U.S. Department of State 
Dispatch Volume 7, Number 4, January 22, 1996 
Bureau of Public Affairs 
 
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE: 
1.  Leadership for the Next American Century -- Secretary Christopher 
2.  Interests Sections Established in Israel and Tunisia -- Secretary 
Christopher, Tunisian Foreign Minister Ben Yahia, Israeli Foreign 
Minister Barak 
3.  The U.S.-Japan Relationship: Shared Global Concerns -- Secretary 
Christopher, Japanese Foreign Minister Ikeda 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1: 
 
Leadership in the Next American Century 
Secretary Christopher 
Address before the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard 
University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, January 18, 1996 
 
Let me begin by thanking Joe Nye not only for giving me that warm 
introduction, but for laying to rest one persistent canard about this 
fine institution. It used to be said in some circles that the Kennedy 
School was a plot to infiltrate the federal government. Joe Nye's 
appointment proves that the opposite is true: The federal government is 
in fact a plot to infiltrate the Kennedy School. 
 
A year ago, I met with you to explain the guiding principles of this 
Administration's foreign policy and our priorities for 1995. I am here 
today to assess a remarkable period of achievement for American 
diplomacy and to discuss our main objectives for 1996. 
 
The end of the Cold War has given us an unprecedented opportunity to 
shape a more secure world of open societies and open markets--a world in 
which American interests and ideals can thrive. But we also face serious 
threats from which no border can shield us--terrorism, proliferation, 
crime, and damage to the environment. 
 
This is not the end of history, but history in fast-forward. Eight 
decades ago, when this century's first Balkan war ended, it took an 
international commission to piece together what had happened. Now, 
images of violence in Sarajevo are beamed instantly around the world. 
Six decades ago, it took several years for the Great Depression to 
become a global disaster. Now, an economic crisis in Mexico can disrupt 
the global economy in the blink of an eye. 
 
In this time of accelerated change, American leadership must remain 
constant. We must be clear-eyed and vigilant in pursuit of our 
interests. Above all, we must recognize that only the United States has 
the vision and strength to consolidate the gains of the last few years 
and to build an even better world. 
 
Six years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, some still think that we 
can escape the problems of the world by building walls around America. 
But the evidence of the last three years should  settle the debate about 
America's role in the world. Because President Clinton has rejected the 
path of retreat, we have forged a record that proves the enduring value 
of American leadership and American engagement. 
 
The President, with help from internationalists in both parties, has 
made the United States the world's driving force for peace. Think of it. 
Had we not led, the war in Bosnia would continue today, wasting innocent 
lives, threatening a wider war, and eroding the NATO alliance. Had we 
not led, there would not be the prospect of comprehensive peace in the 
Middle East. And there would be scant hope for reconciliation in 
Northern Ireland. 
 
Without American leadership, thugs would still rule in Haiti, and 
thousands of Haitian refugees would be trying to reach our shores. The 
Mexican economy would be in free-fall, threatening our prosperity and 
harming emerging markets and the global economy. We would not have made 
the kind of progress on the fullest possible accounting of American POWs 
and MIAs that allowed us to recognize Vietnam. We would not have gained 
the indefinite extension of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty--the 
most important barrier against the spread of nuclear weapons. And North 
Korea could be building nuclear bombs. 
 
The lesson is clear. If we lead, we can sustain the momentum that 
defeated communism, freed us from the danger of nuclear war, and 
unfurled freedom's flag around the world. Our strength is a blessing, 
not a burden. President Clinton is determined to use it wisely and 
decisively. 
 
Our strength simply cannot be maintained on the cheap. And yet for a 
year now, the President and I have been fighting those forces in 
Congress who would cut our foreign affairs budget so deeply that we 
would have to draw back from our leadership--closing important 
embassies, shutting down peacekeeping, and self-destructively slashing 
our international programs. These are not responsible proposals. They 
would weaken America precisely when we must remain strong, precisely 
when other nations are looking to us for leadership. They betray a lack 
of appreciation for what America has accomplished in the last 50 years 
and a lack of confidence that our great nation can shape the future.  
 
