U.S. Department of State Dispatch 
Volume 6, Number 49, December 4, 1995 
Bureau of Public Affairs 
 
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE: 
 
1.  U.S., U.K. Reaffirm Joint Commitment to Democracy--President Clinton 
2.  The U.S. and the U.K.: Working Together to Shape History--President 
Clinton, British Prime Minister Major 
3.  Waging Peace in Northern Ireland--President Clinton 
4.  The U.S. and Ireland: Fulfilling the Hope for Peace--President 
Clinton 
5.  Reconciliation in Ireland Welcomed by the United States--President 
Clinton, Irish Prime Minister Bruton 
6.  U.S. Troops Meet the Challenge of Maintaining Peace in Bosnia--
President Clinton 
7.  U.S., European Union Establish a New Transatlantic Agenda--Secretary 
Christopher, Spanish Foreign Minister Solana, Ambassador Kantor 
8.  Fact Sheet: The New Transatlantic Agenda 
9.  The New Transatlantic Agenda 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1: 
 
 
U.S., U.K. Reaffirm Joint Commitment to Democracy 
President Clinton 
Remarks to the British Houses of Parliament, London, U.K., November 29, 
1995 
 
My Lord Chancellor, Madam Speaker, Lord Privy Seal, the Lord President 
of the Council, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House 
of Commons: To the Lord Chancellor, the longer I hear you talk the more 
I wish we had an institution like this in American Government. I look 
out and see so many of your distinguished leaders in the House of Lords, 
and I think it might not be a bad place to be after a long and 
troublesome political career. My wife and I are honored to be here 
today, and I thank you for inviting me to address you. 
 
I have been here to Westminster many times before. As a student, I 
visited often, and over the last 20 years I have often returned. Always 
I have felt the power of this place, where the voices of free people who 
love liberty, believe in reason, and struggle for truth have, for 
centuries, kept your great nation a beacon of hope for all the world and 
a very special model for your former colonies which became the United 
States of America. 
 
Here--where the voices of Pitt and Burke, Disraeli and Gladstone rang 
out; here where the rights of English men and women were secured and 
enlarged; here where the British people's determination to stand against 
the tyrannies of this century were shouted to the entire world--here is 
a monument to liberty to which every free person owes honor and 
gratitude. 
 
As one whose ancestors came from these isles, I cherish this 
opportunity. Since I entered public life I have often thought of the 
words of Prime Minister Churchill when he spoke to our Congress in 1941. 
He said that if his father had been American and his mother British, 
instead of the other way around, he might have gotten there on his own. 
Well, for a long time I thought that if my forebears had not left this 
country, perhaps I might have gotten here on my own--at least to the 
House of Commons. 
 
But I have to tell you, now our American television carries your 
Question Time. And I have seen Prime Minister Major and Mr. Blair and 
the other members slicing each other up, face-to-face--with such great 
wit and skill, against the din of cheers and jeers. I am now convinced 
my forebears did me a great favor by coming to America. 
 
Today, the United States and the United Kingdom glory in an 
extraordinary relationship that unites us in a way never before seen in 
the ties between two such great nations. It is perhaps all the more 
remarkable because of our history--first, the war we waged for our 
independence and then, barely three decades later, another war we waged 
in which your able forces laid siege to our capital. Indeed, the White 
House still bears the burn marks of that earlier stage in our 
relationship. Now, whenever we have even the most minor disagreement I 
walk out on the Truman Balcony and I look at those burn marks, just to 
remind myself that I dare not let this relationship get out of hand 
again. 
 
In this century, we overcame the legacy of our differences. We 
discovered our common heritage again, and even more important, we 
rediscovered our shared values. This November, we are reminded of 
exactly how the bonds that now join us grew--of the three great trials 
our nations have faced together in this century.  
 
A few weeks ago, we marked the anniversary of that day in 1918 when the 
guns fell silent in World War I--a war we fought side-by-side to defend 
democracy against militarism and reaction. On this Veterans Day for us 
and Remembrance Day for you, we both paid special tribute to the British 
and American generation that, 50 years ago now, in the skies over the 
Channel, on the craggy hills of Italy, in the jungles of Burma, in the 
flights over the Hump, did not fail or falter. In the greatest struggle 
for freedom in all of history, they saved the world. 
 
Our nations emerged from that war with the resolve to prevent another 
like it. We bound ourselves together with other democracies in the West 
and with Japan, and we stood firm throughout the long twilight struggle 
of the Cold War--from the Berlin Airlift of 1948 to the fall of the 
Berlin Wall on another November day just six years ago. 
 
In the years since, we have stood together also--fighting together for 
victory in the Persian Gulf; standing together against terrorism; 
working together to remove the nuclear cloud from our children's bright 
future; and together, preparing the way for peace in Bosnia, where your 
peacekeepers have performed heroically and saved the lives of so many 
innocent people. I thank the British nation for its strength and its 
sacrifice through all these struggles. And I am proud to stand here on 
behalf of the American people to salute you. 
 
Ladies and gentlemen, in this century, democracy has not merely endured; 
it has prevailed. Now it falls to us to advance the cause that so many 
fought and sacrificed and died for. In this new era, we must rise, not 
in a call to arms, but in a call to peace. 
 
The great American philosopher, John Dewey, once said, "The only way to 
abolish war is to make peace heroic."  Well, we know we will never 
abolish war or all the forces that cause it because we cannot abolish 
human nature or the certainty of human error. But we can make peace 
heroic. In so doing, we can create a future even more true to our ideals 
than all our glorious past. To do so, we must maintain the resolve and 
peace we shared in war when everything was at stake. 
 
In this new world our lives are not so very much at risk, but much of 
what makes life worth living is still very much at stake. We have fought 
our wars. Now let us wage our peace. 
 
This time is full of possibility. The chasm of ideology has disappeared. 
Around the world, the ideals we defended and advanced are now shared by 
more people than ever before. In Europe and many other nations, long-
suffering people at last control their own destinies. And as the Cold 
War gives way to the global village, economic freedom is spreading 
alongside political freedom, bringing with it renewed hope for a better 
life, rooted in the honorable and healthy competition of effort and 
ideas. 
 
America is determined to maintain our alliance for freedom and peace 
with you and determined to seek the partnership of all like-minded 
nations to confront the threats still before us. We know the way. 
Together we have seen how we succeed when we work together. 
 
When President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill first met on the 
deck of the HMS Prince of Wales in 1941 at one of the loneliest moments 
in your nation's history, they joined in prayer, and the Prime Minister 
was filled with hope. Afterwards, he said, 
 
"The same language, the same hymns, more or less the same ideals. 
Something big may be happening, something very big."  
 
Well, once again, he was right. Something really big happened. On the 
basis of those ideals, Churchill and Roosevelt and all of their 
successors built an enduring alliance and a genuine friendship between 
our nations. Other times in other places are littered with the vows of 
friendship sworn during battle and then abandoned in peacetime. This one 
stands alone, unbroken, above all the rest--a model for the ties that 
should bind all democracies. 
 
To honor that alliance and the Prime Minister who worked so mightily to 
create it, I am pleased to announce here, in the home of British 
freedom, that the United States will name one of the newest and most 
powerful of its surface ships--a guided missile destroyer--the United 
States Ship Winston Churchill. When that ship slips down the ways in the 
final year of this century, its name will ride the seas as a reminder 
for the coming century of an indomitable man who shaped our age, who 
stood always for freedom, and who showed anew the glorious strength of 
the human spirit. 
 
I thank the members of the Churchill family who are here today with us--
Lady Soames, Nicholas Soames, Winston Churchill--and I thank the British 
people for their friendship and their strength over these many years. 
 
After so much success together, we know that our relationship with the 
United Kingdom must be at the heart of our striving in this new era. 
Because of the history we have lived, because of the power and 
prosperity we enjoy, because of the accepted truth that you and we have 
no dark motives in our dealings with other nations, we still bear a 
burden of special responsibility. 
 
In these few years since the Cold War, we have met that burden by making 
gains for peace and security that ordinary people feel every day. We 
have stepped back from the nuclear precipice with the indefinite 
extension of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and we hope, next 
year, a comprehensive test ban treaty. 
 
For the first time in a generation, parents in Los Angeles and 
Manchester and, yes, in Moscow, can now turn out the lights at night 
knowing there are no nuclear weapons pointed at their children. Our 
nations are working together to lay the foundation for lasting 
prosperity. We are bringing down economic barriers between nations with 
the historic GATT agreement and other actions that are creating millions 
of good jobs for our own people and for people throughout the world. The 
United States and the United Kingdom are supporting men and women who 
embrace freedom and democracy the world over with good results--from 
South Africa to Central Europe, from Haiti to the Middle East. 
 
In the United States, we feel a special gratitude for your efforts in 
Northern Ireland. With every passing month, more people walk the streets 
and live their lives safely--people who otherwise would have been added 
to the toll of The Troubles. 
 
Tomorrow, I will have the privilege of being the first American 
President to visit Northern Ireland--a Northern Ireland where the guns 
are quiet and the children play without fear. I applaud the efforts of 
Prime Minister  Major and Irish Prime Minister Bruton who announced 
yesterday their new twin-track initiative to advance the peace process--
an initiative that provides an opportunity to begin a dialogue in which 
all views are represented and all views can be heard. 
 
