U.S. Department of State
Dispatch Volume 7, Number 7, February 12, 1996
Bureau of Public Affairs 
 
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. Implementing the Dayton Agreements: New Partnerships--Secretary 
Christopher, Croatian President Tudjman, Bosnian President Izetbegovic, 
Serbian President Milosevic  
2. Measuring Successes and Continuing Negotiations in the Middle East--
Secretary Christopher, Israeli Prime Minister Peres, PLO Chairman Arafat   
3. U.S.-Russian Relations: Principles and Benefits--Secretary 
Christopher, Russian Foreign Minister Primakov  
4. Update on Developments In the Middle East--Robert H. Pelletreau  
5. U.S. Suspends Assistance to Niger Following Military Coup 
6. What's in Print: Foreign Relations of the U.S.  
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1: 
 
Implementing the Dayton Agreements: New Partnerships 
Secretary Christopher, Croatian President Tudjman, Bosnian President 
Izetbegovic, Serbian President Milosevic 
 
Zagreb 
 
Opening remarks by Secretary Christopher and Croatian President Tudjman 
at a press conference, February 2, 1996. 
 
President Tudjman. The talks we have had with the Secretary of State, 
Mr. Warren Christopher, and the United States delegation are the 
continuation of very successful relations of cooperation, friendship, 
and partnership between the United States of America and the Republic of 
Croatia, which have been particularly good and satisfactory after the 
Dayton Agreements and after the visit of President Clinton to Croatia. 
	 
The Dayton Agreements, which have been concluded under the leadership of 
the United States of America and with the constructive participation of 
the Republic of Croatia, have contributed to the establishment of peace 
in the region and to creating the preconditions for a new international 
order in this restless part of the world. This is why it is of further 
significance than just bilateral relations, because Croatia is 
particularly interested in comprehensive, economic, cultural, and all 
other relations with the United States of America, as the leading world 
power. We are very pleased with the development of our bilateral 
relations. 
 
Secretary Christopher. Thank you very much Mr. President. I am very 
pleased to be here on my first stop in this trip to this region. I 
brought President Tudjman greetings from President Clinton, who recalled 
the contributions that President Tudjman made to the Dayton Agreements, 
as well as recalling very favorably his brief stop in Zagreb when he was 
in this region. 
 
Two-and-a-half months ago in Dayton, President Tudjman and I initialed 
the Dayton Agreements. That inaugurated a new relationship between the 
United States and Croatia--a relationship of partnership that has great 
potential for the future. As I said to President Tudjman tonight, the 
foundation of that new partnership is the commitments that were made in 
the Dayton Agreement, and the faithful execution and implementation of 
those commitments. Just this week we lifted the travel warning on 
American citizens traveling to Croatia, a reflection of how quickly 
peace is taking hold in this region as well as the new relationship 
between the United States and Croatia. We intend to work closely with 
Croatia to help it realize a future filled with hope to replace a past 
that was heavily burdened by war. 
 
Of course, Croatia must do its part by staying on the path of peace and 
carefully, faithfully implementing the provisions of the Dayton 
Agreement. In our discussions tonight, I assured President Tudjman that 
the United States will continue to support the peaceful return of 
Croatian land in  Eastern Slavonia, in accordance with the agreements. I 
stressed the necessity of carrying out the negotiated solution to the 
problem of Eastern Slavonia--a solution that respects the rights of all 
peoples of that area. 
 
One of the highlights of our discussion tonight, which extended more 
than an hour, was the steps taken to bring the Federation of Bosnia-
Herzegovina to life--steps which last week included the appointment of 
the new Federation government. The Federation is, of course, a very 
essential building block to peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a whole, and 
I am confident that we will move forward here, with the continued 
support of Croatia, based upon my discussions here tonight with 
President Tudjman. 
 
Finally, we also discussed tonight the importance of cooperation with 
the War Crimes Tribunal and how essential it is for Croatia to 
demonstrate its full respect for human rights of all of its citizens, 
regardless of their heritage. 
 
This is certainly a time for Croatia to begin to reap the benefits of 
peace, to become more integrated into the international community. I 
want to assure President Tudjman and the people of Croatia that you will 
have the support of America as you assume your enormous obligations, and 
also the possibility of considerable benefits of integration into the 
Western World. 
 
This is the message that I will be bringing here to Zagreb, but it is 
also the message that I will be taking with me to Sarajevo tomorrow and 
to Belgrade on Sunday. I am here on the 45th day after the signing of 
the agreements in Paris, at what I think is a very hopeful moment. I 
expect to have reports tomorrow on the compliance and implementation of 
the Dayton Agreements, and I must say, I think it is a very hopeful 
prospect. Thank you. 
 
Tuzla Air Base 

 
Remarks by Secretary Christopher to the U.S. Forces in Bosnia, February 
3, 1996. 
 
Admiral Smith, General Nash, men and women of the United States armed 
forces:  As a refugee from the Dayton process, I am honored to join you 
today to see firsthand what American leadership, American know-how, and 
American spirit can do here in Bosnia. 
 
You have accomplished a tremendous amount in the time that you have been 
here. Already, you have rebuilt a ruined airport, carried out the 
biggest river bridging by our armed forces since 1945, and prepared the 
way for those still to come--6,000 Americans and hundreds of troops from 
other countries. And, in what is surely a first for northern Bosnia, I 
understand that our technical experts were able to bring the Super Bowl 
to over 80% of our troops last weekend. 
 
You know that in North Dakota, where I come from, the year has four 
seasons: summer, fall, winter, and mud. By far, the longest season was 
mud. No wonder I feel at home here. But I also see that your arrival 
here has brought a fifth season--a season of hope. 
 
Thanks to your enormous efforts, Bosnia's warring armies have pulled 
back from trenches that some feared would divide this country forever. 
You have made it possible for prisoners to be reunited with their 
families. You have turned guns into scrap metal. You have shown that the 
promise of the Dayton Agreement and the desire of the Bosnian people for 
peace can be fulfilled. 
 
This is D-plus-45--the 45th day of the NATO mission. I have just had an 
invaluable briefing from Admiral Smith and General Nash. I can say to 
you, to the American people, and I will report to the President, that we 
can be gratified and pleased that the level of compliance with the 
military aspects of the peace agreement is very good. Across this 
troubled land, soldiers are pulling back from territory they once fought 
to conquer and wanted to keep. The people of Sarajevo and Gorazde are no 
longer trapped within confrontation lines. The flash of shell-fire no 
longer lights the night sky. Many, many people said it would never 
happen. But thanks to the work you and your colleagues have done, it 
has. 
 
Peace in its fullest sense has not yet come to Bosnia, but this is no 
longer a country at war. You have succeeded in the first, critical phase 
of your mission. 
 
You still have a tough job ahead. We are reminded every day that it 
comes with its share of dangers. But your mission is clear:  Every day, 
you make this base a safe entry point for the soldiers still to join 
you. Every day the hunt for mines, your most deadly enemy, goes on. 
Every day, Lieutenant Colonel Swain's Apache Squadron keeps up 
reconnaissance over the zone of separation. Every day that you are here 
doing your job is another day that the Bosnian people can go about the 
business of building peace and beginning the reconstruction of their 
devastated country. 
 
Today and tomorrow, I will visit Sarajevo, Zagreb, and Belgrade. I will 
meet with the presidents of the three countries with which we negotiated 
at Dayton. My message to each of them will be the same. Every single 
provision of the Dayton accords must be implemented fully and swiftly. 
They are not dependent on each other. It is an obligation of each of the 
presidents to carry out the provisions of the accord. And we intend to 
see that they do it. If they do not do it, they will not have the 
benefits that come under the agreement. Full implementation is necessary 
to build confidence among the people of Bosnia that peace will last. It 
is necessary so that you can do your job effectively.  
 