The recent shutdown of the U.S. Government was particularly troubling to 
me because it eroded our international reputation for reliability and 
integrity. In my recent travels abroad, I have been struck by the far-
reaching consequences of the shutdown. For leaders and ordinary citizens 
in many parts of the world, it seemed as if the most powerful nation in 
the world was closing for business. Our failure to pay our bills and our 
employees was conduct not worthy of a great nation. It must not happen 
again. 
 
Three weeks ago, I was described in the pages of Newsweek as a "true 
believer that America must be involved in the world."  I plead guilty. I 
came of age after World War II, in the years when our leaders made the 
investments whose benefits all of us are reaping today. I am not a 
politician. But I do have a bias: for the kind of foreign policy that 
makes America a reliable and principled leader--a bias for a foreign 
policy that projects America's unique purpose and strength. I hope that 
every candidate who aspires to the Presidency will keep these important 
guideposts in mind. 
 
Our commitment to provide leadership is the first of the central 
principles guiding our foreign policy that I outlined here last year. A 
second principle I enunciated then is the need to strengthen the 
institutions that provide an enduring basis for global peace and 
prosperity. These institutions, such as the United Nations, NATO, and 
the World Bank, help us  share the burdens and costs of leadership. This 
year, a top priority will be working with Congress to meet our financial 
obligations to the UN as it undertakes an essential program of reform. 
 
A third principle is that support for democracy and human rights 
reflects our ideals and reinforces our interests. Our dedication to 
universal values is a vital source of America's authority and 
credibility. We simply cannot lead without it. Our interests are most 
secure in a world where accountable government strengthens stability and 
where the rule of law protects both political rights and free market 
economies. That is why we have provided such strong support for 
courageous reforms in nations such as South Africa, Mexico, and the new 
democracies of Central Europe. That is why we are so pleased that there 
have been 16 inaugurations following free elections in this hemisphere 
in the three years we have been in office. This year, another important 
goal will be to help the War Crimes Tribunals establish accountability 
in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda for two of the greatest tragedies of 
this decade. 
 
A fourth principle is the critical importance of constructive relations 
with the great powers. These nations--our allies in Europe and Japan, as 
well as Russia and China--have the greatest ability to affect our 
security and prosperity. 
 
In the last few years, some have said that the United States and Europe 
would inevitably drift apart. We have proved them wrong. Our common 
action in Bosnia has dramatically reinforced the transatlantic alliance 
and has opened new prospects for lasting European security cooperation. 
And the New Transatlantic Agenda agreed by the United States and the 
European Union in Madrid last month will not only expand our economic 
ties but enhance coordination on political and security challenges 
around the world.  
 
With Japan, we are also putting each pillar of our alliance--security, 
economic, and political--on a sound basis. A year-long review of our 
relationship, which Joe Nye led with Assistant Secretary Winston Lord, 
has revitalized our security ties. We have reached 20 market access 
agreements, which have contributed to the recent sharp decline in our 
bilateral trade deficit. 
 
We have also pursued our interest in strengthening our cooperation with 
Russia and China, at a time when both countries are undergoing difficult 
transitions. From the beginning of his Administration, President Clinton 
has recognized that only by engaging with Russia could we protect our 
national interests. Our strategy has produced concrete benefits for the 
security of the American people. We have achieved massive reductions in 
nuclear arsenals and made nuclear materials more secure. By working with 
Russia, we have advanced our goals of peace in Bosnia and the Middle 
East. 
 
Of course, it is easy to enumerate our differences with Russia, such as 
on nuclear cooperation with Iran and the war in Chechnya. This week's 
events provide more evidence that the current military approach in 
Chechnya will only deepen that war. The cycle of violence can end only 
through negotiations. 
 
But as I have said before, I do not have the luxury of making a list of 
differences with Russia and then walking away. My job is to build areas 
of agreement and to develop policies to manage our differences. 
 
Back in 1993 in my first major speech as Secretary of State, I observed 
that Russia's struggle to transform itself would be long and hard and 
that success was by no means assured. That remains my judgment today. On 
the plus side, four years into the post-Soviet period, Russia's economy 
is increasingly governed by market principles. Free elections, 
unthinkable a few years ago, are becoming a fact of life. But Russia has 
not yet overcome the ruinous legacy of seven decades of communism--a 
legacy visible in crime, corruption, and poverty.  
 
Recent events reflect troubling signs of Russian reform under strain. 
The Russian people face an important choice in the June presidential 
election. In the final analysis, only they can choose their leaders and 
determine their future. Our obligation--the American obligation--is to 
promote democratic values and democratic institutions and to pursue our 
national interests at all times.  
 