This is a bold step forward for peace. I applaud the Prime Minister for 
taking this risk for peace. It is always a hard choice--the choice for 
peace, for success is far from guaranteed, and if you fail, there will 
be those who resent you for trying. But it is the right thing to do. And 
in the end, the right will win. 
 
Despite the progress we have made in all these areas and despite the 
problems clearly still out there, there are those who say at this moment 
of hope we can afford to relax now behind our secure borders. Now is the 
time, they say, to let others worry about the world's troubles. These 
are the siren songs of myth. They once lured the United States into 
isolationism after World War I. They counseled appeasement to Britain on 
the very brink of World War II. We have gone down that road before. We 
must never go down that road again. We will never go down that road 
again.  
 
Though the Cold War is over, the forces of destruction challenge us 
still. Today, they are armed with a full array of threats, not just the 
single weapon of frontal war. We see them at work in the spread of 
weapons of mass destruction, from nuclear smuggling in Europe to a vial 
of sarin gas being broken open in the Tokyo subway, to the bombing of 
the World Trade Center in New York. We see it in the growth of ethnic 
hatred, extreme nationalism, and religious fanaticism, which most 
recently took the life of one of the greatest champions of peace in the 
entire world--the Prime Minister of Israel. We see it in the terrorism 
that, in recent months, has murdered innocent people from Islamabad to 
Paris, from Riyadh to Oklahoma City. And we see it in the international 
organized crime and drug trade that poisons our children and our 
communities. 
 
In their variety, these forces of disintegration are waging guerrilla 
wars against humanity. Like communism and fascism, they spread darkness 
over light, barbarism over civilization. And like communism and fascism, 
they will be defeated only because free nations join against them in 
common cause. 
 
We will prevail again if--and only if--our people support the mission. 
We are, after all, democracies, and the people are the ultimate bosses 
of our fate. I believe the people will support this. I believe free 
people, given the information, will make the decisions that will make it 
possible for their leaders to stand against the new threat to security 
and freedom and to peace and prosperity. 
 
I believe they will see that this hopeful moment cannot be lost without 
grave consequences to the future. We must go out to meet the challenges 
before they come to threaten us. Today, for the United States and for 
Great Britain, that means we must make the difference between peace and 
war in Bosnia.  
 
For nearly four years, a terrible war has torn Bosnia apart, bringing 
horrors we prayed had vanished from the face of Europe forever--the mass 
killings, the endless columns of refugees, the campaigns of deliberate 
rape, the skeletal persons imprisoned in concentration camps. 
 
These crimes did violence to the conscience of Britons and Americans. 
Now we have a chance to make sure they do not return--and we must seize 
it. We must help peace take hold in Bosnia, because as long as that fire 
rages at the heart of the European continent--as long as the emerging 
democracies and our allies are threatened by fighting in Bosnia--there 
will be no stable, undivided, free Europe. There will be no realization 
of our greatest hopes for Europe. But most important of all, innocent 
people will continue to suffer and die. 
 
America fought two world wars and stood with you in the Cold War because 
of our vital stake in a Europe that is stable, strong, and free. With 
the end of the Cold War, all of Europe has a chance to be stable, 
strong, and free for the very first time since nation states appeared on 
the European continent. 
 
Now the warring parties in Bosnia have committed themselves to peace, 
and they have asked us to help them make it hold--not by fighting a war, 
but by implementing their own peace agreement. Our nations have a 
responsibility to answer the request of those people to secure their 
peace. Without our leadership and without the presence of NATO, there 
will be no peace in Bosnia. 
 
I thank the United Kingdom, which has already sacrificed so much for its 
swift agreement to play a central role in the peace implementation. With 
this act, Britain holds true to its history and to its values. And I 
pledge to you that America will live up to its history and its ideals as 
well. 
 
We know that if we do not participate in Bosnia, our leadership will be 
questioned and our partnerships will be weakened--partnerships we must 
have if we are to help each other in the fight against the common 
threats we face. We can help the people of Bosnia as they seek a way 
back from savagery to civility. And we can build a peaceful, undivided 
Europe. 
 
Today, I reaffirm to you that the United States, as it did during the 
defense of democracy during the Cold War, will help lead in building 
this Europe by working for a broader and more lasting peace and by 
supporting a Europe bound together in a woven fabric of vital 
democracies, market economies, and security cooperation. 
 
Our cooperation with you through NATO--the sword and shield of 
democracy--can help the nations that once lay behind the Iron Curtain 
become a part of the new Europe. In the Cold War, the alliance kept our 
nation secure and bound the Western democracies together in a common 
cause. It brought former adversaries together and gave them the 
confidence to look past ancient enmities. Now, NATO will grow and expand 
the circle of common purpose, first through its Partnership for Peace, 
which is already having a remarkable impact on the member countries; and 
then, as we agree, with the admission of new democratic members. It will 
threaten no one. But it will give its new allies the confidence they 
need to consolidate their freedoms, build their economies, strengthen 
peace, and become your partners for tomorrow.  
 
Members of the House of Commons and noble lords:  Long before there was 
a United States, one of your most powerful champions of liberty and one 
of the greatest poets of our shared language wrote: "Peace hath her 
victories, no less renowned than war." In our time, at last, we can 
prove the truth of John Milton's words. 
 
As this month of remembrance passes and the holidays approach, I leave 
you with the words Winston Churchill spoke to America during America's 
darkest holiday season of the century. As he lit the White House 
Christmas Tree in 1941, he said, 
 
"Let the children have their night of fun and laughter. Let us share to 
the full in their unstinted pleasure before we turn again to the stern 
tasks in the year that lies before us. But now, by our sacrifice and 
bearing, these same children shall not be robbed of their inheritance or 
denied their right to live in a free and decent world."  
 
My friends, we have stood together in the darkest moments of our 
century. Let us now resolve to stand together for the bright and shining 
prospect of the next century. It can be the age of possibility and the 
age of peace. Our forebears won the war. Let us now win the peace. 
 
May God bless the United Kingdom, the United States, and our solemn 
alliance. Thank you very much.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2: 
 
 
The U.S. and the U.K.: Working Together to Shape History 
President Clinton, British Prime Minister Major 
Remarks prior to press conference at 10 Downing Street, London, U.K., 
November 29, 1995 
 
 
Prime Minister Major. Can I, firstly, welcome the President here to 
London. I am delighted he has been able to come in what is, I know for 
him, an extremely busy time. He and Mrs. Clinton are extremely welcome 
guests here. 
 
The President comes to London fresh from explaining to Congress and the 
American people his plans for a very large United States contribution to 
the peace implementation force in Bosnia. Bosnia is, and has been for 
some years, a shared responsibility. British troops have been there now 
for something over three years--in numbers ranging up to 8,000 at a 
time. And both of our countries have made huge contributions to the 
international aid effort. 
 
What I think we now need to do is to carry the remarkable Dayton 
agreements through to a successful conclusion. Dayton was a very hard-
won and hugely important breakthrough by the United States and her 
Contact Group partners. For the first time in the many discussions over 
the years that the President and I have had on Bosnia, we can look, this 
morning, at a realistic prospect of a real and lasting peace in Bosnia. 
 
But it is still a fragile prospect, and we need to make sure that it 
does not in some fashion just slip away from us. That is why we both 
agree that it is vital to deploy a genuinely effective implementation 
force to Bosnia as soon as the peace agreements come into effect. I very 
much welcome the President's intention to contribute a large force to 
that particular cause. 
 
I can certainly confirm that we shall do the same. We intend to make a 
large contribution--around 13,000 troops will be the size of the British 
contribution to that force. They will find themselves working in the 
future, as so many times in the past, with their American colleagues in 
a common endeavor. And I believe it is an endeavor of immense importance 
to the future of Bosnia and for many places beyond it. I look forward to 
the peace implementation conference in London in a couple of weeks time, 
which will work on the very important civil aspects of that peace 
agreement. 
 
The President and I, this morning, have also had the opportunity to talk 
about Northern Ireland and about the twin-track initiative that I 
launched yesterday with the Irish Prime Minister. I am delighted that 
the President will, tomorrow, become the first serving United States 
President to visit Northern Ireland. I have no doubt that that will give 
a huge encouragement to the people in Northern Ireland who have been 
working for peace. And I am sure that it will boost the very valuable 
help that George Mitchell will be giving us in his work, for he has 
generously agreed to undertake the work as chairman of the new body to 
look at the question of decommissioning. 
 
George Mitchell, of course, is no stranger to the situation in Northern 
Ireland, and over the years has given us very great help in promoting 
investment in Northern Ireland's economy. So I think the chairmanship of 
the international body is in very good hands. I am very grateful to 
Senator Mitchell for undertaking it, and to the President for permitting 
that. 
 
I had the opportunity to discuss with the President, this morning, the 
present situation in Northern Ireland. What I hope people will see with 
his visit there in a day or so is the changed life in Northern Ireland. 
For far too long, the world has been very familiar with the negative 
side of Northern Ireland. I think the President's visit will enable him 
and his colleagues to see how very dramatically life has changed there 
over the past 15 months. We look forward to carrying that further. 
 
We had the opportunity to discuss a number of other matters, but I think 
in the limited time available, I won't touch upon those at the moment, 
but I will invite the President to say a few words. 
 
 
President Clinton. Thank you very much, Prime Minister. This is my sixth 
trip to Europe as President, and the latest of the many, many sessions I 
have had with Prime Minister Major. Europe and the United States have 
unbreakable ties, but the United Kingdom and the United States enjoy a 
unique and enduring relationship. 
 