While you keep the peace, reconstruction is beginning around the 
country--restoring the homes, the schools, the lives this war shattered. 
Free elections will be held--we are determined they will be held--giving 
citizens the voice they lacked when war raged. War crimes investigators 
will uncover evidence of the atrocities whose evidence I am sure you see 
as you move around this tragic country. For if this generation of 
Bosnians does not see justice, future generations may well seek revenge, 
and the cycle of violence will continue. 
 
The impact of what you are doing reaches far beyond this command center, 
beyond the American sector, and beyond the Sava River. As you help 
Bosnia come back together, you are bringing Europe together. Twice this 
century, American troops have had to fight and sustain devastating 
casualties to keep this continent from being dominated by a hostile 
power. Fifty years ago, in fact, the "Blue Falcons" of the 325th 
Airborne flew into Normandy on gliders and fought across a divided 
Europe. Now they are patrolling in the Russian sector outside Tuzla and 
standing with soldiers from every power and region of Europe and from 
around the world in the cause of peace. I could not help, when I walked 
through the honor guard today, but be thrilled by the sight of soldiers 
from so many different countries. You are in the lead, but you are 
involving others in a positive and effective way--and I thank you for 
that as well. In this area alone, troops from 12 countries share your 
duties, your hardships and, I understand, even your MREs. 
 
During my three years as Secretary of State, I have traveled to 79 
countries. I have had the privilege of seeing our armed forces defend 
American security and American ideals--massing at the border of Kuwait, 
patrolling the Korean DMZ, and building roads in Haiti. In each 
instance, American troops are doing a superb job. Now here in the mud, 
under the often gray skies, are America's finest--the greatest hope of 
the war-weary people of Bosnia. You, and the families at home who 
support you, are the best that our nation has to offer the world. 
 
So, to every Balkan capital and back to the United States, I will take a 
message from Task Force Eagle. With determination, decisive force, 
"Mickey Mouse" boots, and armored Hum Vees, America's armed forces are 
bringing life to the Dayton Agreement. They are bringing life back to 
this country. They are bringing life to the vision of the world America 
seeks--a world at peace, where American interests and American values 
will and must prevail. 
 
On behalf of the President and all the American people, I want to thank 
you as deeply as I possibly can for what you do. I thank you for your 
sacrifices. I thank you for performing so superbly day in and day out. 
The soldiers I have talked with here today have made it clear to me that 
they understand their mission. They know that what they are doing is 
important. They are determined to carry it out. I salute them for what 
they do for their country. 
 
Sarajevo 

 
Opening remarks by Secretary Christopher and Bosnian President 
Izetbegovic at a press conference, February 3, 1996. 
 
President Izetbegovic. We have the honored pleasure of speaking to His 
Excellency Secretary Christopher. That was an open and thorough 
discussion, and we have said how much we appreciate everything that he 
and the United States of America have done for reaching peace in Bosnia-
Herzegovina. On behalf of my delegation and our people, I have thanked 
His Excellency, Mr. Christopher, for the efforts that he made in 
advancing peace--participating in the Dayton discussions and reaching 
peace in Dayton. I was a witness, and I know very well how much effort 
Mr. Secretary has invested in reaching peace. 
 
The subject of our discussions was the implementation of the Dayton 
Agreements. It was with pleasure we  stated that the military part--the 
military compliance--by IFOR is developing without major difficulties. 
However, the civilian part of the agreement goes slowly, although lately 
there are signs of improvement. We have discussed the issues of 
Sarajevo, Mostar, elections, and the reconstruction of Bosnia-
Herzegovina. As for Sarajevo, we have expressed our dissatisfaction with 
the decision of Mr. Bildt that during the following 45 days, there is a 
presence of the Serb police in those areas. We consider it the wrong 
interpretation of this part of the Dayton Agreement and that the 
presence of the Serb police in the following 45 days is illegal. We have 
informed Mr. Christopher about this and it is my impression that he 
understood it well. 
 
We also made an objection to the fact that there is devastation going on 
in the areas which have to be added, joined to the part which is the 
Federation--not only the areas but also the factories and all the 
properties being devastated. I have informed Mr. Christopher of Mr. 
Krizinger's--the German ambassador to Bosnia--visit yesterday to 
Vogosca, where they found a very difficult and sad situation. Mr. 
Krizinger found devastated factories and equipment there. It is our 
opinion that IFOR should be preventing this. If IFOR is not able to do 
that, then the Serb side should be fully notified that all the damages 
that they are creating will be deducted from the financial support of 
the international community that is due to them. 
 
As for the election, we have also notified Mr. Secretary that this part 
of the Dayton Agreements--when it comes to the freedom of the political 
activities--is not developing well. The freedom of movement and freedom 
of media is an absolute pre-condition for free and fair elections. The 
American side has fully agreed with us in this regard. 
 
As for the prisoners, the majority of prisoners have been released from 
our side. I believe that it is today that the remaining five prisoners 
will be released in Gorazde. We have difficulties there, as you know. 
The wives, the daughters, the sisters of the killed and missing people 
are protesting against the release of the remaining Serb prisoners 
before the destiny and the situation regarding their husbands and their 
sons is being found out from Srebrenica. They are placing this issue 
before--in front of--the Dayton Agreements, because that issue is of 
more importance to them. We have difficulties with this. The Americans 
are very well-informed on this situation. 
 
It was with great satisfaction that we received the news that the 
Assistant Secretary for Human Rights, Mr. Shattuck, will remain in 
Bosnia-Herzegovina and that he is going to travel to Omarska and will be 
going out to investigate the issue of the mass graves that we are 
speaking about. The special group established by the International Red 
Cross will continue to investigate the questions and the destinies of 
the missing persons from Srebrenica. Mr. Christopher has expressed the 
readiness of the United States of America to continue to fully cooperate 
and to work on searching and investigating the destiny of the missing 
persons, especially from Srebrenica. So, it was in this regard that I 
asked Mr. Christopher to, at the meeting tomorrow with President 
Milosevic, ask him for the better cooperation of Serbia with the 
International Tribunal in The Hague. 
 
Mr. Christopher has also expressed the readiness of speeding up the 
decisions regarding the reconstruction of Bosnia-Herzegovina. We have 
informed His Excellency that there are so many delegations, so many 
people, coming here to Bosnia-Herzegovina, and coming in and out with 
proposals and with promises, but not even one dollar reached Bosnia-
Herzegovina from the program of reconstruction of Bosnia-Herzegovina. 
 
I have also informed the Secretary of State on the development of the 
issues regarding the Federation and the issues regarding the development 
of the situation in Mostar. Finally, we have agreed fully that all the 
foreign forces have to leave Bosnia-Herzegovina. We have expressed in 
this regard our full decisiveness to fully comply with the Dayton 
provisions. Thank you. 
	 
 
Secretary Christopher. Thank you Mr. President. Let me thank President 
Izetbegovic and his colleagues for their welcome here in Sarajevo. It is 
a great privilege to be here and to witness the rebirth of Sarajevo as 
the capital of a unified country at peace. It has not been so long since 
the Dayton accords were concluded, but the citizens of Sarajevo seem to 
be beginning to enjoy the miracle of a normal life, as President Clinton 
once put it. As I drove in from the airport, I could see that the 
citizens of Sarajevo were beginning to fix their windows. I think that 
is a simple metaphor for the confidence that has been generated by the 
presence of IFOR here.  
 
Of course, we cannot deny the wreckage of war, which is also apparent 
here in Sarajevo. But with peace, it is clear that everything is 
possible--rebuilding, reconciliation, justice. Bosnia, once again, has a 
future as a European democracy and as a close partner of the United 
States. 
 