When I meet with new Russian Foreign Minister Primakov, I will tell him 
that the United States is determined to continue working with Russia on 
the many common challenges we face. I will, however, make it clear that 
Russia's integration with the institutions of the West, which is in our 
mutual interest, depends on Russia's willingness to abide by 
international norms and to stay on the path of reform.  
 
Turning to China, we also have a profound stake in helping to ensure 
that that powerful nation pursues its modernization in ways that 
contribute to the overall security and prosperity of the region--for our 
own sake and in the interest of our key allies and friends. That is why 
we are pursuing a strategy of engagement. It is designed to integrate 
China into the international community and to enhance our cooperation on 
such common problems as the North Korean nuclear program, drug 
trafficking, and alien smuggling. 
 
We continue to have important differences with China on such issues as 
human rights, proliferation, and trade. In recent months, we have come 
through a rocky period in our relations with China. The United States is 
ready to restore positive momentum to our relationship. We have 
reaffirmed our "one-China" policy, and we reject the short-sighted 
counsel of those who seek to isolate or contain China. China's President 
has said that his country, too, seeks a positive relationship. Let me be 
clear:  The United States will do its part, but if we are to build a 
lasting, productive relationship, China has a responsibility to take 
meaningful steps to address areas of our concern and to respect 
internationally accepted principles.  
 
In the coming year, we will give special emphasis to three main 
objectives:  first, pursuing peace in regions of vital interest to the 
United States; second, confronting the new transnational security 
threats; and third, promoting open markets and prosperity.  
 
A year ago, the war in Bosnia was the greatest unresolved problem we 
faced. Nothing is yet assured in Bosnia, of course. But by joining the 
use of force to diplomacy, we have transformed a situation some 
considered hopeless into one in which rebuilding, reconciliation, and 
justice are all possible. The President's visit to our troops last week 
reminded us again of the uncommon spirit and confidence they bring to 
their mission. 
 
The peace agreement we forged in Dayton means that we can look beyond 
four years of horror--the concentration camps, the ethnic cleansing, the 
hunger and death. In 1996, our immediate challenge is to implement the 
military and civilian aspects of the Dayton Agreement. We expect all 
parties to comply fully with their obligations under that carefully 
negotiated agreement. 
 
It is important to recognize that success in Bosnia will also have broad 
implications for our goal of an integrated Europe at peace. Our actions 
in Bosnia have proven that NATO is here to stay as the guarantor of 
transatlantic security. Without NATO's action, it is clear this war 
would continue today. 
 
The very nature of the coalition we have forged and are leading in 
Bosnia has historic implications. This is the first time that soldiers 
from every power and region of Europe will serve in the same military 
operation. Russians and Lithuanians; Greeks and Turks; Poles and 
Ukrainians; British, Germans, and French have joined with Americans and 
Canadians to share the same risks under the same flag to achieve the 
same noble goal. As we help overcome the divisions of Bosnia, we also 
help overcome the division of Europe itself. 
 
The mission in Bosnia will give some of our new partners in the 
Partnership for Peace a chance to show that they can meet the challenges 
of membership in an enlarged NATO alliance. The process of enlargement 
is already making NATO a force for stability and democracy in the east. 
We have made it clear to our partners that to gain NATO membership, they 
must consolidate democratic reforms, place their armed forces under firm 
civilian control, and resolve disputes with their neighbors. 
 
It is in Central and Eastern Europe that the greatest threats to 
European security--ethnic conflict, proliferation, and poverty--must be 
faced. That is why it would be irresponsible to lock out half of Europe 
from the structures that ensure security and prosperity on the 
continent. That is why the European Union is moving forward with its own 
plans to add members. NATO enlargement should proceed on roughly a 
parallel track. 
 
We recognize that as Russia redefines its international role, NATO 
enlargement must proceed in a gradual, deliberate, and transparent way. 
But Russia should understand that the alliance with which it is working 
so closely in Bosnia does not threaten its security. Indeed, we continue 
to encourage Russia to construct a long-term, special relationship with 
NATO. 
 
