organizations working with USAID have played a crucial 
role in advancing our environmental objectives overseas. For many years, 
for example, the Sierra Club has been deeply engaged in international 
population efforts, and it made an important contribution to the Cairo 
Conference. As part of these joint efforts, the World Wildlife Fund is 
helping to conserve biodiversity in more than 40 countries, the World 
Resources Institute is confronting deforestation in Africa, and the 
Nature Conservancy is protecting wildlife preserves across Latin 
America. Through the State Department's new "Partnership for Environment 
and Foreign Policy," we will bring together environmental organizations, 
business leaders, and foreign policy specialists to enhance our 
cooperation in meeting environmental challenges. 
It is the responsibility of the State Department to lead in ensuring the 
success of each one of the four elements of the strategy that I have 
discussed today--global, regional, bilateral, and partnerships with 
business and NGOs. Working closely with the President and the Vice 
President, I have instructed our bureaus and our embassies to improve 
the way we use our diplomacy to advance our environmental objectives. 
We will raise these issues on every occasion where our influence may be 
useful. We will bolster our ability to blend diplomacy and science and 
to negotiate global agreements that protect our health and well-being. 
We will reinforce the role of the Office of Under Secretary for Global 
Affairs, which was created at the beginning of our Administration to 
address transnational issues. We will strengthen our efforts with USAID 
to promote sustainable development through effective environment and 
family planning assistance. And we will reinforce the environmental 
partnerships that we have formed with the EPA and the Departments of 
Defense, Energy, Commerce, Interior, and Agriculture.  
In addition, I am announcing today that starting on Earth Day 1997, the 
Department will issue an annual report on Global Environmental 
Challenges. This report will be an essential tool of our environmental 
diplomacy, bringing together an assessment of global environmental 
trends, international policy developments, and U.S. priorities for the 
coming year. 
I will continue to work with the Congress to ensure the success of our 
environmental efforts. The current Congress has slashed critical funding 
for needed environmental programs at home and abroad. We will press 
Congress to provide the necessary resources to get the job done. 
Our strength as a nation has always been to harness our democracy to 
meet new threats to our security and prosperity. Our creed as a people 
has always been to make tomorrow better for ourselves and for our 
children. Drawing on the same ideals and interests that have led 
Americans from Teddy Roosevelt to Ed Muskie to put a priority on 
preserving our land, our skies, and our waters at home, we must meet the 
challenge of making global environmental issues a vital part of our 
foreign policy. For the sake of future generations, we must succeed. 
Thank you very much. 

U.S. Policy Toward Algeria 
Robert H. Pelletreau, Assistant Secretary For Near Eastern Affairs 
Statement before the Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South Asian 
Affairs of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC, April 
16, 1996 
Good morning, Mr. Chairman, and distinguished members of the 
subcommittee. I am pleased to have this opportunity to discuss with you 
my recent visit to Algeria and United States policy toward that 
important North African nation. 
Algeria is the second-largest nation in Africa and plays a leadership 
role in North Africa, the Middle East, and the greater Mediterranean 
region. Algeria supports the Middle East peace process and is important 
for regional efforts to enhance security, stability, and peace. Beyond a 
geopolitical interest in regional stability, U.S. interests also include 
sizable public and private investment in Algeria's hydrocarbon sector. 
Algeria currently chairs the Organization of Petroleum Exporting 
Algeria has been a country of acute international concern ever since the 
army intervened in January 1992 to abort legislative elections the 
Islamic Salvation Front--FIS--seemed poised to win. The ensuing three 
years saw a succession of narrowly based governments facing a 
radicalized Islamist movement and a spreading insurgency. Last August, 
the Algerian Government announced plans for presidential elections in 
November. It remained an open question whether credible elections could 
be held in a climate of violence and political uncertainty.  