The fact is that the key to that future lies in the implementation of 
the Dayton accords. It is a very aggressive set of documents. The 
agreements that were reached there reached out and provided, with 
considerable precision, a road map for the future. I must say that, 
although there are problems, the net pluses far outweigh the problems 
that existed. The indications of compliance are enormous, especially on 
the military front. The indications that there will be compliance on the 
civilian front build up day by day. IFOR, now, has total freedom of 
movement throughout the country. Bosnia's national government and the 
government of the Federation have been appointed. This is a very strong 
beginning, and, as I say, although problems remain, nevertheless, the 
overwhelming weight of the evidence is that the implementation is going 
well and can succeed if we continue to work at it. 
 
Of course, that is one of the principle reasons why I have come here--to 
try to advance implementation and to try to ensure compliance. The 
United States' leadership is necessary in this regard, as it was in 
connection with the Dayton Agreement and with the indications of IFOR 
deployment here and now the beginning of a peaceful process. I welcome 
the President's statement that the remaining prisoners of war will be 
released. I welcome his statement that they will ensure that the foreign 
forces leave the country.  As the President said, one of the main 
missions that I have here is to ensure the cooperation of all parties 
with the War Crimes Tribunal. We remain convinced that this is a key to 
the reconciliation of the country. That is the point that I will  
reiterate in Belgrade and in Zagreb as well. 
 
As the President indicated, we discussed the transition here in Sarajevo 
and the need for concrete steps to build confidence among all the people 
of this city. During the war, Sarajevo became a symbol. It captured the 
imagination of the people of the world, and I think that we must now 
seek to help the parties to build an open and pluralistic society here. 
I know that this is a difficult process, and the people here, who have 
suffered through four years of war, have had bitter disappointment and 
terrible devastation. But, Bosnia understands that its destiny lies with 
the nations, the institutions, and the values of the West. 
 
On behalf of President Clinton, I assured President Izetbegovic that the 
people of the United States will continue to stand with the people of 
Bosnia as we work through the difficult, but resolvable, problems of 
implementation. With peace, everything is possible. With war, nothing 
was possible. So, we have a new opportunity. We face challenges, but 
these are challenges that can be resolved as we work together to try to 
bring, not only the absence of war, but the blessings of full peace to 
this area. 
 
 
Remarks by Secretary Christopher before a gathering of notables at the 
American Embassy, February 3, 1996. 
 
Good afternoon. I very much welcome this opportunity to meet with such a  
diverse group of Bosnian citizens. As you know, the purpose of my trip 
to Sarajevo, Zagreb, and Belgrade is to urge the full implementation of 
the Dayton accords. This was the subject of the meeting I just concluded 
with President Izetbegovic. But when all is said and done, the promise 
of peace does not rest on the work of diplomats and soldiers. It will 
depend on the leadership of religious institutions, local governments, 
community groups, and the commitment of the people you represent. 
 
I can tell you that the peace agreement we negotiated in Dayton was 
carefully designed to serve the fundamental interests of each party to 
the conflict. It is in each party's interest to see it implemented. I 
know that the process of implementation will be difficult. But that is 
because the agreement commits you to resolve the most wrenching issues 
over which the war was fought. You must do so if peace is to last. 
 
The United States and the international community will do our part. As 
you know, there will soon be 20,000 American troops in Bosnia. They will 
be joined by 40,000 soldiers from more than 20 other nations, police 
officers, election monitors, war crimes investigators, and experts in 
reconstruction and development. We are here because peace in Bosnia is a 
victory for the values we share and for the stable, undivided Europe we 
seek. 
 
The scope of our effort is comprehensive, but there are many things we 
cannot do. We can shape a secure environment, but we cannot shape hearts 
and minds. We can enforce compliance with many aspects of the agreement, 
but we cannot enforce genuine cooperation. And we will only be here for 
a short time. 
 
This is your country:  Only you can take responsibility for its future; 
only you can ensure that the commitments your leaders have made extend 
to every mayor, every police officer, every church, every mosque, in 
every town and village of Bosnia. 
 
You know what you are leaving behind--four years of violence, terror, 
and isolation from a Europe that is growing more prosperous, united, and 
free. Now you must decide what you are building. I hope you will choose 
the path that the other new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe 
have taken by supporting political pluralism, a free press, a market 
economy, and by developing a true civil society. That is the path to 
integration with Europe and the West--the path that will lead to trade, 
investment, economic recovery, and a more normal life. It is the one 
path to enduring peace. 
 
Unfortunately, in this bloody century we have been forced to learn a 
great deal about how nations recover from the kind of violence you have 
experienced. I believe this can only happen in an open society in which 
people can confront, debate, and come to terms with their past. That is 
the lesson of post-war Germany. I think it is also the lesson of post-
World War II Yugoslavia, which never had a full opportunity to account 
for the most painful moments in its history. 
 
In my brief visit here, I have been impressed that the people of 
Sarajevo are committed to peace, openness, and reconciliation. To many 
people around the world, this city--like Banja Luka, Mostar, and Tuzla--
has been a symbol of multi-ethnic cooperation. It must remain that city, 
and I assure you that the United States will make every effort to ensure 
that it can. I urge you to do all you can to make Sarajevo's 
reunification a success and a model for the rest of the country. 
 
Now I would like to ask you for your thoughts about our efforts to help 
peace take hold. I have three specific questions: First, what must be 
done to give people the confidence to stay in those areas, including in 
Sarajevo, that are being transferred from one entity to another? Second, 
what are you doing in your communities to enable people who were driven 
from their homes to return? Finally, what should the international 
community be doing, through its assistance programs and other 
activities, to promote the reintegration of your communities? 
 
 
Belgrade 
 
Remarks by Secretary Christopher and President Milosevic following 
bilateral meeting, February 4, 1996. 
 
President Milosevic. I am very pleased to have this opportunity to greet 
Secretary Christopher here in Belgrade. It is very important that after 
five years, it is the first visit of a United States Secretary of State, 
which is a very symbolic sign of changing relations between the two 
countries. We have had very frank and open talks, and we have exchanged 
views on all major questions--our situation in the region and our 
bilateral relations. We were, in general, discussing two major topics. 
One is accomplishment and fulfillment of the Dayton Agreement as a 
whole, and we are both optimistic in terms of success of the agreement. 
The other issue is that of our bilateral relations which we consider 
improving step by step--and we are positive optimists. I am pleased that 
we had this visit. I want to welcome once again Secretary Christopher 
and all of his associates. 
	 
 
Secretary Christopher. Thank you, Mr. President. I am very pleased to be 
here. The principal purpose of my trip is to ensure compliance with the 
Dayton Agreements and forward implementation of those agreements. We 
discussed primarily that matter over the last two hours. I am pleased to 
have received from the President further assurances of the determination 
to comply with those agreements. I leave here in expectation of 
continued compliance, and, as the President said, I look forward to 
step-by-step improvement in the relationship between Serbia and the 
United States. Thank you very much. 
 
 
Opening remarks at a press conference by Secretary Christopher, February 
4, 1996. 
 
I think the last two days have brought home to all of us that peace is 
beginning to take hold in the former Yugoslavia and that the remarkable 
changes that have taken place there must somehow be preserved. This 
weekend, I took every opportunity to remind Presidents Tudjman, 
Izetbegovic, and Milosevic of their enormous responsibility--their 
unequivocal responsibility to seize this moment for peace. I want to say 
a few words about yesterday, which was truly one of the most remarkable 
days in the three years that I have been Secretary of State. 
 
We were deeply moved to be with our soldiers in Tuzla. I feel enormous 
admiration for what they have already accomplished. Across Bosnia, the 
warring parties have withdrawn from what was once a 500-mile-long 
confrontation line. IFOR has succeeded in its first, most critical 
phase--a phase that will set the tone for the remainder of the operation 
in Bosnia.  
 
The soldiers to whom I spoke made it clear that they are ready for the 
challenge they are facing. They know how vital their mission is, and 
they are determined to succeed. When I heard yesterday that one of our 
courageous soldiers had been killed, it hit home to me with remarkable 
clarity that underscored the courage and the commitment that these men 
and women have in carrying out their task in the search for peace. The 
voices and faces of the men and women that I talked to in Bosnia and 
their willingness to endure sacrifice for their country will remain with 
me for a very long time. 
 