In the Middle East, American leadership is also indispensable. Today, 
for the first time in half a century, we stand on the threshold of 
ending the Arab-Israeli conflict. A comprehensive peace between Israel 
and its immediate neighbors and, indeed, with the entire Arab world, is 
no longer a dream, but a realistic possibility. 
 
I have just returned from my 16th trip to the region. Last week I was 
with King Hussein of Jordan on the day he dedicated a trauma unit to the 
late Prime Minister Rabin; it's hard to believe, but that was in a 
hospital in Tel Aviv. Few events more vividly capture how much the 
landscape of the region has changed. What is more, in just two days, 
almost 1 million Palestinians will vote in the first free elections in 
the West Bank and Gaza. 
 
Now we must work to complete the circle of peace in the Middle East. The 
key lies in achieving a breakthrough between Israel and Syria. Both 
sides believe the United States is critical to this effort. Under our 
auspices, Israel and Syria are now holding intensive negotiations on 
Maryland's eastern shore. Although there is much work still to be done, 
we are crossing important thresholds and we seek an agreement in 1996. 
The United States is determined to help complete this historic task. 
 
We will also continue our efforts to resolve conflicts and build 
security in other regions. We will pursue initiatives in places such as 
Northern Ireland, Haiti, Cyprus, Angola, Burundi, Peru, and Ecuador. We 
will strengthen the foundations of peace and security in the Asia-
Pacific region by deepening our security cooperation with our treaty 
allies, and through our participation in the very promising ASEAN 
Regional Forum. And in this hemisphere, we will build on the new level 
of political cooperation we achieved at the Summit of the Americas in 
Miami.  
 
Our second major area of focus this year is to continue to take on new 
challenges to global security. As the President emphasized in a landmark 
UN speech last October, transnational threats such as proliferation, 
terrorism, international crime, drugs, and environmental damage threaten 
all of us in our interdependent world. 
 
We will continue working to stop the spread of weapons of mass 
destruction--the gravest potential threat to the United States and our 
allies. Thirty-three years ago, the nuclear powers took what President 
Kennedy called a "step backward from the shadows of war" by signing the 
Limited Test Ban Treaty. Now we must complete a comprehensive test ban 
treaty in time to sign it this year. And this year we must ratify the 
Chemical Weapons Convention.  
 
We must also lock in deep reductions in the nuclear arsenals of the 
United States and the countries of the former Soviet Union. I urge the 
Senate and the Russian Duma to ratify the START II Treaty, which will 
remove an additional 5,000 warheads from the arsenals of our two 
countries. 
 
Our regional non-proliferation efforts are also vital. It is critical 
that North Korea's nuclear program stays shut down and on the way to the 
scrap heap. And pariah states such as Iraq, Iran, and Libya must be 
stopped in their efforts to acquire weapons of mass destruction. The 
information that UN inspectors have uncovered on Iraq's biological 
program is chilling. It is now clear that Saddam Hussein possessed 
biological weapons and was on the verge of using them against civilians 
in the Gulf War. These revelations are an urgent reminder that Saddam 
remains a menace and that sanctions against Iraq must be maintained. 
 
President Clinton has also put the fight against international 
criminals, terrorists, and drug traffickers at the center of our foreign 
policy. We are determined to continue our drive to put such 
international predators out of business. We have taken unprecedented 
steps against the Cali cartel, and many of its leaders are now behind 
bars. We will continue to deny terrorists and drug kingpins access to 
their assets; we will put decisive pressure on governments that tolerate 
such organizations; and we will step up operations attacking crime and 
drugs at their source. 
 
Protecting our fragile environment also has profound long-range 
importance for our country, and in 1996 we will strive to fully 
integrate our environmental goals into our diplomacy--something that has 
never been done before. We will seek further reductions in greenhouse 
gases and press for Senate approval of conventions on biodiversity and 
the Law of the Sea. Working closely with the Vice President, I have also 
focused on how we can make greater use of environmental initiatives to 
promote larger strategic and economic goals. That means, for example, 
encouraging joint water projects in the Middle East, increasing 
environmental cooperation with our global partners, and helping our 
environmental industries capture a larger share of a $400-billion global 
market.  
 