Because of our values and the work we have done together over the last 
50 years, the things we stand for are, more and more, becoming widely 
accepted all around the world. Today, we discussed our ongoing efforts 
to reinforce our partnership; to reduce the threat of weapons of mass 
destruction; to combat terrorism, international crime, and drug 
trafficking; and to advance the global march of peace. And, of course, 
we mostly discussed Northern Ireland and Bosnia. 
 
Let me begin by just congratulating the Prime Minister on the important 
initiative that he and Prime Minister Bruton announced yesterday to 
advance the process of peace in Northern Ireland. The twin-track 
initiative will establish an international body to address arms 
decommissioning and, at the same time, will initiate preliminary 
political talks in which all parties will be invited to participate. 
This is an opportunity for them to begin a dialogue in which all views 
are represented and all voices are heard. 
 
I cannot say enough to the British people about how much I appreciate 
and admire the Prime Minister in taking this kind of risk for peace. 
This was not an easy action for him to take--not an easy action for 
Prime Minister Bruton to take. Very often, people who take risks for 
peace are not appreciated for doing so. But we in the United States 
appreciate this work and hope very much that it will prove fruitful. 
 
Tomorrow, I will visit a Northern Ireland that is closer to true peace 
than at any time in a generation. The risks that have been taken to date 
by the Prime Minister and by the Irish Prime Minister and his 
predecessor are a big reason why. 
 
The United Kingdom has also taken extraordinary risks for peace in 
Bosnia. The United States deeply appreciates all this country has done 
to end the suffering in Bosnia--your brave soldiers who risked their 
lives as part of UNPROFOR, your countless humanitarian relief efforts to 
aid the people of that war-torn land, and your diplomatic and military 
strength as members of the Contact Group and NATO. 
 
Now the people of Bosnia have made a commitment to peace and we have to 
do our part to help it succeed. That means participating in NATO's 
implementation force--not to fight a war in Bosnia, but to help secure a 
peace. It means implementing the arms controls provisions of that 
agreement while ensuring that the Bosnian Federation has the means to 
defend itself once NATO withdraws. And it means supporting the 
reconstruction in Bosnia so that all the people there can share in the 
benefits of peace. 
 
If we can secure the peace in Bosnia--and I am convinced that we can and 
will--that will bring us a step closer to the goal of a free, peaceful, 
and undivided Europe. 
 
The Prime Minister and I discussed developments in Russia-- including 
the upcoming parliamentary elections--and agreed that fuller integration 
of Russia and Europe remains a key goal that both of us share. We also 
reaffirmed our joint determination to open NATO to new membership in a 
gradual and open way. 
 
I also welcome the priority the United Kingdom has given to 
strengthening the Atlantic community. This weekend, at the summit 
meeting between the United States and the European Union in Madrid, I 
hope we can agree on a vigorous Atlantic agenda that we both can work to 
implement. 
 
Let me close by saying that we live in a time of remarkable opportunity 
for peace and prosperity, for open markets and open societies, for human 
dignity and human decency. Together, the United States and the United 
Kingdom have helped to shape this hopeful moment in our history. We have 
some more work to do. We talked about only two of our biggest 
challenges. But I am confident that our people are up to those 
challenges and that that work will be done. 
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3: 
 
 
Waging Peace in Northern Ireland  
President Clinton 
Remarks to employees and community of the Mackie Metal Plant, Belfast, 
Northern Ireland, November 30, 1995 
 
 
This is one of those occasions where I really feel that all that needs 
to be said has already been said. I thank Catherine and David for 
introducing me, for all the school children of Northern Ireland who are 
here today, and for all whom they represent. A big part of peace is 
children growing up safely, learning together, and growing together. 
 
I thank Patrick Dougan and Ronnie Lewis for their remarks, for their 
work here, for all the members of the Mackie team who are with us today 
in welcoming us to this factory. I was hoping we could have an event 
like this in Northern Ireland at a place where people work and reach out 
to the rest of the world in a positive way, because a big part of peace 
is working together for family and community and for the welfare of the 
common enterprise. 
 
It is good to be among the people of Northern Ireland who have given so 
much to America and the world, and good to be here with such a large 
delegation of my fellow Americans, including, of course, my wife, and I 
see the Secretary of Commerce here, and the ambassador to Great Britain, 
and a number of others. But we have quite a large delegation from both 
parties in the United States Congress, so we have sort of a truce of our 
own going on here today. And I would like to ask the members of Congress 
who have come all the way from Washington, DC, to stand up and be 
recognized. Would you all stand? 
 
Many of you perhaps know that one in four of America's presidents trace 
their roots to Ireland's shores--beginning with Andrew Jackson, the son 
of immigrants from Carrickfergus, to John Fitzgerald Kennedy, whose 
forebears came from County Wexford. I know I am only the latest in this 
time-honored tradition, but I am proud to be the first sitting American 
President to make it back to Belfast. 
 
At this holiday season all around the world, the promise of peace is in 
the air. The barriers of the Cold War are giving way to a global village 
where communication and cooperation are the order of the day. From South 
Africa to the Middle East, and now to troubled Bosnia, conflicts long 
thought impossible to solve are moving along the road to resolution. 
Once-bitter foes are clasping hands and changing history, and long-
suffering people are moving closer to normal lives. 
 
Here in Northern Ireland, you are making a miracle--a miracle symbolized 
by those two children who held hands and told us what this whole thing 
is all about. In the land of the harp and the fiddle, the fife and the 
lambeg drum, two proud traditions are coming together in the harmonies 
of peace.  The cease-fire and negotiations have sparked a powerful 
transformation. 
 
Mackie's plant is a symbol of Northern Ireland's rebirth. It has long 
been a symbol of world-class engineering. The textile machines you make 
permit people to weave disparate threads into remarkable fabrics. That 
is now what you must do here with the people of Northern Ireland.  
 
Here we lie along the peace line, the wall of steel and stone separating 
Protestant from Catholic. But today, under the leadership of Pat Dougan, 
you are bridging the divide, overcoming a legacy of discrimination where 
fair employment and integration are the watchwords of the future. 
 
On this shop floor, men and women of both traditions are working 
together to achieve common goals. Peace, once a distant dream, is now 
making a difference in everyday life in this land. Soldiers have left 
the streets of Belfast; many have gone home. People can go to the pub or 
the store without the burden of a search or the threat of a bomb. As 
barriers disappear along the border, families and communities divided 
for decades are becoming whole once more.  
 
This year in Armagh on St. Patrick's Day, Protestant and Catholic 
children led the parade together for the first time since The Troubles 
began. A bystander's words marked the wonder of the occasion when he 
said, "Even the normal is beginning to seem normal."  The economic 
rewards of peace are evident as well. Unemployment here has fallen to 
its lowest level in 14 years, while retail sales and investment are 
surging. Far from the gleaming city center, to the new shop fronts of 
Belfast, to the Enterprise Center in East Belfast, business is thriving 
and opportunities are expanding. With every extra day that the guns are 
still, business confidence grows stronger and the promise of prosperity 
grows as well. 
 
As the shroud of terror melts away, Northern Ireland's beauty has been 
revealed again to all the world--the castles and coasts, the Giants 
Causeway, the lush green hills, the high white cliffs--a magical 
backdrop to your greatest asset which I saw all along the way from the 
airport here today, the warmth and good feeling of your people. Visitors 
are now coming in record numbers. Indeed, today, the air route between 
Belfast and London is the second busiest in all of Europe. I want to 
honor those whose courage and vision have brought us to this point:  
Prime Minister Major, Prime Minister Bruton, and before him, Prime 
Minister Reynolds, laid the background and the basis for this era of 
reconciliation. From the Downing Street Declaration to the joint 
framework document, they altered the course of history. Now, just in the 
last few days, by launching the twin-track initiative, they have opened 
a promising new gateway to a just and lasting peace. Foreign Minister 
Spring, Sir Patrick Mayhew, David Trimble, and John Hume all have 
labored to realize the promise of peace. Gerry Adams, along with 
Loyalist leaders such as David Irvine and Gary McMichael, helped to 
silence the guns on the streets and to bring about the first peace in a 
generation. 
 
But most of all, America salutes all the people of Northern Ireland who 
have shown the world in concrete ways that here the will for peace is 
now stronger than the weapons of war. With mixed sporting events 
encouraging competition on the playing field, not the battlefield; with 
women's support groups, literacy programs, job training centers that 
served both communities--these and countless other initiatives bolster 
the foundations of peace as well. 
 
Last year's cease-fire of the Irish Republican Army, joined by the 
combined Loyalist Military Command, marked a turning point in the 
history of Northern Ireland. Now is the time to sustain that momentum 
and lock in the gains of peace. Neither community  wants to go back to 
the violence of the past. The children told of that today. Both parties 
must do their part to move this process forward now. 
 
Let me begin by saying that the search for common ground demands the 
courage of an open mind. This twin-track initiative gives the parties a 
chance to begin preliminary talks in ways in which all views will be 
represented and all voices will be heard. It also establishes an 
international body to address the issue of arms decommissioning. I hope 
the parties will seize this opportunity. Engaging in honest dialogue is 
not an act of surrender; it is an act of strength and common sense. 
 
Moving from cease-fire to peace requires dialogue. For 25 years now, the 
history of Northern Ireland has been written in the blood of its 
children and their parents. The cease-fire turned the page on that 
history; it must not be allowed to turn back. 
 