Yesterday, I became the first Secretary of State to visit the capital of 
Bosnia-Herzegovina--the city of Sarajevo. I saw why it had become such 
an emblem of human resilience. Sarajevo was never conquered, but 
yesterday it felt like a liberated city, liberated from the fear of 
violence and the confinement of its three-year siege. Throughout the 
city, we saw crowds of people walking with confidence past buildings--
buildings that had been shattered by gunfire, buildings where, just a 
few months ago, no one would have dared to venture. At our embassy, I 
met with a group of senior Muslim, Croat, Serb, and Jewish community 
leaders. Not long ago that kind of a diverse gathering would have been 
inconceivable, but today nothing is inconceivable in Bosnia. I challenge 
those who thought that peace was impossible in Bosnia. I challenge them 
to come to Sarajevo--see for themselves the transformation that American 
and international leadership has brought to Bosnia. 
 
Of course, it would be naive to deny that many dangers lie ahead, but we 
must keep those challenges in perspective. The hopeful developments that 
we saw yesterday should give us a very strong confidence that remaining 
obstacles to peace can be overcome. 
 
American leadership was essential in achieving the progress made so far, 
and it remains essential as we move forward with the implementation of 
the Dayton accords. That is one of the reasons why I have asked John 
Shattuck, our Assistant Secretary for Human Rights, to stay in the 
region to go to the Omarska Mine and to insist that the parties of the 
Dayton Agreement meet their obligations to advance the investigation and 
prosecution of war crimes. I am pleased to announce that we are making 
an additional $1 million available to the War Crimes Tribunal for the 
purpose of excavation of mass graves. 
 
In another connection, I am also asking Robert Owen, a former legal 
adviser of the State Department, who has been here with me on this trip, 
to be prepared to return to the region on a few days' notice to help 
resolve the remaining barriers to the success of the Federation of 
Bosnia-Herzegovina. 
 
In the last two days, I delivered essentially the same message to 
Presidents Tudjman, Izetbegovic, and Milosevic. I told them that each 
and every provision of the Dayton Agreement must be fully and 
unconditionally implemented. If any party does not meet its obligations 
under the Dayton Agreement, it will not enjoy the full benefits that the 
agreement provides. In each capital, I also had a specific message to 
deliver to the parties on the steps they should take to help achieve an 
enduring peace, and I want to refer separately to each of the three 
visits. 
 
With President Tudjman, I stressed the importance of the peaceful 
integration of Eastern Slavonia as had been agreed at Dayton. I urged 
Croatia to invigorate its support for the Federation of Bosnia-
Herzegovina, and you know a very important step was taken in that regard 
just before I came to the region. I emphasized how vital it will be for 
Croatia to allow refugees to return to their homes, to respect human 
rights, and to cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal. 
 
With President Izetbegovic, I stressed the importance of Bosnia's 
continued commitment to an open, tolerant society--the kind of society 
that has inspired so many of its friends around the world. I also 
stressed the need to release all the remaining prisoners of war that 
they hold, and I welcome the President's commitment to complete the 
withdrawal of foreign forces from Bosnia. We also discussed the need to 
build confidence among the Sarajevo Serb population and to strengthen 
the civilian side of implementation. 
 
Finally, here today in Belgrade, I met with President Milosevic and 
urged him to continue to play a positive role as a guarantor of the 
Bosnian Serbs in compliance with the Dayton accords. I expressed our 
appreciation for the assistance that he has provided to John Shattuck 
during his recent mission to Srebrenica, and I urged him to cooperate 
fully with the War Crimes Tribunal in its investigation and prosecution 
of those responsible for the war's atrocities. President Milosevic 
agreed to allow the Tribunal to open an office here in Belgrade to 
interview witnesses and gather evidence in Serbia. He also agreed to 
cooperate with the additional investigations that  I just mentioned that 
Assistant Secretary Shattuck will be carrying out in the next few days.  
 
I also pointed to another issue of great importance, and that is a 
status for Kosovo that will ensure respect for the political and human 
rights of its people. In this connection, I am pleased to announce that, 
with the concurrence of President Milosevic, we will establish a USIS 
office in Kosovo. I also want to announce that the USIS office here in 
Belgrade will remain open as a cultural center. 
 
All the issues that I mentioned in connection with each of the three 
Presidents is important in its own right, but each also is important 
because it represents a test of the parties' commitment to adhere to the 
Dayton accords and to international norms. Dayton was the beginning of 
the process and not an end. The goal we seek is to build a foundation of 
a peace that will sustain itself far into the future. I am glad to say 
this trip has left me feeling that we are well down the road to 
achieving that end. 

(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2: 
 
Measuring Successes and Continuing Neegotiations in the Middle Eas 
Secretary Christopher, Israeli Prime Minister Peres, PLO Chairman Arafat 
Opening remarks at a news conference following their meeting, Jerusalem, 
February 5, 1996. 
 
Prime Minister Peres. Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to welcome the 
Secretary of State, Mr. Warren Christopher, and his team, upon his visit 
to Israel. I understand that he will continue to Damascus. May I remind 
you that the Secretary was here in the middle of December--on December 
15. As a result of his visit, the first meeting at the Wye Plantation 
started on the 26th; that was 11 days after that visit. Then he paid 
another visit on January 11, and again the second meeting at the Wye 
Plantation started on January 21. So it means that on these two 
occasions, he really opened the road for the Wye Plantation meetings. On 
the Israeli part, may I say that we are very much satisfied with the 
meetings at the Wye Plantation. Not that we have agreed on all the 
points, but we have agreed on how to start the negotiations--in a right 
air, in a climate that permits both sides to throw in ideas, check them, 
try to look for new ways, for new answers. 
 
We know that we are handling a very difficult dispute--a conflict. But 
there are some understandings that have created a common denominator for 
the continuation of the negotiations.  
 
To the other agenda that was known before the Wye Plantation meetings, 
the following points were added: agreement to use the negotiations with 
Syria and Lebanon to bring an end to the wars in the Middle East, to 
make it comprehensive, something I believe is important to all the 
parties; secondly, we went much deeper into the economic foundations, 
which are necessary for the support of peace and for making peace 
durable and meaningful to all the people. We started a very serious 
discussion on normalization and a beginning discussion on the security 
arrangements. 

It is quite a wide scope. And may I say that as one who has a little bit 
of experience in negotiations, I remember the beginnings of all the 
negotiations. We never arrived at the full agreement at the first stage. 
It was always a chain of overcoming hurdles and difficulties. But this 
time, I think, we started at least in an agreeable manner to negotiate, 
and I feel that the situation today is no longer what it used to be 
before the negotiations. 
 
We know that the Secretary is taking all the trouble in the world to 
continue his road to Damascus. From our standpoint, his coming now and 
being here and going to Damascus is really to prepare and look for a 
continuation of the negotiations--whether it is in at sort of a Wye 
Plantation, or somewhere else, or somewhere different. But it is like 
climbing one mountain, then another mountain, then another to open the 
road for the continuation of the negotiations. We, on our side, are 
still very much interested to see if we can make peace with Syria and 
Lebanon this year. And no matter what happens in the country, we intend 
to continue the negotiations without any interruption. 
 
I personally feel obliged to the great work that the Secretary has been 
doing together with the support and guidance of the President and his 
team. We think it is a highly responsible, very difficult undertaking, 
and it is being done with great dignity and devotion. I am very grateful 
for it and thank you very much. 
 