The third element of our agenda is to build on the economic achievements 
that will be a lasting legacy of the Clinton Administration. President 
Clinton's personal leadership on NAFTA, the Uruguay Round, APEC, and the 
Summit of the Americas has made the United States the hub of an 
increasingly open global trading system. This year, our watchword is 
implementation--making sure that the trade commitments and agreements we 
have reached produce concrete opportunities so that American companies 
and workers can compete abroad on a level playing field. In the Asia-
Pacific region through APEC, with the European Union through the 
transatlantic marketplace, and in this hemisphere through the Miami 
process, we are removing barriers to trade and investment and opening 
markets for U.S. exports. We also remain committed to obtaining fast-
track authority to negotiate Chile's accession to NAFTA. 
 
As this presidential election year begins, we are hearing once again 
from those who preach the dangerous gospel of protection and isolation. 
America and the world went down that road in 1930s, and our mistake 
fueled the Great Depression and helped set the stage for the Second 
World War. Shutting America off from the world would be just as reckless 
today as it was six decades ago. As President Clinton said at the 
beginning of his Administration, "we must compete, not retreat." 
 
Ladies and gentlemen, everywhere I go, I find that the nations of the 
world look to America as a source of principled and reliable leadership. 
They see American soldiers bridging rivers and moving mountains to help 
peace take hold in Bosnia. They see us working for peace in the Middle 
East and for security in Korea. They see us negotiating trade agreements 
so that every nation can find reward in emerging markets. They see the 
most powerful nation on earth standing up for persecuted peoples 
everywhere, because we believe it is right and because those who 
struggle for freedom represent the future. 
 
The world sees us as an optimistic people, motivated by a broad view of 
our interests and driven by a long view of our potential. They follow us 
because they understand that America's fight for peace and freedom is 
the world's fight. At the end of the American century, President Clinton 
is determined that we continue to act in the highest traditions of our 
nation and our people.  
 
The President's answer to the voices of isolationism is clear. We can no 
more isolate our nation from the world than we can isolate our families 
from our neighborhoods, or our neighborhoods from our cities. As a 
global power with global interests, retreat is not a responsible option 
for the United States. We must continue to lead. If we do, the end of 
this millennium can mark the start of a second American century. 
 
Thank you very much. 

(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2: 
 
Interests Sections Established in Israel and Tunisia 
Secretary Christopher, Tunisian Foreign Minister Ben Yahia, Israeli 
Foreign Minister Barak   
Opening remarks at press conference following meeting, Washington, DC, 
January 22, 1996 
 
Secretary Christopher. Good afternoon. We have just had a very good 
meeting with Foreign Minister Ben Yahia of Tunisia and Israeli Foreign 
Minister Barak. Today, we take an important step to widen the circle of 
peace in the Middle East. I am pleased to announce that for the first 
time Israel and Tunisia will establish official facilities called 
"interests sections" in each other's countries. By April 15 of this 
year, each nation will host representatives of the other government so 
as to facilitate political consultations, travel, and trade between 
their two countries. 
 
This establishing of interests sections in each other's countries is an 
important step, and I am very grateful to the two Foreign Ministers who 
agreed to that in a meeting today in my presence. This step  reflects 
how far the peace process has come--and how dramatically it is changing 
the Middle East for the better. It is another step toward the kind of 
comprehensive peace that both of these gentlemen have been working for 
so long. 
 
In the joint meeting held today, the two Ministers and I discussed ways 
to maximize the benefit of the Israeli-Tunisian agreement for the 
benefit of both countries and for the region as a whole. I took this as 
an opportunity to emphasize to both Ministers that the United States 
will continue to stand by those who take risks for peace. 
 
Earlier today, in a separate meeting with Foreign Minister Ben Yahia, I 
expressed our appreciation for the tireless efforts of President Ben Ali 
of Tunisia in advancing the peace process. Now, by establishing these 
new ties with Israel, Tunisia has once again demonstrated its commitment 
to the peace process. 
 
The Foreign Minister and I also discussed threats against Tunisia. I 
told him that the United States would take such threats very seriously 
and that we are committed to a stable and secure Tunisia. 
 
Finally, with the Minister, I reviewed our growing economic and 
commercial ties. We are considering ways to spur American investment in 
Tunisia through the Overseas Private Investment Corporation--OPIC--as 
well as through the recent successful mission to Tunisia by senior 
Commerce Department officials. 
 