There must also be progress away from the negotiating table. Violence 
has lessened, but it has not disappeared. The leaders of the four main 
churches recently condemned the so-called punishment beatings and called 
for an end to such attacks. I add my  voice to theirs. 
 
As the church leaders said, this is a time when the utmost efforts on 
all sides are needed to build a peaceful and confident community in the 
future. But true peace requires more than a treaty, even more than the 
absence of violence. Those who have suffered most in the fighting must 
share fairly in the fruits of  renewal. The frustration that gave rise 
to violence must give way to  faith in the future. 
 
The United States will help to secure the tangible benefits of peace. 
Ours is the first American administration ever to support in the 
Congress the International Fund for Ireland, which has become an engine 
for economic development and for reconciliation. We will continue to 
encourage trade and investment and to help end the cycle of 
unemployment. 
 
We are proud to support Northern Ireland. You have given America a very 
great deal. Irish Protestant and Irish Catholic together have added to 
America's strength. From our battle for independence down to the present 
day, the Irish have not only fought in our wars; they have built our 
nation, and we owe you a very great debt. 
 
Let me say that of all the gifts we can offer in return, perhaps the 
most enduring and the most precious is the example of what is possible 
when people find unity and strength in their diversity. We know from our 
own experience even today how hard that is to do. After all, we fought a 
great Civil War over the issue of race and slavery in which hundreds of 
thousands of our people were killed. 
 
Today, in one of our counties alone--in Los Angeles, there are over 150 
different ethnic and racial groups represented. We know we can become 
stronger if we bridge our differences. But we learned in our own Civil 
War that that has to begin with a change of the heart. 
 
I grew up in the American South, in one of the states that tried to 
break from the American Union. My forebears on my father's side were 
soldiers in the Confederate Army. I was reading the other day a book 
about our first governor after the Civil War who fought for the Union 
Army and who lost members of his own family. They lived the experience 
so many of you have lived. When this governor took office and looked out 
over a sea of his fellow citizens who fought on the other side, he said 
these words: 
 
"We have all done wrong. No one can say his heart is altogether clean 
and his hands altogether pure. Thus, as we wish to be forgiven, let us 
forgive those who have sinned against us and ours. " 
 
That was the beginning of America's reconciliation, and it must be the 
beginning of Northern Ireland's reconciliation. 
 
It is so much easier to believe that our differences matter more than 
what we have in common. It is easier, but it is wrong. We all cherish 
family and faith, work and community. We all strive to live lives that 
are free and honest and responsible. We all want our children to grow up 
in a world where their talents are matched by their opportunities. And I 
believe those values are just as strong in County Londonderry as they 
are in Londonderry, New Hampshire; in Belfast, Northern Ireland as in 
Belfast, Maine. 
 
I am proud to be of Ulster Scots stock. I am proud to be, also, of Irish 
stock. I share these roots with millions and millions of Americans--now 
over 40 million Americans. And we rejoice at things being various, as 
Louis MacNeice once wrote. It is one of the things that makes America 
special.  
 
Because our greatness flows from the wealth of our diversity as well as 
the strength of the ideals we share in common, we feel bound to support 
others around the world who seek to bridge their own divides. This is an 
important part of our country's mission on the eve of the 21st century, 
because we know that the chain of peace that protects us grows stronger 
with every new link that is forged.  
 
For the first time in half a century now, we can put our children to bed 
at night knowing that the nuclear weapons of the former Soviet Union are 
no longer pointed at those children. In South Africa, the long night of 
apartheid has given way to a new freedom for all people. In the Middle 
East, Arabs and Israelis are stepping beyond war to peace in an area 
where many believed peace would never come. In Haiti, a brutal 
dictatorship has given way to a fragile new democracy. In Europe, the 
dream of a stable, undivided free continent seems finally within reach 
as the people of Bosnia have the first real hope for peace since the 
terrible fighting began there nearly four years ago. 
 
The United States looks forward to working with our allies here in 
Europe and others to help the people in Bosnia--the Muslims, the Croats, 
the Serbs--to move beyond their divisions and their destructions to make 
the peace agreement they have made a reality in the lives of their 
people.  
 
Those who work for peace have got to support one another. We know that 
when leaders stand up for peace, they place their forces on the line, 
and sometimes their very lives on the line, as we learned so recently in 
the tragic murder of the brave Prime Minister of Israel. For, just as 
peace has its pioneers, peace will always have its rivals. Even when 
children stand up and say what these children said today, there will 
always be people who, deep down inside, will never be able to give up 
the past. 
 
Over the last three years, I have had the privilege of meeting with and 
closely listening to both Nationalists and Unionists from Northern 
Ireland, and I believe that the greatest struggle you face now is not 
between opposing ideas or opposing interests. The greatest struggle you 
face is between those who, deep down inside, are inclined to be 
peacemakers, and those who, deep down inside, cannot yet embrace the 
cause of peace. Between those who are in the ship of peace and those who 
are trying to sink it, old habits die hard. There will always be those 
who define the worth of their lives not by who they are, but by who they 
are not; not by what they are for, but by what they are against. They 
will never escape the dead-end street of violence. But you--the vast 
majority--Protestant and  Catholic alike, must not allow the ship of 
peace to sink on the rocks of old habits and hard grudges. 
 
You must stand firm against terror. You must say to those who still 
would use violence for political objectives:  You are the past; your day 
is over. Violence has no place at the table of democracy, and no role in 
the future of this land. By the same token, you must also be willing to 
say to those who renounce violence and who do take their own risks for 
peace that they are entitled to be full participants in the democratic 
process. Those who show the courage--those who do show the courage to 
break with the past are entitled to their stake in the future. 
 
As leaders for peace become invested in the process, as leaders make 
compromises and risk the backlash, people begin more and more--I have 
seen this all over the world--they begin more and more to develop a 
common interest in each other's success; in standing together rather 
than standing apart. They realize that the sooner they get to true 
peace, with all the rewards it brings, the sooner it will be easy to 
discredit and destroy the forces of destruction. 
 
We will stand with those who take risks for peace--in Northern Ireland 
and around the world. I pledge that we will do all we can, through the 
International Fund for Ireland and in many other ways, to ease your 
load. If you walk down this path continually, you will not walk alone. 
We are entering an era of possibility unparalleled in all of human 
history. If you enter that era determined to build a new age of peace, 
the United States of America will proudly stand with you. 
 
But at the end of the day, as with all free people, your future is for 
you to decide. Your destiny is for you to determine. Only you can decide 
between division and unity, between hard lives and high hopes. Only you 
can create a lasting peace. It takes courage to let go of familiar 
divisions. It takes faith to walk down a new road. But when we see the 
bright gaze of these children, we know the risk is worth the reward. I 
have been so touched by the thousands of letters I have received from 
schoolchildren here, telling me what peace means to them. One young girl 
from Ballymena wrote--and I quote: 
 
"It is not easy to forgive and forget, especially for those who have 
lost a family member or a close friend. However, if people could look to 
the future with hope instead of the past with fear, we can only be 
moving in the right direction." 
 
I couldn't have said it nearly as well. 
 
I believe you can summon the strength to keep moving forward. After all, 
you have come so far already. You have braved so many dangers; you have 
endured so many sacrifices. Surely, there can be no turning back. But 
peace must be waged with a warrior's resolve--bravely, proudly, and 
relentlessly--secure in the knowledge of the single, greatest difference 
between war and peace:  In peace, everybody can win. 
 
I was overcome today when I landed in my plane and I drove with Hillary 
up the highway to come here by the phenomenal beauty of the place and 
the spirit and the goodwill of the people. Northern Ireland has a chance 
not only to begin anew, but to be a real inspiration to the rest of the 
world, a model of progress through tolerance. 
 
Let us join our efforts as never before to make that dream a reality. 
Let us join our prayers in this season of peace for a future of peace in 
this good land. Thank you very much. 
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4: 
 
 
The U.S. and Ireland:  Fulfilling the Hope for Peace 
President Clinton 
Address to the Irish Parliament, Dublin, Ireland, December 1, 1995 
 
 
Mr. Speaker Comhaile, you appear to be someone who can be trusted with 
the budget. Such are the vagaries of faith which confront us all. 
 
To the Taoiseach, the Tanaiste, members of the Dail and the Seanad, head 
of the Senate: I am honored to be joined here, as all of you know, by my 
wife, members of our Cabinet and  members of the United States Congress 
of both parties--the congressional congregation chaired by Congressman 
Walsh--they are up there. They got an enormous laugh out of the comments 
of the Comhaile. For different reasons they were laughing. 
 
I thank you for the honor of inviting me here, and I am especially 
pleased to be here at this moment in your history before the elected 
representatives of a strong, confident, democratic Ireland--a nation 
today playing a greater role in world affairs than ever before. 
 
We live in a time of immense hope and immense possibility; a time 
captured, I believe, in the wonderful lines of your poet, Seamus Heaney, 
when he talked of the "longed-for tidal wave of justice can rise up and 
hope and history rhyme." That is the time in which we live. 
 
It is the world's good fortune that Ireland has become a force for 
fulfilling that hope and redeeming the possibilities of mankind--a force 
for good far beyond your numbers. And we are all the better for it.  
 
Today, I have traveled from the North where I have seen the difference 
Ireland' leadership has made for peace there. At the lighting of 
Belfast's Christmas tree for tens of thousands of people there, in the 
faces of two communities divided by bitter history, we saw the radiance 
of optimism born, especially among the young of both communities. In the 
voices of the Shankill and the Falls, there was a harmony of new hope. I 
saw that the people want peace--and they will have it. 
 