 
Secretary Christopher. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you very much. I am 
always glad to return to Israel, particularly on a beautiful day like 
this. I have just come, as you know, from the Balkans. In Sarajevo, I 
witnessed the devastation and human suffering that can be caused by war. 
Here, I see the tremendous promise and the tremendous step forward that 
can be made in the context of peace. As the Prime Minister has said, I 
have been traveling regularly to this region. But just in the few weeks 
that have transpired since   I have been here, there have been a number 
of important steps taken. There have been the first steps in 
normalization between Tunisia and Israel with the agreement to open 
interests sections. There have been steps toward normalization between 
Oman and Israel. There have been the elections of the Palestinians in 
the West Bank and Gaza, which lay the foundations for their own 
functioning efforts there. And, as the Prime Minister has said, there 
has been another round of talks at the Wye Plantation. I went there 
twice. In the last round of talks I spent two interesting evenings 
there, and I can say, from my standpoint, that the negotiations are 
qualitatively different from what they were in the past.  
 
A meaningful dialogue has now been established between the parties, and 
they are now discussing a whole range of issues openly and candidly with 
the ability to exchange ideas with an openness and candor that has not 
been present before. Neither side, of course, is prepared to compromise 
anything that it regards as essential, but they are building bridges to 
overcome their differences. They are exploring ways to reconcile their 
needs. 
 
I am convinced that Israel and Syria are now laying the foundation, 
laying the groundwork, for the peace treaty which we all hope will come. 
They have deepened their understanding in this very last round of each 
other's security needs. They have deepened their understanding as to 
what is necessary for normalization. They began addressing ways to meet 
each other's security needs which, of course, lie at the foundation of 
these discussions. Clearly, much work remains to be done, but I would 
say that there is no doubt that in these negotiations, and especially 
with the acceleration of the Wye Plantation talks, we have come a long 
way; come a long way toward the historic peace between Israel and Syria-
-a peace with dignity and with security. That is what President Clinton 
has directed me to try to help to achieve, and that certainly is what 
the people of Israel deserve. Thank you very much. 
 
 
Opening statement by Secretary Christopher at a press conference 
following his meeting with Syrian President Asad, Damascus, Syria, 
February 6, 1996. 
 
Good evening. In the last two days, I have had good discussions with 
President Asad and Prime Minister Peres in which we reviewed the 
progress made at the talks at the Wye Conference Center in Maryland. 
Both the leaders agreed that headway has been made in the talks and that 
they should continue. To that end the talks will resume in Maryland on 
February 26, in the same format as before. The decision of the two 
leaders to go forward, whatever the timing of the Israeli election, 
reflects three important realities:  
 
First, both parties are committed to peace and to the continuity of the 
negotiating process. 
 
Second, the decision to continue the talks reflects the belief of the 
parties that real progress was made in the talks in Maryland. On several 
issues, the positions of the Israelis and the Syrians are beginning to 
converge. It is my judgment that these talks in Maryland can provide the 
framework for an ultimate peace agreement. 
 
Third, the decision to continue the talks reflects the commitment of the 
parties to the goal of achieving a peace agreement in 1996. Obviously, 
there is a great deal that remains to be done, but there is a strong 
determination on behalf of the parties to work for peace, security, and 
prosperity in the Middle East. 
 
The United States is committed to continuing to play a leadership role 
in assisting the parties to achieve the goal of a peace agreement this 
year. 
 
 
Opening remarks at a news conference following meeting, Gaza, February 
7, 1996. 
 
Chairman Arafat. I offer to the Secretary, Mr. Christopher, our best 
wishes and regards and thank him for giving us--although he is very busy  
on the Syrian track--for giving us a chance to discuss some very 
important issues together, especially after the election, which was very 
successful. It proved that our people voted not only for the 
presidential election or the legislative council, for the peace process-
-the mandate for the peace process--which is a very important signal, 
especially the big number and big issue of  voters who participated. The 
number of women was more than the number of men--we are proud of it; we 
are very proud of it. Again, I thank Your Excellency for this very 
fruitful discussion which we had just now, and I promise you that we 
will follow up with this peace process with all our ability. We are sure 
that we will do, with your support, this peace process in an accurate 
way and to its main target. Thank you very much. 
 
 
Secretary Christopher. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a great pleasure 
to be here at the entrance to Gaza. I have a chance to congratulate the 
Chairman in person on the elections. I also want to congratulate the 
Palestinian people. Their turnout in very large numbers is a very strong 
reflection of their commitment to democracy. Of course, these elections 
are only one step toward the organization of an entity here. Now the 
other institutions of local government need to be put in place. The 
Palestinian Council needs to be convened. There needs to be established 
an independent judiciary so as to ensure respect for law and human 
rights. 
 
The Chairman and I discussed that it is also essential for the members 
of the Council to fulfill their commitment to amend the covenant and 
also to take all possible steps to prevent terrorism. As the 
Palestinians go about these crucial tasks of organization, they will 
certainly have the strong backing of the United States. We will make 
every effort to mobilize international support for economic development 
and democratization, including our own bilateral assistance programs. I 
am pleased to announce that the United States will be allocating $2.7 
million to help with the democratization process in Gaza and on the West 
Bank. 
 
Mr. Chairman, in just 2-1/2 years, the peace has begun to bring great 
benefits to the Palestinian people as can be seen here in Gaza and 
elsewhere. You have gained control of your lives; you have conducted 
democratic elections. Now I hope you will have the chance to build a 
society based upon principles of political and economic freedom, and I 
want to assure you that we will stand by you and the Palestinian people 
as we have in the past as you go about this task. Thank you very much. 

(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3: 
 
U.S.-Russian Relations:  Principles and Benefits 
Secretary Christopher, Russian Foreign Minister Primakov 
 
Reaffirming the Principles of U.S.-Russian Relations 
Remarks by Secretary Christopher and Russian Foreign Minister Primakov 
following meetings, Helsinki, Finland, February 10, 1996 (introductory 
remarks deleted). 
 
Secretary Christopher. The Foreign Minister and I have now met for about 
6-1/2 hours--3-1/2 hours alone last night and about three hours this 
morning with our teams. I would describe the meetings as being very good 
and productive. With the responsibilities the Foreign Minister and I 
have, it is very important that we have an effective working 
relationship. I would say that we are off to a good start. 
 
We have reviewed a very wide range of issues in the time we have had 
together, and it is clear that the cooperation between our two countries 
has served us well in many, many areas. We have close working 
relationships, and our mutual efforts have been valuable for the cause 
of world peace and security and prosperity. 
 
We talked, of course, about the future. In particular, we feel that we 
can make progress in the nuclear area, hopefully with the ratification 
of the START II Treaty; with the nuclear safety summit coming up in 
Russia in April, which we talked about getting prepared for; and with 
the collaboration between our two countries in seeking a comprehensive 
test ban. 
 
We were realistic in our discussions today and noted that, although we 
have wide areas of agreement, there are also areas where we have 
differences. And we said with respect to those areas that we would seek 
to resolve them, and if we couldn't resolve them, we would work on our 
differences. So all in all, they were good and productive meetings. We 
are off to a good start. Thank you, Mr. Minister. 
 
Foreign Minister Primakov. Thank you, Mr. Secretary of State. You have 
already said that we have had very intensive talks here. We devoted all 
our time to it so we didn't even have a chance to walk around this 
beautiful city. It was our first meeting--a very important meeting for 
us. I want to agree with the evaluation of the meeting--it was a very 
fruitful one and during this meeting we were able to discuss a large 
number of issues. We discussed regional issues in order to resolve 
existing conflicts, to combat terrorism, and to exclude from inter-
national affairs those unpleasant consequences of the Cold War which 
sometimes are still felt.  
 
We agreed that our relationship from now on would be one of total 
equality and will be based on the principles that you have proposed, Mr. 
Secretary of State, which I fully agree with. The principles are the 
following:  
 
-- We must not place ourselves in a situation where unexpected things 
occur fait accomplis;
-- We must have consultations;
-- We need to implement all agreements reached between us; and 
-- We need to find solutions to those problems where, for the time 
being, we have not found solutions.  
 
We do have differences, and we will have differences, but we need to do 
all this without sliding into confrontation, because this would be very 
dangerous, not only for our relationship but for the whole world and for 
the world order which is now coming into being.  
 