But on November 16, 1995, Algerians voted in large numbers to elect 
incumbent President Zeroual with 60% of the vote in Algeria's first 
multi-party presidential election. Although some opposition parties 
called for a boycott of this election, we interpret the large turn-out 
and the fact that there were no major incidents disrupting the election 
to mean that a majority of Algerians wanted peace, stability, and 
President Zeroual's avowed mandate is national reconciliation. In his 
inaugural speech, he promised amnesty for those willing to give up armed 
insurgency and offered reconciliation with all--including Islamists-- 
who rejected violence and accepted the rule of law. Although he quickly 
freed a group of some 600 political prisoners held in a desert detention 
camp, a far greater number remain in jail. President Zeroual has already 
named a new government that includes several representatives of parties 
which participated in the presidential elections. He has charged his 
government with preparing the ground for legislative and municipal 
elections and pursuing economic reform.  
Algeria's economy grew in 1995 for the first time in many years. Still, 
much remains to be done to attract private-sector investment and spur 
employment and growth to underpin the nascent political program. The 
Prime Minister and the President have underlined their determination to 
deregulate and liberalize the economy and give the private sector a far 
bigger role, including privatization of many state enterprises. We have 
supported such reforms in the IMF and World Bank and recently signed a 
second bilateral debt rescheduling.  
Regrettably, Algeria remains plagued by a high degree of violence. 
Terrorist bombings, assassinations, and kidnapings by extremists of the 
Armed Islamic Group--GIA--and government human rights abuses are 
characterized in detail in our annual Country Reports on Human Rights 
Practices. During my recent visit, a car bomb--the 14th of the year--
killed six Algerians and wounded 20 in the city of Tizi-Ouzou. There has 
been a constant pattern of attacks by insurgents against security forces 
and civilians. The GIA has also specifically threatened to kill Algerian 
and foreign workers in the hydrocarbon sector. 
This ongoing violence is discouraging much-needed private investment 
except at remote desert oilfields, where major new contracts in 
Algeria's hydrocarbon sector have been signed between Algerian and 
foreign firms, including several U.S. companies. Sustained economic 
recovery will require a political solution to Algeria's problems. 
In the wake of the presidential election, we believe that political and 
economic liberalization holds promise for stabilizing the situation over 
time. The Algerians have shown a strong preference for ballots over 
bullets. But the progress toward political open- ness must be real. 
Words, however positive, will not be enough; actions  are required. 
We believe that current developments warrant cautious optimism. 
President Clinton wrote to President Zeroual last December that the 
United States would support him as he takes steps to build on his 
election by broad-ening and accelerating the process of reconciliation 
and by continuing economic reform. 
I reiterated the President's message on my visit to Algiers in March, 
and I was encouraged to hear President Zeroual reaffirm his commitment 
to national reconciliation through dialogue. I also met with a range of 
opposition political leaders. Shortly after my visit, President Zeroual 
began a national dialogue with politicians and party leaders to move 
forward on national reconciliation and prepare for follow-on elections. 
The parties which boycotted the presidential elections last November 
have expressed a willingness to join in elaborating a party law and an 
electoral code.  
We are hopeful that these political and economic initiatives will be 
perceived by Algerians as responsive to their expectations for peaceful 
political change, economic opportunity, and good governance. We believe 
that reconciliation among all Algerians who reject violence and accept 
the rule of law, be they secular or Islamist, offers the best hope for 
democratic pluralism in Algeria. We also recognize that economic reform 
is difficult, but believe liberalization and an enhanced role for the 
private sector will offer a better future for all Algerians and will 
anchor political progress.  
The United States has an important stake in seeing that progress 
actually occurs along the lines President Zeroual has described. We will 
be following the situation closely to determine whether the forthcoming 
elections are credible, open, and democratic. While it is not for us to 
set specifics in advance of discussion among Algerian political leaders, 
we can suggest the kinds of questions they will need answers for: Will 
political parties be free to hold meetings and campaign? Will the 
Algerian press be free to print articles without intimidation by 
terrorists? Will the government continue to censure and seize 
Let me conclude by noting that the Administration welcomed Algerian 
participation in the summit of the peacemakers at Sharm el-Sheikh. We 
look forward to Algeria's continued support for the peace process and 
for broadened international cooperation against terrorism.  