George Bernard Shaw, with his wonderful Irish love of irony, said, 
"Peace is not only better than war, but infinitely more arduous." Well, 
today, I thank Prime Minister Bruton and former Prime Minister Reynolds 
and Deputy Prime Minister Spring and Britain's Prime Minister Major, and 
others, but especially these, for their unfailing dedication to the 
arduous task of peace. 
 
From the Downing Street Declaration to the historic cease-fire that 
began 15 months ago, to Tuesday's announcement of the twin-track 
initiative which will open a dialogue in which all voices can be heard 
and all viewpoints can be represented, they have taken great risks 
without hesitation. They have chosen a harder road than the comfortable 
path of pleasant, present pieties. But what they have done is right. And 
the children and grandchildren of this generation of Irish will reap the 
rewards. 
 
Today, I renew America's pledge. Your road is our road. We want to walk 
it together. We will continue our support--political, financial, and 
moral--to those who take risks for peace. I am proud that our 
Administration was the first to support, in the executive budget sent to 
the Congress, the International Fund for Ireland--because we believe 
that those on both sides of the border who have been denied so much for 
so long should see that their risks are rewarded with the tangible 
benefits of peace. 
 
In another context, a long time ago Mr. Yeats reminded us that too long 
a sacrifice can make a stone of the heart. We must not let the hearts of 
the young people who yearn for peace turn to stone. 
 
I want to thank you here, not only for the support you have given your 
leaders in working for peace in Northern Ireland, but for the 
extraordinary work you have done to wage peace over war all around the 
world. Almost 1,500 years ago, Ireland stood as a lone beacon of 
civilization to a continent shrouded in darkness.  
 
It has been said, probably without overstatement, that the Irish, in 
that dark period, saved civilization. Certainly you saved the records of 
our civilization--our shared ideas, our shared ideals, and our priceless 
recordings of them. 
 
Now, in our time, when so many nations seek to overcome conflict and 
barbarism, the light still shines out of Ireland. Since 1958--almost 40 
years now--there has never been a single, solitary day that Irish troops 
did not stand watch for peace on a distant shore. In Lebanon, in Cyprus, 
in Somalia, in so many other places, more than 41,000 Irish military and 
police personnel have served over the years as peacekeepers--an immense 
contribution for a nation whose armed forces today number fewer than 
13,000. 
 
I know that during your presidency of the European Union next year, 
Ireland will help lead the effort to build security for a stable, 
strong, and free Europe. For all--all you have done, and for your 
steadfast devotion to peace, I salute the people of Ireland. 
 
Our nation also has a vital stake in a Europe that is stable, strong, 
and free--something which is now in reach for the first time since 
nation-states appeared on the continent of Europe so many centuries ago. 
But we know such a Europe can never be built as long as conflict tears 
at the heart of the continent in Bosnia. The fire there threatens the 
emerging democracies of the region and our allies nearby. And it also 
breaks our heart and violates our conscience. 
 
That is why, now that the parties have committed themselves to peace, we 
in the United States are determined to help them find the way back from 
savagery to civility, to end the atrocities and heal the wounds of that 
terrible war. That is why we are preparing our forces to participate 
there, not in fighting a war, but in securing a peace rooted in the 
agreement they have freely made. 
 
Standing here, thinking about the devastation in Bosnia, the long 
columns of hopeless refugees streaming from  their homes, it is 
impossible not to recall the ravages that were visited on your wonderful 
country 150 years ago--not by war, of course, but by natural disaster 
when the crops rotted black in the ground. Today, still, the Great 
Famine is seared in the memory of the Irish nation and all caring 
people. The memory of 1 million dead, nearly 2 million more forced into 
exile--these memories will remain forever vivid to all of us whose 
heritage is rooted here. 
 
But as an American, I must say as I did just a few moments ago in Dublin 
downtown, that in that tragedy came the supreme gift of the Irish to the 
United States. The men, women, and children who braved the coffin ships 
when Galway and Mayo emptied; when Kerry and Cork took flight, brought a 
life and a spirit that has enormously enriched the life of our country. 
 
The regimental banner brought by President Kennedy that hangs in this 
house reminds us of the nearly 200,000 Irishmen who took up arms in our 
Civil War. Many of them were barely off the ships when they joined the 
Union forces. They fought and died at Fredericksburg and 
Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. Theirs was only the first of countless 
contributions to our nation from those who fled the famine. But that 
contribution enabled us to remain a nation and to be here with you today 
in partnership for peace for your nation and for the people who live on 
this island. 
 
The Irish have been building America ever since--our cities, our 
industry, our culture, our public life. I am proud that the delegation 
that has accompanied me here today includes the latest generation of 
Irish-American leaders in the United States, men and women who remain 
devoted to increasing our strength and safeguarding our liberty. 
 
In the last century, it was often said that the Irish who fled the great 
hunger were searching for casleain na n-or--castles of gold. I cannot 
say that they found those castles of gold in the United States, but I 
can tell you this--they built a lot of castles of gold for the United 
States in the prosperity and freedom of our nation. We are grateful for 
what they did and for the deep ties to Ireland that they gave us in 
their sons and daughters. 
 
Now we seek to repay that in some small way--by being a partner with you 
for peace. We seek somehow to communicate to every single person who 
lives here that we want for all of your children the right to grow up in 
an Ireland where this entire island gives every man and woman the right 
to live up to the fullest of their God-given abilities and gives people 
the right to live in equality and freedom and dignity.  
 
That is the tide of history. We must make sure that the tide runs strong 
here, for no people deserve the brightest future more than the Irish. 
 
God bless you and thank you.   
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 5: 
 
 
Reconciliation in Ireland Welcomed by the United States 
President Clinton, Irish Prime Minister Bruton 
Remarks prior to press conference, Dublin, Ireland, December 1, 1995 
 
 
Prime Minister Bruton. Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. President:  I would 
like to welcome you warmly to Ireland, to thank you for all that you 
have done to help bring peace to our country, to thank you for all that 
you are continuing to do to bring the people that live on this island 
closer together, and to improve the relations that exist between this 
island and its neighbors. 
 
I'm delighted that it was possible for the British Prime Minister, John 
Major to whom I pay tribute here, and myself to agree on a framework for 
moving forward toward a settlement of the differences that have existed 
on this island for 300 years now, and the fact that we were able to do 
that on the eve of your visit is no accident. Because we both realized--
both John Major and I, that the sort of support that you have been able 
to give--yesterday and today--to the people of this island searching for 
peace, searching for reconciliation, searching to heal the wounds that 
have been there for so long, and looking positively to the future, we 
both appreciate it that your support gives them encouragement, gives us 
encouragement, and is something for which we, from the bottom of our 
hearts, sincerely thank you. Mr. President. 
 
 
President Clinton. Thank you very much. I would like to begin by 
thanking the Prime Minister for his warm welcome and, more importantly, 
I want to say a special word of thanks to all of the people of Ireland 
and the people of Northern Ireland who have shown such extraordinary 
warmth and generosity to Hillary and me, and now, our American 
delegation. 
 
This has been an extraordinary experience for us, and I will never 
forget it. I thank the Prime Minister for what he said, but the truth is 
that the credit for this latest progress belongs to the Taoiseach and to 
Prime Minister Major. They announced this twin-track initiative to 
advance the peace process of Northern Ireland shortly before I arrived 
here. It gives the parties a chance to engage in an honest dialogue 
where all their views are represented and everybody's voice can be 
heard. I certainly hope that it will be successful. 
 
Let me also say, as you know, it establishes a means to address the 
issue of decommissioning, and I am gratified that my good friend, 
Senator George Mitchell, is going to lead the international body to deal 
with that issue. He is seizing this opportunity already. He has begun to 
organize the effort with other members, and I expect him to be at work 
shortly. 
 
Let me again say, I know that I speak for all Americans who want peace 
and ultimate reconciliation on this island when I say that the Taoiseach 
has shown great courage in the pursuit of peace and we intend to do 
whatever we can to help him, Prime Minister Major, Mr. Spring, and all 
others who are working for peace to succeed. 
 
The United States is honored to stand with those who take risks for 
peace, and we are doing it all across the world--in the Middle East, in 
Bosnia, and here. It is a difficult road to travel. It is always easier 
to stay in the known way and to play on the known fears. But the right 
thing to do is to do what is being done here, and I applaud it and I 
want to do everything I can to support it. 
 
Let me also say that we had the opportunity to discuss the situation in 
Bosnia, and I described as best I could the terms of the peace agreement 
and what we in the United States intend to do, along with our allies, to 
implement it in a military way, and what non-military tasks have to be 
undertaken. 
 
I am very hopeful that after the peace agreement is signed in Paris in 
just a couple of weeks, we will see a dramatic change in that war-torn 
land. Let me say that the kind of thing that the international community 
is going to have to do in Bosnia is consistent with what Ireland has 
done every day for nearly 40 years now. 
 
Irish peacekeepers have helped people to live in peace from Cyprus to 
Somalia, to feed the hungry, to do so much that most people in the world 
don't even know about. Again, I want to say on behalf of the American 
people, I am very, very grateful for that. 
 
So we had a good meeting, we have a wonderful relationship, the sun is 
shining, and I hope it is a good omen  for peace in Northern Ireland.  
 