I also want to stress that we discussed a whole range of issues--such as 
the settlement of the Middle East process, the infrastructure of 
European security, and the situation in the Asia-Pacific region. I think 
we have resolved those issues that are connected with questions of 
integration--of countries which formerly belonged to the Soviet Union. I 
stress that during the talks, no one was talking about reinstituting the 
Soviet Union. This simply cannot be, and there is no talk about doing 
away with the sovereignty which the various republics have acquired. For 
the republics of the former Soviet Union, sovereignty is irreversible, 
and no one is forcing or will force its will on these integration 
processes.  
 
In general, from my point of view, our meeting was extremely useful. I 
have invited the Secretary to come to visit Moscow about the 20th of 
March to continue our talks. I think this was a good beginning for the 
development of the relations between our two countries. 
 
Building on the Achievements Of U.S.-Russian Cooperation 
 
Opening remarks by Secretary Christopher at a press conference, 
Helsinki, Finland, February 10, 1996.  
 
Secretary Christopher. Good afternoon. Let me begin by thanking the 
Government of Finland for its very warm hospitality even in the dead of 
winter. This is a beautiful city, isn't it? And I must say that I felt 
very welcome, and it is generous of the Finnish Government to once again 
make their facilities available for an international meeting.  
 
As you know, starting last night and continuing this morning, Foreign 
Minister Primakov and I had a good and productive set of discussions. 
They ranged very widely, lasting more than six hours and covering 
virtually the full agenda between our two countries. These meetings were 
substantive, straight forward, and business-like. 
 
Two main themes emerged from the meetings: First, this marked the 
beginning of a new and practical set of working relationships between 
Foreign Minister Primakov and myself. I have said consistently that the 
relations between Russia and the United States are vital to the security 
of our two countries, Europe, and, indeed, the world as a whole. The 
talks here gave us a good opportunity to get acquainted in circumstances 
where we could focus on the relationship between each other and our 
countries.  
 
The second theme of the talks was the commitment that both made to the 
continuity of the relationship between our two countries. We need to 
build on the important progress that we have made up to this point. For 
three years, the United States has pursued a down-to-earth, practical 
approach to U.S.-Russian relations that has served our national 
interests well in my judgment. Our cooperation has produced a number of 
things for the American people--most dramatically, the reduction in our 
nuclear arsenals and the absence of any nuclear missiles being targeted 
at the United States. We also have worked on such subjects as advancing 
peace in the Middle East and Yugoslavia. 
 
We focused today on how we can build on this set of achievements--how we 
can move them further forward. We are planning a full ministerial 
meeting in Moscow in about a month--the third week of March. Then a 
month after that, there will be the nuclear safety and security summit 
in Moscow, where President Yeltsin and President Clinton also will have 
a bilateral meeting. 
 
Security issues, of course, remain at the center of our agenda and that 
occupied a good deal of our discussion today. We talked about the 
ratification of START II and the goal for Russia to act now, since our 
Senate has acted to ratify. We talked about the comprehensive test ban 
and the leadership that the United States and Russia should take 
together in achieving a zero-yield test ban. We reviewed other arms 
control issues: chemical warfare, biological warfare, the flank limits 
agreement. So we went through the whole range of arms control issues and 
resolved to continue working on them and charged our experts to 
intensify these discussions. 
 
We spoke about a number of regional issues. We talked about the Dayton 
Agreement and our joint commitment to make sure that it is implemented 
as successfully as possible. And, of course, we talked about the 
unprecedented collaboration between our military forces in Bosnia-- 
unprecedented at least since World War II--and its long-term 
implications for Europe and long-term implications for our working 
together in other respects. 
 
In the course of the meetings, I reaffirmed our decision to pursue a 
gradual and transparent process of the enlargement of NATO. I made it 
clear that NATO will over time admit new members. This is an issue on 
which the United States and Russia disagree, but we committed ourselves 
to effectively and constructively manage this disagreement. I stressed 
that the NATO alliance is not a threat to any country--indeed, that it 
has proven its value as a guarantor of security in Europe. 
 
We spent some time discussing the Middle East peace process. The 
Minister welcomed my offer to send our Middle East Coordinator, 
Ambassador Dennis Ross, to Moscow to brief him and his colleagues in 
some depth. We also had discussions on other countries in the Middle 
East--Iraq, Iran, Libya--and the discussions had an unusual degree of 
convergence. 

In connection with the New Independent States, I reaffirmed U.S. support 
for the independence and sovereignty of all of those states. I told the 
Minister that the United States felt that the relations between Russia 
and the other New Independent States should be voluntary, non-exclusive, 
and should be outward-looking, and the Minister agreed. In this context, 
we agreed to work together with each other but, most importantly, with 
the relevant parties on such controversies as the Nagorno-Karabakh 
controversy and the controversy in Georgia. Our goal is for a democratic 
Russia to deepen its integration into the international community and 
its key institutions. As I have said several times, the pace of 
integration will depend upon Russia's adherence to the norms and 
principles of the world's democracies. 
	We agreed that our cooperation is vitally important and must 
continue, and, as I said, I think we are off to a good and practical 
start. We will be maintaining a dialogue in person as well as on the 
telephone as we approach the next two months leading   up to the summit, 
as well as continuing our joint diplomatic endeavors around the world. 

(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4: 
 
Update on Developments In the Middle East 
Robert H. Pelletreau, Assistant Secretary For Near Eastern Affairs 
Remarks before the Women's National Democratic Club, Washington, DC, 
January 25, 1996 
 
Thank you, Anna, for your introduction. It is a real pleasure to be with 
you this afternoon to talk about our policies in the Middle East, to 
answer your questions, and to ask for your support in spreading the 
Clinton Administration's message of American leadership in foreign 
affairs.  
 
There are few areas in the world today where so many different and 
important American interests come together as in the Middle East. Let me 
list a few of the issues that keep us busy:  
 
-- Securing Arab-Israeli peace;
-- Preserving Israel's security and well-being;
-- Ensuring the free flow of oil from the Gulf;
-- Containing threats posed by Iran, Iraq, and Libya;
-- Combating terrorism;
-- Checking the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction; 
-- Ensuring access for U.S. business; and  
-- Promoting more open political and economic systems and respect for 
human rights.  
 
Because of the importance of all these interests, the only sensible 
American policy toward this vital region--in fact, the only possible 
one--is active and sustained engagement. In these brief remarks, let me 
focus on our two biggest initiatives: the Arab-Israeli peace process and 
Gulf security. The other issues I mentioned will inevitably come up 
because they are part of the overall context we are dealing with.  
  
The Peace Process  
 
Securing a just, lasting, secure, and comprehensive peace is a 
cornerstone of this administration's overall foreign policy. Peace in 
the Middle East was once just a vision for optimists; now it is much 
more. The agreements we have achieved over the last two years and the 
ensuing expansion of political and economic contacts form the foundation 
of a comprehensive settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Peace is 
becoming a reality day by day.  
 
The move toward peace began in earnest with the Camp David accords 
between Israel and Egypt. Following the 1979 achievement of a peace 
treaty between these two states, the next major step forward was the 
Madrid Peace Conference in 1991, which launched the current active phase 
of the peace process. The Clinton Administration--recognizing the unique 
combination of circumstances that favored peace negotiations between 
ancient adversaries--has devoted sustained energy and determination to 
the task and achieved dramatic results.  
 
The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles, signed by Prime 
Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat on the White House lawn a little more 
than two years ago, was a historic breakthrough that gave new impetus to 
the diplomatic process. For Israel, it began a process which could 
relieve it of the heavy moral and political burden of ruling a hostile 
foreign population and bring greater security and well-being to its 
people. For the Palestinians, it has opened the way to self-government 
and the joy and responsibility of taking charge of their daily lives.  
 