I also had the privilege today of welcoming Foreign Minister Barak on 
his first visit to the United States--his first visit to Washington as 
Israel's Foreign Minister, although he has previously been here, as you 
know, in his role as Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defense Force. This 
is an opportunity for me once again to emphasize the United States' 
unshakable commitment to Israel.  
 
Together with the Foreign Minister, I reviewed the positive developments 
along the peace track, including the very high turnout in the 
Palestinian elections. I believe it is fair to say that this election in 
the West Bank and in Gaza represents a mandate for peace. 
 
As the talks between Syria and Israel reconvene the day after tomorrow 
at the Wye Conference Center in Maryland, we are all aware that the 
peace process is entering a critical new phase. We have much work ahead 
of us. President Clinton and I continue to hope that an agreement can be 
reached this year, and we are determined to do everything we can to 
carry it out. 
 
Our goal is a Middle East peace that is both comprehensive and enduring, 
and today, we take a step in that direction, giving the whole process 
greater momentum. Mr. Minister, I welcome your comments. 
 
 
Foreign Minister Ben Yahia.  Thank you. Mr. Secretary, Minister Barak, 
ladies and gentlemen: I am very pleased to be back in Washington to meet 
with you, Mr. Secretary, and with Mr. Barak. This meeting is a 
continuation of the contacts we have both in this trilateral framework 
as well as on the bilateral level with the Israeli side. This is part of 
the efforts Tunisia has constantly made as a contribution to the 
realization of a just, lasting, and comprehensive solution to the 
Palestinian cause and to the conflict in the Middle East. 
 
Tunisia has stated in the past its readiness to promote its relations 
with Israel in harmony with the evolution of the peace process and its 
various tracks. Today's meeting was an opportunity to review the 
positive developments witnessed by this process in terms of Israeli 
withdrawal from a number of occupied Palestinian towns and villages; the 
setting up of the Palestinian general election, which has represented a 
historical step on the path of the Palestinian people to build the basis 
of its national sovereignty; and the encouraging pace the peace process 
is witnessing on the other tracks.  
 
On the basis of these positive developments that indicate that the peace 
process is moving forward at a sure pace, and in keeping with the 
incremental approach Tunisia has adopted in developing its relations 
with Israel Tunisia has decided to upgrade the representation between 
both countries to the level of interests sections. This is within the 
framework of our agreement on the agenda of normalization of the 
bilateral relations between the two countries. These sections would be 
opened, as you mentioned, Mr. Secretary, simultaneously in Tunis and Tel 
Aviv in April. As regards to Tunisia's liaison office in Gaza, it will  
be operational very soon also.  
 
I am pleased to take this opportunity, Mr. Secretary, to pay tribute to 
the efforts made by the United States in sponsoring the peace process, 
and a special mention should be made to the role of Secretary 
Christopher and to the able team who worked with him. Thank you very 
much. 
 
 
Foreign Minister Barak. Mr. Secretary, Mr. Ben Yahia: The opening of 
interests sections in Tunisia and Tel Aviv is an important step forward 
in the long journey to normalize and pacify the relations between Israel 
and its neighbors in the Middle East and around the Mediterranean. We 
went about this effort many years ago, and we are determined to follow 
on until we have full, normalized relationships with as many of our 
neighbors as we can reach.  
 
We are thankful to you, Mr. Secretary, and the American Administration 
for supporting us in this effort in more than one way. I am looking 
forward to the further development of our bilateral relationship with 
Tunisia for the benefit of the two countries and two peoples. Thank you.  

(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3: 
 
The U.S.-Japan Relationship: Shared Global Concerns 
Secretary Christopher, Japanese Foreign Minister Ikeda 
Opening remarks at a press conference prior to meeting, Washington, DC, 
January 19, 1996 
 
Secretary Christopher. Good morning. I am very pleased to welcome 
Foreign Minister Ikeda on this stormy morning to Washington, DC, for his 
first visit. I am delighted to meet him. I had a close relationship with 
his predecessor, Mr. Kono, and I expect to have an equally effective and 
useful relationship with the new Foreign Minister.  
 
The Minister is widely respected in Japan for his experience in the 
defense and foreign affairs fields, and so it is natural that we will 
begin our discussion with security issues, which remain the cornerstone 
of our relationship--and, certainly, from the standpoint of the United 
States, Japan is the key to our engagement in the Asia-Pacific region. 
 