Thank you.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 6: 
 
 
U.S. Troops Meet the Challenge of Maintaining Peace in Bosnia 
President Clinton 
Remarks to troops of Task Force Eagle, U.S. Army Base, Smith Barracks, 
Baumholder, Germany, December 2, 1995 
 
 
General Joulwan, General Nash, General Crouch, Secretary West: A special 
word of greeting to America's good friend, Chancellor Kohl, who has been 
a wonderful partner to our country, with great thanks to Germany for 
their partnership with this fine unit. 
 
I am immensely proud to be here today with the men and women of the 1st 
Armored Division. You truly are America's Iron Soldiers. Previous 
generations of Iron Soldiers have answered our nation's call with 
legendary skill and bravery. Each time be-fore, it was a call to war. 
From North Africa to Italy, they helped freedom triumph over tyranny in 
World War II. Then for 20 years, their powerful presence here stood down 
the Soviet threat and helped to bring victory in the Cold War. And just 
four years ago, when Saddam Hussein attacked Kuwait, the 1st Armored 
Division's awesome power turned back Iraq and protected the security of 
the Persian Gulf. 
 
I know many of you were there. But I would like to remind you that in 
just 89 hours of combat, you destroyed 440 enemy tanks, 485 armored 
personnel carriers, 190 pieces of artillery, and 137 air defense guns. 
You should be very proud of that remarkable record.  
 
Now America summons you to service again. This time, not with a call to 
war, but a call to peace. The leaders of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia 
have agreed to end four long years of war and atrocities. They have 
asked for our help to implement their peace agreement. It is in our 
nation's interest and consistent with our values to see that this peace 
succeeds and endures. We are counting on you--the men and women of Task 
Force Eagle--to get that job done. 
 
For three years I refused to send our American forces into Bosnia where 
they could have been pulled into war. But I do want you to go there on a 
mission of peace. After speaking to your commanders and looking at all 
of you and listening to you, there is not a doubt in my mind that this 
task force is ready to roll. 
 
Your mission:  To help people exhausted from war make good on the peace 
they have chosen, the peace they have asked you to help them uphold. 
 
Just two weeks ago in Dayton, Ohio, the warring parties in Bosnia agreed 
to put down their arms; to pull back their armies and their heavy 
weapons; to hold free elections; to start rebuilding their homes, their 
towns, and their lives. But they need help to do that, and they have 
asked America and our NATO allies and other willing countries to provide 
it. 
 
They need that help because after nearly four years of terrible 
brutality, trust is in short supply in Bosnia, and they all trust you to 
do the job right. Each side wants NATO to help them live up to the 
commitments they have made, to make sure each army withdraws behind the 
separation line and stays there, to maintain the cease-fire so that the 
war does not start again, and give all the parties the confidence they 
need to keep their word--and also to give them the trust that the other 
side will keep its word, as well. 
 
I pledged to the American people that I would not send you to Bosnia 
unless I was absolutely sure that the goals we set for you are clear, 
realistic, and achievable in about a year. This mission meets those 
essential standards. I also vowed that you would not go to Bosnia until 
I was sure that we had done everything we could to minimize the risks to 
your safety. 
 
You know better than anyone that every deployment has risks. There could 
be accidents. In a formerly hostile environment, there could be 
incidents with people who have still not given up their hatred. As 
President, I take full responsibility for your well-being. But I also 
take pride in the knowledge that we are making this mission as safe as 
it can be. 
 
You will take your orders from General Joulwan, who commands NATO. There 
will be no confusing chain of command. You are superbly prepared; you 
will be heavily armed. The reputation that you--I didn't want anyone to 
think there was a division of the house on that point. 
 
Perhaps even more important, you will be heavily armed with the 
reputation that proceeds you. That and the technology and training that 
protect you will make those who might wish to attack think twice. But 
you will also have very clear rules of engagement that spell out the 
most important rule of all in big, bold letters:  If you are threatened 
with attack, you may respond immediately and with decisive force. 
Everyone should know that when America comes to help make the peace, 
America will still look after its own. 
 
Your presence will help to create the climate of security Bosnia needs. 
It will allow the international community to begin a massive program of 
humanitarian relief and reconstruction. It will bring the people of 
Bosnia the food, the medicine, the shelter, and the clothing they have 
been denied for too long. It will help them rebuild their roads and 
their towns, open their schools and their hospitals, their factories and 
their shops. It will reunite families torn apart by war and return 
refugees to their homes. It will help people recover the quiet blessings 
of normal life. 
 
This morning, after two days of working for peace in Northern Ireland, I 
met at the airport in Dublin with Zlata Filopovic, the young Bosnian 
girl whose now-famous diary of her wartime experience in Sarajevo has 
moved so many millions of people around the world. She is my daughter's 
age--just 15. But she has seen things that no one three or four times 
her age should ever have to witness. I thanked her for a powerful letter 
of support for our efforts for peace in Bosnia that she wrote me just a 
few days ago. And then I told her I was on my way to visit with all of 
you. 
 
This is what she said:  "Mr. President, when you're in Germany, please 
thank the American soldiers for me. I want to go home."  She also asked 
me to thank you and all the American  people for, in her words, "opening 
the door of the future for her and for all the children of Bosnia." 
 
Without you, the door will close, the peace will collapse, the war will 
return, the atrocities will begin again. The conflict then could spread 
throughout the region, weaken our partnership with Europe, and undermine 
our leadership in other areas critical to our security. I know that you 
will not let that happen. 
 
As you prepare for your mission, I ask you to remember what we have all 
seen in Bosnia for the last four years--ethnic cleansing, mass 
executions, the rape of women and young girls as a tool of war, young 
men forced to dig their own graves and then shot down in the ground like 
animals, endless lines of  desperate refugees, starving people in 
concentration camps. Images of these terrible wrongs have flooded our 
living rooms all over the world for almost four years. Now the violence 
has ended. We must not let it return. 
 
For decades, our people in America have recognized the importance of a 
stable, strong, and free Europe to our own security. That is why we 
fought two world wars. That is why, after World War II, we made 
commitments that kept Europe free and at peace and created unparalleled 
prosperity for us and for the Europeans as well. That is why you are 
still here, even after the Cold War. 
 
Europe can be our strongest partner in fighting the things that will 
threaten the security of your children--the terrorism, the organized 
crime, the drug trafficking, the spread of weapons of mass destruction. 
But it can only be a strong partner if we get rid of the war that rages 
in the heart of Europe in Bosnia. We have to work with the Europeans on 
this if we are going to work on all those other problems that will be 
the security problems of the future. 
 
When people ask--as they sometimes do back home because they are so 
concerned about you--well, why can't the Europeans do this without us--
just remember that when you went to Desert Storm we asked for help from 
a lot of nations who could have taken a pass, but they stood up with us. 
And when we led in Haiti we were supported by a lot of other nations who 
had no direct interest in Haiti, but they answered our call and they 
stood up with us. Now in Bosnia we are needed. You are needed. 
 
Men and women of Task Force Eagle, I know the burden of our country's 
leadership now weighs most heavily on you and your families. Each and 
every one of you who have volunteered to serve this country makes hard 
sacrifices. We send you a long way from home for a long time. We take 
you away from your children and your loved ones. These are the burdens 
that you assume for America--to stand up for our values, to serve our 
interests, to keep our country strong in this time of challenge and 
change. 
 
In Bosnia your mission is clear. You are strong, you are well-prepared, 
and the stakes demand American leadership that you will provide. You 
don't have to take it just from me. I have gotten it myself from the 
words of your own children. A seventh-grade English teacher at 
Baumholder High School, Patricia Dengel, asked her students to write 
letters to their parents who are preparing to go to Bosnia. I have seen 
a few of those letters and I was moved.  I was moved by the fears they 
expressed, but even more by the pride and confidence they showed in you. 
 
Justin Zimmerman's father, Captain Ronald Zimmerman, is a company 
commander with the 40th Engineering Battalion. This is what Justin 
wrote:  "Dad, I know you'll be fine in Bosnia because of all the 
training you've had. I'll miss you and count the days until we see you 
again." And Rachel Bybee, whose father, Major Leon Bybee, is a doctor 
with the Medical Corps tells him, "I'm proud of your job, which is to 
help others. It must make you feel great to know you save lives." 
 
Your children know you are heroes for peace, and soon so will the 
children of Bosnia. Your country and I salute  you. We wish you Godspeed 
in the days and months ahead. You are about to do something very 
important for your nation, very important for the world, and very 
important for the future that you want your own children to have. God 
bless you all, and God bless America. 
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 7: 
 
 
U.S., European Union Establish a New Transatlantic Agenda 
Secretary Christopher, Spanish Foreign Minister Solana, Ambassador 
Kantor 
Remarks at a press conference following a bilateral meeting, Madrid, 
Spain, December 2, 1995 
 
 
Foreign Minister Solana (translated from Spanish). First of all, allow 
me to thank Secretary of State Warren Christopher and Ambassador Kantor 
for their visit here to Madrid. It is not the first time that they visit 
us, but today has a special importance for us. The Secretary of State 
has been kind enough to come to Madrid and to hold a working meeting 
with the Spanish delegation 24 hours prior to the formal summit between 
the European Union and the United States of America, and I want to thank 
him for advancing his visit by 24 hours in order to work together with 
us this morning. 
 