The U.S. has worked actively to support the parties as they take further 
risks for peace and the practical steps necessary for reconciliation. We 
are heartened by the agreements reached by Israel and the Palestinians, 
who have been engaged in almost-continuous negotiations since 1993, and 
we have remained in constant communication with both parties--offering 
encouragement, helping overcome differences, and lending our support. 
There have been serious obstacles along the way, including deadly car 
bomb attacks in Israel by radical Palestinian forces trying to spread 
fear and discredit the peacemakers, and repeated efforts by extremists 
on both sides to derail the process. Sometimes they have succeeded in 
halting negotiations for brief periods, but a way has always been found-
-often through the mechanism of a visit by Secretary Christopher--to 
resume.  
 
The structure of the overall process has also helped in this regard. It 
consists of three separate but complementary levels of interaction--
bilateral between Israel and specific negotiating partners, multilateral 
involving groups of states meeting to discuss regional issues such as 
water and the environment, and international in which the international 
community is called together for a supportive event such as a donors' 
conference to support Palestinian economic development, or an economic 
summit to promote regional integration and mobilize the business 
community to take advantage of new opportunities opened up by the peace 
process. This has meant that when difficulties developed on one level, 
we could use activities on the other levels to buffer and bridge the 
problem. This negotiating architecture, while complex, has proven to be 
very productive.  
 
The Interim Agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, which was 
signed at the White House last September, was a major step forward. This 
agreement transformed the visionary commitment to peace in the 
Declaration of Principles into a set of practical steps that foster day-
to-day cooperation between the Israeli and Palestinian people. The 400-
page agreement extending Palestinian self-rule throughout the West Bank 
demonstrated to the world that both sides were serious about moving 
forward and meeting each other's practical requirements through 
negotiation and compromise. Even the enormous tragedy of Prime Minister 
Rabin's assassination by an Israeli extremist had the unintended 
consequence of reinforcing support for peace. The international response 
to his untimely death has made clear how much the world supports the 
peacemakers and how little the enemies of peace gain from opposing them. 
The Israeli response, particularly among the nation's youth, reaffirmed 
the deep longing for a just and secure peace.  
 
There is no turning back. Since signing the accord, Israel has 
redeployed its forces from six major West Bank cities and hundreds of 
villages. Palestinian institutions of self-government, which did not 
exist two years ago, have arisen throughout Gaza and the West Bank. Last 
Saturday, the Palestinians took another major step   in building a 
democratic society when they went to the polls and elected Chairman 
Arafat and an 88-member council. All of this is taking place in an 
atmosphere of remarkable calm and close cooperation between Israeli and 
Palestinian authorities. The high level of enthusiasm surrounding last 
week-end's elections and the relative absence of violence clearly showed 
that the movement toward peace and democracy reflects the will of the 
Palestinian people. The high Palestinian turnout--despite calls for a 
boycott by opponents of the peace process--reflects a strong mandate for 
the peace process and the agreements reached with Israel.  
 
One key element in ensuring a democratic future is to bring positive 
practical change to the lives of people who for decades have known 
little but conflict, mistrust, and poverty. The U.S. has taken the lead 
in marshaling international financial support for the Palestinians so 
that they can build for themselves the kind of economic and political 
structures that will undergird and ensure the peace.  
 
The U.S. looks beyond the successes of Israeli-Palestinian relations   
to our long-term goal of a comprehensive peace that spans the entire 
Middle East. Promoting regional peace advances a range of American 
interests while underlining our unshakable commitment to Israel's 
security and well-being. The circle of peace around Israel is not 
completed, but we can see it beginning to take shape.   
  
A sampling of key developments from the Middle East during the past week 
can give us a sense of regional trends.  
 
-- In addition to the Palestinian elections, Jordan and Israel signed a 
range of bilateral agreements called for in their 15-month-old peace 
treaty, opening up new opportunities for trade and human interaction. A 
week earlier, King Hussein traveled to Tel Aviv to dedicate, in Prime 
Minister Rabin's name, the new wing of a hospital where two injured 
Jordanian soldiers are undergoing treatment.  
-- Egypt hosted Israel's energy minister to discuss plans to build a 
natural gas pipeline from Egypt to Israel and to link the two countries' 
electricity grids.  
-- Following a meeting with Secretary Christopher on Monday, the foreign 
ministers from Tunisia and Israel announced that they would open 
interests sections in each other's countries by April.  
-- Morocco hosted the Israeli foreign minister, whose visit coincided 
with the first-ever Israeli cultural week in Casablanca. Casablanca was 
also the site of the first-ever Middle East/North Africa economic 
summit, beginning a process that will continue this year in Cairo to 
enlist the business community in building a solid economic foundation 
for peace.  
-- And finally, Syria and Israel resumed their negotiations yesterday at 
the Wye Conference Center on the eastern shore in Maryland. Military 
experts joined the discussions this morning as they began to tackle some 
of the practical problems of making peace across the Golan Heights. 
President Asad and Prime Minister Peres agreed with Secretary 
Christopher's proposal that they should not let the month of Ramadan 
interrupt the pace of their negotiations now that they have found a 
format with which both sides feel comfortable. 
 
The emerging peace is a complicated pattern, and the new relation- ships 
are unfolding at different rates. There is still much work to be done to 
consolidate recent gains and energize further steps, but the trend is 
clearly and steadily forward. We will be there to support and nurture 
this trend and to find and seize new opportunities for peace. It is a 
foreign policy priority and a genuine commitment of our government from 
President Clinton and Secretary Christopher on down.  
  
Gulf Security  
 
Now, while I can easily run on about the successes of our peace process 
diplomacy, it is important to call attention also to the vital interest 
we have in promoting stability and security in the Persian Gulf. This is 
not just a preference; it is a requirement. The security and prosperity 
of the American economy and, indeed, the entire world at this point in 
time, depend on the free flow of oil at reasonable prices from the vast 
reserves of the Arabian Peninsula. That means we need to contain rogue 
states like Iran and Iraq, both of which trample on international norms 
of behavior and strive to dominate this enormously wealthy and strategic 
area.   
 
It has been five years since the United States and nearly three dozen 
other nations launched Operation Desert Storm--an extraordinary 
multinational operation which drove Saddam Hussein's occupation forces 
from Kuwait. It would not have been possible without the determined 
leadership of the United States. Our engagement was essential to turn 
back Iraq's mind-boggling act of international piracy and prevent a 
ruthless dictator from controlling a major share of the world's oil and 
exercise a black-mailing political influence over the entire region.  
	 
We have seen a certain amount of revisionist criticism in recent weeks 
that the coalition somehow lost the war or at least did not win it 
properly. Some argue in comfortable retrospect that the coalition forces 
should have continued on to Baghdad and removed the dictator from power. 
Tempting as such a proposition sounds, in reality neither the coalition 
nor our Arab partners would have been able to support such an over-
reaching of our international mandate.  
	 
The balance sheet of Operation Desert Storm from the viewpoint of 
American interests was clearly a success. In a short battle with few 
American casualties, Western oil supplies were safeguarded, Iraq's   
quest for nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction was checked, 
Israeli and Saudi Arabian security were guaranteed against missile 
attacks and possibly even invasion, Saddam Hussein was branded an 
international pariah and his threat to the region sharply diminished, 
and the most vital period in the history of Arab-Israeli peace 
negotiations was launched.  
	 
It is regrettable, particularly to the people of Iraq, that the era of 
Saddam's repressive dictatorship continues. International resolve has 
reduced and contained, but not eliminated, the danger it poses. For this 
reason, it is essential that the various UN sanctions on Iraq remain 
fully in effect until Iraq fulfills all the obligations placed on it by 
the Security Council.  
	 