I am sure we will be discussing President Clinton's visit to Japan for a 
summit meeting in April. That will give an opportunity to reaffirm the 
importance of our alliance for the next century and also an opportunity 
to establish ties between our Administration and the new Administration 
of Prime Minister Hashimoto. 
 
We, of course, are committed to very close and deep security cooperation 
with Japan. We will be working with Japan on issues such as basing 
arrangements, which are, naturally, of great concern to their citizens. 
 
Because our two economies are such a potent force in the world economy 
as a whole, we will discuss the implementation of the 20 trade 
agreements, which have been entered into between our Administration and 
the Japanese Government in the last three years, and our common interest 
in an effective and fair implementation of those agreements. 
 
Our close partnership with Japan is increasingly being reflected in a 
number of shared global concerns. We are very pleased with the 
relationship we have on what is referred to as the Common Agenda and the 
progress that we have made on such subjects as population issues, AIDS, 
and the environment. 
 
We want to continue to build on the very important relationship we have 
begun on the Common Agenda. I should also mention that I am sure the 
Foreign Minister and I will be discussing the prominent role that Japan 
is playing in connection with Bosnia, as well as in connection with the 
Middle East--with their role in connection with the Palestinians being 
of particular note. 
 
A regional issue we will be giving attention to today is the effort to 
ensure stability in the Korean Peninsula. We are working together to 
stem the North Korean nuclear threat and to also provide support for 
KEDO as it implements the light-water reactor project, which is so 
crucial to ensuring the continuation of the freeze on the nuclear 
program in North Korea. 
 
Starting with the luncheon today, I look forward to close and frequent 
consultations with the Foreign Minister and to a good year in 1996, with 
a strong, productive relationship with you, Mr. Minister. 
 
Foreign Minister Ikeda. Even though the weather in Washington is not 
favorable for visitors, Secretary Christopher is a welcome supplement to 
the bad weather, it seems to me. It is my great pleasure that I can meet 
with Secretary Christopher. I would like to have a meeting that is as 
fruitful as possible. 
 
I am visiting Washington only a week after the formation of the 
Hashimoto Cabinet. This is an epitome of Prime Minister Hashimoto's 
stance, which places a first priority on Japan-U.S. relations. I am 
proving that determination by my own actions. 
 
I had an opportunity to meet with President Clinton this morning, and I 
also had another chance to talk with Vice President Gore yesterday. Both 
of them, in those meetings, emphasized the importance of the U.S.-Japan 
bilateral relations and showed appreciation for the fact that I am 
visiting the United States--first of all, before any other country--as a 
representative of the new government. 
 
Through my past experience as a politician, I am keenly aware of the 
fact that the U.S.-Japan relationship is vitally important not only for 
the two countries, but also for the Asia-Pacific region as well as the 
entire world as a whole.  
 
My first diplomatic agenda item is President Clinton's visit to Japan 
this coming April. In order to make the summit talks between the two 
leaders as successful as possible, Mr. Christopher and I are going to 
talk about various issues, including Okinawa, for the preparation of the 
summit talks. 
 
Since we are going to discuss a wide variety of issues, including the 
importance of U.S.-Japan security arrangements in the new international 
situation, of course, we are going to touch upon economic issues, since 
both Japan and the United States--the two largest economic powers--
account for 40% of the world's GNP. We are going to discuss economic 
cooperation in that aspect as well. 
 
I would like to talk with Secretary Christopher on international issues 
such as the Middle East, former Yugoslavia, and the Korean Peninsula in 
the context of the policy coordination between the two countries. Of 
course we are going to discuss the Common Agenda and other global issues 
as well. 
 
Most important is to establish the personal and substantial and close 
relationship of trust between the two politicians responsible for the 
overall management of the entire bilateral relations between the two 
countries. I would like to have this meeting as a first step for that 
purpose. 
 
At this precise moment, the Space Shuttle Endeavor is in the space walk, 
joined by a Japanese astronaut. I think this is a symbol of Japan-U.S. 
cooperation, looking at the 21st century, depending upon our past 
experience for the last 50 years. 
 
In closing, I would like to express my appreciation once again for the 
kindness Secretary Christopher extended to me. I sincerely hope the 
meeting will be quite successful, at the same time trying very hard to 
improve bilateral relations. Thank you very much.  

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[END OF DISPATCH VOL.7, NO 4] 
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