I want to say that today's meeting has basically been in preparation for 
tomorrow's. I want to emphasize the importance to the Spanish presidency 
to have been able to reach an agreement regarding the new Transatlantic 
Agenda in record time. And you know that the Spanish presidency, 
together with our friends from the United States, decided to determine 
as a priority issue throughout these past months, providing a new 
impetus, the relations between the European Union and the United States 
of America. I reiterate that we have been able in a relatively short 
period of time to carry out a largescale operation and this New 
Transatlantic Agenda, which will be signed tomorrow by President Clinton 
with the President of the Government of Spain and the President of the 
European Commission. 
 
I want to take advantage of this opportunity to thank the people who 
have worked so hard and so well--with regard to the American delegation, 
some of them are with us this morning, and with regard to the Spanish 
delegation--Carlos Westendorp, Mr. Villar, and [inaudible]--that have 
worked intensely over the recent months in order to reach this 
agreement. 
 
I would like to say as well that we have spoken logically  about other 
things. We have spoken about Turkey, and we have expressed our firm 
desire--both from the Spanish presidency and the United States--to reach 
in the upcoming days the formalization of the Customs Union between the 
European Union and Turkey. Turkey is an important country for all of us, 
and we all hope--both Spain and the United States--that Turkey may take 
over its appropriate role in the present and in the future. 
 
However, as this could not be, we have talked about Bosnia. In talking 
about Bosnia, I want, first of all, to offer my most sincere thanks to 
Secretary of State Warren Christopher for his tenacious, persevering 
work throughout the past months in order to finalize the peace 
agreements in Dayton. I believe that without his tenacity and his 
physical perseverance in Dayton in the past days, we would not be where 
we are today, with peace on the tips of our fingers--a peace which is 
now the responsibility of all of us to implement. In the name of the 
Spanish Government and, I believe, in the name of the European Union, I 
want to thank him personally for the work that with such intelligence 
and such tenacity he has carried out. 
 
We have a big task facing us. We have yet to complete the task of 
implementing these peace agreements, and we still have to deal with the 
entire effort of the reconstruction of the territory of Europe which, 
unfortunately, has been destroyed by the war. 
 
At the same time, I also want to thank you most sincerely for the 
confidence that you and your government have put in me, so that I may 
take over the position of the General Secretary of the Atlantic 
alliance. I am perfectly aware of the difficulties, of the challenges 
that the Atlantic alliance faces at this time. As I said before, I want 
to reiterate that I will assume this responsibility and will dedicate my 
best efforts, my best energy, and the best of my intelligence to lead 
these great challenges we are facing at present to a successful end. I 
basically point out two of these--the implementation of the peace 
agreements in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the extension of the Atlantic 
alliance to Central and East European countries. 
 
Therefore, I want to thank the Secretary of State again, Ambassador 
Kantor, and all the friends who have joined us in Madrid. I thank them 
for their presence in Madrid and for moving their trip forward so that 
tomorrow's meeting may be a success, as I am certain that it will be. 
 
 
Secretary Christopher. Good afternoon. I'm very pleased that the U.S.-EU 
Summit has given me a good reason to come back to Madrid and to spend 
some time with my colleague and friend, Foreign Minister Solana. This is 
a particularly auspicious and happy occasion. It gives me a good deal of 
pleasure to be the first NATO Foreign Minister to meet with Foreign 
Minister Solana since his selection as the next NATO Secretary General. 
 
He and I worked well together over the last several years, and I can 
testify that he's shown very strong leadership and determination in 
building a very sound transatlantic relationship. Certainly, his 
skillful diplomacy has contributed to an unusually successful six months 
in Spain's presidency of the European Union. At a time of great 
challenge for the NATO alliance, Minister Solana is really an 
outstanding choice to serve as Secretary General. I congratulate him, 
and I congratulate Spain because I think this choice is a compliment to 
him, but also a compliment to the road that Spain has traveled, and that 
recognition is reflected in the choice of its Foreign Minister as the 
next Secretary General. 
 
The Dayton agreement, which the minister kindly referred to, I think, 
shows once again the enduring strength of the transatlantic alliance. 
Working together, our combined military and diplomatic effort has 
brought us to a very hopeful point. The United States and its European 
allies are about to undertake a mission that is a true test of our 
ability to meet the challenges of the post-Cold War period. 
 
The Madrid summit that is coming up tomorrow in which President Clinton, 
Prime Minister Gonzalez, and the President of the European Commission, 
Mr. Santer, will participate in will set the stage for important new 
cooperation between our two continents.  
 
Only six months ago, here in Madrid, I called on the United States and 
the nations of Europe to shape a New Transatlantic Agenda, and I am 
delighted that we're now able to announce one tomorrow. At that time, I 
said that every generation must renew the partnership by adapting to 
meet the challenges of the new time. I believe the New Transatlantic 
Agenda that will be signed tomorrow by our leaders will allow us to 
advance the very enduring interest between the United States and Europe 
in security, democracy, and prosperity around the world.  
 
The Agenda reflects President Clinton's very strong commitment to Europe 
and relationships with Europe that have been a central element of our 
foreign policy ever since the President took office now almost three 
years ago. Under the new Agenda, we'll move from periodic consultation 
to a sustained cooperation to promote our common interests in four 
important areas.  
 
First, promoting peace, development, and democracy around the world. 
 
Second, combating--and this is really a new agenda--combating 
international crime, terrorism, and drug trafficking, and meeting 
environmental challenges around the world.  
 
Third, expanding global trade and eliminating the remaining barriers to 
transatlantic trade and investment. My colleague, Ambassador Kantor, 
will explain our initiative of a new Transatlantic Marketplace that will 
support business and create new jobs.  
 
Fourth, building new bridges between the peoples--not just the 
countries, but between the peoples of Europe and the United States. 
 
The new Agenda contains several priority initiatives. It includes 
urgently needed efforts to bolster cooperation between our law 
enforcement officials to anchor Central Europe and Turkey more firmly in 
the West--and the minister has referred to the very important decision 
the European parliament will make with respect to Turkey. We strongly 
hope it will be approved. We are also working together to support the 
Middle East peace process, as well as to fight nuclear proliferation.  
 
A high priority of the Agenda, of course, will be working together to 
implement peace in Bosnia in addition to the military cooperation that 
we will launch in our NATO meetings this week. The United States and 
Europe will work together in the human rights field as well as to ensure 
that there are free and fair elections in Bosnia. We are also working 
together on economic reconstruction, an area where the European Union 
has indicated that it will take the lead.  
 
Let me conclude with a final word of appreciation for the role of Spain 
in bringing peace to the former Yugoslavia. The United States recognizes 
the very considerable sacrifices that Spain has made in sending 
peacekeepers to Bosnia as well as having Spanish air-crews fly by our 
side, helping to move us to this important point of hope in the former 
Yugoslavia. I pay tribute to the people of Spain for their willingness 
to participate in this NATO effort and undergo the sacrifices. I want to 
reaffirm the importance the United States and all the American people 
place on our relationships with Spain as an ally, partner, and a friend.  
 
Thank you Mr. Secretary, and thank you Minister Solana. Congratulations 
to you and to all of us for this very fine choice. Now Ambassador Kantor 
will have just a few remarks. 
 
 
Ambassador Kantor. I think it's more than appropriate that we are here 
in Spain to initiate a new Transatlantic Marketplace as Spain initiated 
the first transatlantic marketplace 500 years ago. The New Agenda and 
the Action Plan which President Clinton, Prime Minister Gonzalez, and 
President Santer will formally sign tomorrow confirms the strength of 
our bonds in the mutual interest in prosperity and peace and raising 
standards of living that we all share.  
 
The marketplace has four or five items that are most important to it. 
 
First is confidence-building. We just initialed an agreement on the 
enlargement question--on the question of the reference price system for 
grains--and we're delighted with that outcome. Everyone who worked on 
that deserves congratulations for reaching that agreement. We trust in 
the near future that it will be ratified by all sides.  
 
Second, of course, there will be deliverables in 1996 in order to 
continue this confidence-building process, everything from mutual 
recognition agreements to tariff reductions to, of course, working on 
government procurement in other areas as well. 
 
Third, of course, is the joint study. [Inaudible] good discussion this 
morning about both sides wanting to initiate that study as quickly as 
possible to look at reducing and eliminating barriers to trade between 
these two great trading partners. 
 
Fourth is to continue the business dialogue--institutionalize it to 
build on that very successful meeting in Seville and to make that a 
permanent fixture as we move forward with the marketplace.  
 
And last, of course, is the information technology agreement which can't 
be overstated in terms of its importance. 
 
I think we ought to recognize--as I complete my remarks--from an 
economic standpoint alone, how important this is. Fifty percent of the 
world's trade is represented by activity involved with the European 
Union and the United States both between us and with our trading 
partners. We can have an enormous impact on world trade, on standards of 
living, on growing jobs, and on future prosperity. I want to thank you 
again for your leadership. Thanks to Secretary Christopher for his 
vision of what could happen here, and, of course, to all of our 
colleagues who worked so hard on this agreement.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 8: 
 
Fact Sheet:  The New Transatlantic Agenda 
 
President Clinton, Prime Minister of Spain Felipe Gonzalez, and European 
Commission President Jacques Santer announced a New Transatlantic Agenda 
at the U.S.-EU Summit in Madrid, Spain, December 3, 1995. The Agenda 
reaffirms the strong and enduring ties between the United States and 
Europe, which have contributed significantly to political stability and 
security in Europe and the world and to global prosperity through 
expansion and strengthening of the multilateral free trade system. It is 
based on the framework for U.S.-European cooperation outlined by 
Secretary Christopher in his June 2  Madrid speech. 
 