The other major threat in the region comes from Iran, which supports 
international terrorism, violently opposes the Middle East peace pro-
cess, and is striving to acquire nuclear weapons and other sophisticated 
armaments. In the absence of UN resolutions, Iran poses a more subtle 
and complex challenge to our diplomacy. Even some of our key allies, 
lured by commercial opportunity, have been too tolerant of Iran's outlaw 
behavior. We have called on all the major industrial states to join the 
United States in denying Iran arms, nuclear technology, and preferential 
economic treatment. Their response has been only partially supportive 
despite our patient and ongoing discussions with them. We are, 
therefore, working with the Congress to devise more thorough-going and 
effective measures to encourage the international community to put 
additional pressure on Iran to bring its behavior up to international 
norms. We are convinced that only through steady pressure and the 
imposition of real economic costs will Iran's leaders be persuaded to 
give up their aggressive policies and become a less threatening neighbor 
in the region.  
  
Conclusion  
 
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States now has the best opportunity in 
40 years to advance our interests in the Middle East and build a world 
that reflects our ideals. We have a real chance to end the Arab-Israeli 
conflict through continuing the process of negotiation and agreement. We 
can keep Iraq and Iran at bay and preserve an uneasy stability in the 
Gulf that will ensure the world's oil supply. But only we can do this, 
leading other nations in support of collective prosperity and peace. If 
we become either unwilling or unable to assume this responsibility, we 
could see the region revert to a theater of disarray and war, unleashing 
shock waves that would affect our security and well-being. The choice is 
ours--all of ours--and I hope you will help this administration carry 
its message to the American people.  
	 
The other part of the message is that leadership without resources is 
not possible. As Secretary Christopher emphasized last week, the 
President and he are fighting forces in Congress that would cut our 
foreign affairs budget so deeply that we would have to draw back from 
protecting our vital interests around the world. We would have to close 
important embassies, shut down peacekeeping, and self-destructively 
slash our international programs.  
	 
In committing ourselves to peacemaking and containing the forces of 
terror, proliferation, and tyranny, this administration is upholding the 
highest traditions of our nation and our people. That is why so many 
nations in the Middle East look to the United States as a source of 
principled and reliable leadership. We must continue to lead. We must 
work toward a brighter future for the Middle East and for ourselves--a 
future marked by widening peace and cooperation, increased security, and 
greater prosperity. Thank you very much. 

(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 5: 
 
U.S. Suspends Assistance to Niger Following Military Coup 
Statement by White House Press Secretary Mike McCurry, Washington, DC, 
January 31, 1996.  
 
As a result of the January 27 military coup, which overthrew the 
democratically elected Government of Niger, the United States yesterday 
acted to suspend bilateral development and military assistance to Niger 
totaling almost $25 million in FY 1995. The United States regrets that 
these programs, which directly benefited the people of Niger, are now 
suspended. 
	 
In addition, the United States will not support any new programs for 
Niger in the international financial institutions in which it holds 
membership so long as the military authorities ignore the calls of the 
international community to return to the barracks and restore the 
legitimately elected government. 
	 
The United States again calls upon the military leadership in Niger to 
restore immediately the duly elected, civilian, democratic government 
and stresses that we will not recognize any interim civilian 
administration appointed by the military coup leaders. The existing 
democratic institutions, however imperfect, represent the will of the 
Nigerien people and must be respected. 
	 
Finally, the United States urges the military coup leaders to engage in 
discussion with elected authorities of Niger on means to restore the 
legitimate civilian government promptly. The swift condemnation of this 
coup by the Secretaries General of the United Nations and the 
Organization of African Unity, along with the European Union and many 
individual countries, demonstrates the international community's firm 
rejection of military solutions to political problems. The United States 
will consult urgently with other countries in capitals and at the United 
Nations on possible additional steps we might take to restore the 
legitimate Government of Niger. 

(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 6: 
 
What's in Print:  Foreign Relations of the United States 
 
The Department of State has recently released two volumes in its Foreign 
Relations series. They are:  Foreign Relations of the United States, 
1961-63, Volume XVIII, Near East, 1962-63; and Foreign Relations of the 
United States, 1961-63, Volume XXI, Africa. 
 
Volume XVIII, Near East, 1962-63 
 
This volume documents U.S. policy with the countries of the Near East 
during the last half of 1962 and 1963, focusing on the unraveling of the 
Kennedy Administration's initiative to improve relations with President 
Gamal Abd'al Nasser of the United Arab Republic (U.A.R.) while U.S.-
Israeli relations grew closer. 
	 
President Kennedy's decision in August 1962 to provide Israel with a 
major weapons system--the Hawk missile--marked a significant step toward 
close U.S.-Israeli military ties. The Administration sought to link the 
Hawk sale to Israeli cooperation with an initiative to resolve the 
Palestinian refugee question (the Johnson Plan), but the initiative 
collapsed when it failed to attract meaningful support from either side. 
	 
Civil war in Yemen and efforts by the U.S. to obtain a peaceful 
resolution increasingly drew the U.S. into the dispute between 
conservative Arab states--particularly Saudi Arabia--and Nasser. 
	 
The volume also documents the Shah of Iran's program of domestic reform 
and records U.S. reaction to the militant rejection of the reforms by 
Iran's religious community. U.S. reactions to coups in Syria and Iraq, 
U.S. policy concerning UN deliberations on Arab-Israeli issues, and the 
growing importance of the Middle East water issue are also documented. 
	 
A microfiche supplement to this volume and to volumes XVII--Near East, 
1961-62 (Congo Crisis), and XXI (Africa) will be published during 1996. 
The supplement will include records that provide more complete 
documentation on aspects of U.S. policies toward the Near East and 
Africa, providing details to help readers better understand complex 
transactions and situations, and providing background to formulation of 
policies. 
 
Volume XXI, Africa, 1961-63 
 
U.S. interest in and support for the newly independent countries of 
Africa increased during the Kennedy Administration. In spite of having 
more tolerance for the policies of neutralism and non-alignment espoused 
by the new African states than its predecessor, the driving force behind 
U.S.-Africa policy remained the Cold War. The prime U.S. objective was 
to keep the countries of the region oriented toward the West and to 
prevent them from falling under Soviet bloc domination. 
	 
In strategically important North Africa, U.S. policy was complicated by 
the Algerian struggle for independence from France and by the French-
Tunisian clash over the French naval base at Bizerte in July 1961. In 
both cases, the United States encouraged a negotiated settlement but 
avoided becoming an arbiter. 
	 
The military importance of the U.S. air bases and communications 
facilities in Libya and Morocco dominated U.S. relations with those 
countries.  
	 
U.S. concern with the danger of Communist bloc inroads in Africa focused 
mainly on Ghana, Guinea, and Mali--considered to be exemplars of African 
radicalism. The Kennedy Administration sought to reverse that situation 
through a series of programs and foreign aid. 
	 
In the Horn of Africa--of great importance to the U.S.--long-standing 
U.S. aid to Ethiopia and the military importance of the U.S. base at 
Kagnew Station conflicted with U.S. attempts to establish good relations 
with newly independent Somalia. The latter's goal of uniting with the 
Somalis living in Ethiopia and Kenya greatly exacerbated tensions in the 
region. 
	 
A ban on the sale of U.S. military equipment to South Africa was 
announced in 1963, but the United States continued to oppose mandatory 
UN sanctions against that country. 
	 
For further information on either of these volumes, contact Harriet 
Dashiell Schwar, Chief of the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa 
Division of the Office of the Historian, at (202) 663-1130; fax (202) 
663-1289. 
	 
Copies of Volume XVIII (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02409-8) may be purchased 
for $41 postpaid ($51.25 for foreign orders). Copies of Volume XXI (GPO 
Stock No. 044-000-02407-1) may be purchased for $32 postpaid ($40 for 
foreign orders). VISA, MasterCard, and personal checks are accepted. 
Order from: 
 
U.S. Government Printing Office 
Superintendent of Documents 
P.O. Box 371954 
Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954 
 
To order by phone, call (202) 512-1800; to fax your order, call (202) 
512-2250. 

(###) 
 
[END DISPATCH VOL 7, NO 7]
(###)

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