Fact Sheet: African Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone Treaty 
Released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, 
DC, April 11, 1996. 
The African Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone Treaty, also known as the Treaty 
of Pelindaba, establishes a nuclear weapons-free zone in Africa. 
Signature of the treaty culminates a 32-year quest for a nuclear-free 
Africa, beginning when the Organization of African Unity formally stated 
its desire for a treaty ensuring the denuclearization of Africa at its 
first summit in Cairo in July 1964. The United States has supported the 
concept of the denuclearization of Africa since the first United Nations 
General Assembly resolution on this issue in 1965 and has played an 
active role in drafting the final text of the treaty and protocols.  
The treaty prohibits the research, development, manufacture, 
stockpiling, acquisition, testing, possession, control, or stationing of 
nuclear explosive devices in the territories of parties to the treaty 
and the dumping of radioactive wastes in the African zone by treaty 
parties. The treaty also prohibits any attack against nuclear 
installations in the zone by treaty parties and requires them to 
maintain the highest standards of physical protection of nuclear 
material, facilities, and equipment, which are to be used exclusively 
for peaceful purposes. The treaty requires all parties to apply full-
scope International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards to all their 
peaceful nuclear activities. A mechanism to verify compliance,      
including the establishment of the African Commission on Nuclear Energy, 
has been established by the treaty. The treaty affirms the right of each 
party to decide for itself whether to allow visits by foreign ships and 
aircraft to its ports and airfields, explicitly upholds the freedom of 
navigation on the high seas, and does not affect rights to passage 
through territorial waters guaranteed by international law.  
The treaty has three protocols. Under Protocol I, the United States, 
France, the United Kingdom, the Russian Federation, and China are 
invited to agree not to use or threaten to use a nuclear explosive 
device against any treaty party or against any territory of a Protocol 
III party within the African zone. Under Protocol  II, the United 
States, France, the United Kingdom, the Russian Federation, and China 
are invited to agree not to test or assist or encourage the testing of a 
nuclear explosive device anywhere within the African zone. Protocol III 
is open to states with dependent territories in the zone and obligates 
them to observe certain provisions of the treaty with respect to these 
territories. Only Spain and France may become parties to it. 
The treaty was opened for signature on April 11, 1996, in Cairo, Egypt. 
All the states of Africa are eligible to become parties to the treaty, 
which will enter into force upon its 28th ratification. The protocols 
will also enter into force at that time for those protocol  signatories 
that have deposited their instruments of ratification. 

Advances in Civilian Implementation Of the Dayton Accords 
Statement by Acting Department Spokesman Glyn Davies, Washington, DC, 
April 1, 1996. 
Acting Assistant Secretary John Kornblum will be traveling to Bosnia 
this evening to convene the first meeting of the Federation Forum on 
Tuesday, April 2. The forum is a U.S.-led structure designed to 
facilitate more intensive, regular consultations with the Bosnian Croats 
and Bosniaks on Federation issues. This initiative, discussed in Geneva, 
will enable the international community to engage the parties to resolve 
outstanding problems in a systematic way. 
Assistant Secretary Kornblum's travel will build on the Agreement  
on the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina signed under the auspices of 
the High Representative's office this weekend. The agreement outlines 
concrete steps with specific deadlines which will strengthen the 
Federation. The main provisions call for the abolition of internal 
customs duties, to facilitate the return of refugees, and to provide for 
sanctions against those local officials who refuse to comply. This 
agreement is a major step forward for the Federation, the success of 
which is essential to building lasting peace in the region. 
The Federation Agreement, coupled with congressional approval of the 
approximately $200-million aid package for Bosnia, and new steps by the 
parties to cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal demonstrate a new 
momentum in the Bosnian peace process. The visit of High Representative 
Carl Bildt to Washington comes at an auspicious time, and his series of 
high-level meetings, including with Deputy Secretary of State Talbott 
this afternoon, will ensure that we will build on these recent 


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