The Agenda establishes four key goals for the U.S.-EU relationship: 
 
  --  Promoting peace, stability, development, and democracy around the 
world; 
  --  Responding to global challenges; 
  --  Contributing to the expansion of world trade and closer economic 
ties; and 
  --  "Building bridges across the Atlantic" by encouraging closer 
communication between American and European business people, scientists, 
educators, and others. 

The United States and the EU have referenced these broad goals in 
developing a Framework for Action, which highlights key areas for 
cooperation, and a detailed Action Plan, which includes more than 150 
items.  
 
The most immediate priority is reconstructing the former Yugoslavia. The 
Agenda commits the United States and the EU to work boldly and rapidly 
to implement the peace, assist the recovery of the war-ravaged regions, 
and support economic and political reform and new democratic 
institutions. The U.S. and the EU will cooperate to ensure respect for 
human rights; establish a framework for free and fair elections in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina; and begin a process for arms control, 
disarmament, and confidence-building measures. Humanitarian and 
reconstruction assistance will be carried out in the widest possible 
context of burden-sharing with other donors. 
 
Equally important is continued U.S.-EU cooperation aimed at facilitating 
the entry of the countries of Central Europe into Western institutions 
and promoting further integration of Turkey into the West. The U.S. and 
the EU will assist the efforts of these nations to restructure their 
economies, strengthen democracy, and promote respect for human rights. 
To support the achievement of a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace 
in the Middle East, the U.S. and the EU will coordinate their assistance 
programs, further open their markets to products from the West Bank and 
the Gaza Strip, and work together to end the Arab boycott of Israel. 
 
In economics and trade, the goal is to take practical steps that can 
result in more open markets and bring closer the realization of a New 
Transatlantic Marketplace. Many specific initiatives are grouped under 
this effort, including a joint study on ways to reduce barriers to 
trade, a high-priority push for agreement on mutual recognition of 
product testing and certification, a new agreement on customs 
cooperation, and a program to collaborate on regulatory issues to 
promote the development of a Transatlantic Information Society. 
 
Steps also are being taken to strengthen the international trading 
system before the Singapore World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial. 
In line with Seville business leaders' recommendations to the U.S. and 
the EU, there is agreement to launch a new negotiating effort to 
conclude an information technology agreement, to seek new mutually 
agreed tariff reductions, and to consider acceleration of other Uruguay 
Round tariff cuts. 
 
A new element of U.S.-EU cooperation involves the creation of a high- 
level consultative mechanism to coordinate U.S.-EU development and 
humanitarian assistance programs. In a time of declining resources, 
working together can improve our efforts to respond to humanitarian 
crises, promote development, and support democracy and human rights. 
 
Similarly, the U.S. and the EU are committed to joint initiatives aimed 
at building a global early-warning system to fight infectious diseases, 
reducing public health hazards associated with exposure to lead, making 
environmentally friendly technology available to the developing world, 
and pooling research efforts for intelligent transportation systems and 
a vaccine for malaria. 
 
Significant progress also has been made in coordinating efforts against 
international crime, terrorism, and drug trafficking through new forms 
of cooperation between European and U.S. law enforcement agencies, 
especially in the new Central and East European democracies. By 
instituting new procedures to prosecute fugitives, improve extradition 
agreements, and seize assets used in or resulting from the commission of 
crimes, the message to criminals is that there is "no place to hide."  
 
The U.S. and EU are taking a strong stance against nuclear 
proliferation, providing support for the Korean Peninsula Energy 
Development Organization. 
 
The Agenda calls for engaging citizens of the U.S. and the EU member 
states to create an active and vibrant transatlantic community. This 
includes the Transatlantic Business Dialogue, strengthening of people-
to-people links through enhanced educational exchange, studying ways to 
encourage artistic and cultural cooperation projects, and using the 
Internet to broker a two-way information flow across the Atlantic. 
 
The New Transatlantic Agenda is the roadmap to a stronger and deeper 
transatlantic partnership. It also is the  first step in a longer 
process of adapting the U.S.-EU partnership to the new challenges it 
will face in the 21st century.  
 
(###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 9: 
 
The New Transatlantic Agenda 
Following is the text of the U.S.-European New Transatlantic Agenda 
released at the U.S.-EU Summit held in Madrid, Spain, on December 3, 
1995. 
 
We, the United States of America and the European Union, affirm our 
conviction that the ties which bind our people are as strong today as 
they have been for the past half century. For over fifty years, the 
transatlantic partnership has been the leading force for peace and 
prosperity for ourselves and for the world. Together, we helped 
transform adversaries into allies and dictatorships into democracies. 
Together, we built institutions and patterns of cooperation that ensured 
our security and economic strength. These are epic achievements. 
 
Today we face new challenges at home and abroad. To meet them, we must 
further strengthen and adapt the partnership that has served us so well. 
Domestic challenges are not an excuse to turn inward; we can learn from 
each other's experiences and build new transatlantic bridges. We must 
first of all seize the opportunity presented by Europe's historic 
transformation to consolidate democracy and free-market economies 
throughout the continent. 
 
We share a common strategic vision of Europe's future security. 
Together, we have charted a course for ensuring continuing peace in 
Europe into the next century. We are committed to the construction of a 
new European security architecture in which the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization, the European Union, the Western European Union, the 
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of 
Europe have complementary and mutually reinforcing roles to play. 
 
We reaffirm the indivisibility of transatlantic security. NATO remains, 
for its members, the centerpiece of transatlantic security, providing 
the indispensable link between North America and Europe. Further 
adaptation of the Alliance's political and military structures to 
reflect both the full spectrum of its roles and the development of the 
emerging European Security and Defense Identity will strengthen the 
European pillar of the Alliance. 
 
As to the accession of new members to NATO and to the EU, these 
processes, autonomous but complementary, should contribute significantly 
to the extension of security, stability and prosperity in the whole of 
Europe. Furthering the work of Partnership for Peace and the North 
Atlantic Cooperation Council and establishing a security partnership 
between NATO and Russia and between NATO and Ukraine will lead to 
unprecedented cooperation on security issues. 
 
We are strengthening the OSCE so that it can fulfill its potential to 
prevent destabilizing regional conflicts and advance the prospect of 
peace, security, prosperity, and democracy for all. 
 
Increasingly, our common security is further enhanced by strengthening 
and reaffirming the ties between the United States and the European 
Union within the existing network of relationships which join us 
together. 
 
Our economic relationship sustains our security and increases our 
prosperity. We share the largest two-way trade and investment 
relationship in the world. We bear a special responsibility to lead 
multilateral efforts towards a more open world system of trade and 
investment. Our cooperation has made possible every global trade 
agreement, from the Kennedy Round to the Uruguay Round. Through the G-7, 
we work to stimulate global growth. And at the Organization for Economic 
Cooperation and Development, we are developing strategies to overcome 
structural unemployment and adapt to demographic change. 
 
We are determined to create a New Transatlantic Marketplace, which will 
expand trade and investment opportunities and multiply jobs on both 
sides of the Atlantic. This initiative will also contribute to the 
dynamism of the global economy. 
 
At the threshold of a new century, there is a new world to shape--full 
of opportunities but with challenges no less critical than those faced 
by previous generations. These challenges can be met and opportunities 
fully realized only by the whole international community working 
together. We will work with others bilaterally, at the United Nations 
and in other multilateral fora.  
 
We are determined to reinforce our political and economic partnership as 
a powerful force for good in the world. To this end, we will build on 
the extensive consultations established by the 1990 Transatlantic 
Declaration and the conclusions of our June 1995 Summit and move to 
common action.  
 
Today we adopt a New Transatlantic Agenda based on a Framework for 
Action with four major goals: 
 
Promoting peace and stability, democracy and development around the 
world. Together, we will work for an increasingly stable and prosperous 
Europe; foster democracy and economic reform in Central and Eastern 
Europe as well as in Russia, Ukraine and other new independent states; 
secure peace in the Middle East; advance human rights; promote non-
proliferation and cooperate on development and humanitarian assistance. 
 
Responding to global challenges. Together, we will fight international 
crime, drug-trafficking and terrorism; address the needs of refugees and 
displaced persons; protect the environment and combat disease.  
 
Contributing to the expansion of world trade and closer economic 
relations. Together, we will strengthen the multilateral trading system 
and take concrete, practical steps to promote closer economic relations 
between us.  
 
Building bridges across the Atlantic. Together, we will work with our 
business people, scientists, educators and others to improve 
communication and to ensure that future generations remain as committed 
as  we are to developing a full and equal partnership.  
 
Within this Framework, we have developed an extensive Joint U.S.-EU 
Action Plan. We will give special priority between now and our next 
Summit to the following actions: 
 
I.  Promoting Peace and Stability, Democracy and Development Around the 
World 
 
  --  We pledge to work boldly and rapidly, together and with other 
partners, to implement the peace, to assist recovery of the war-ravaged 
regions of the former Yugoslavia and to support economic and political 
reform and new democratic institutions. We will cooperate to ensure: (1) 
respect for human rights, for the rights of minorities and for the 
rights of refugees and displaced persons, in particular the right of 
return; (2) respect for the work of the War Crimes Tribunal, established 
by the United Nations Security Council, in order to ensure international 
criminal accountability; (3) the establishment of a framework for free 
and fair elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina as soon as conditions permit 
and (4) the implementation of the agreed process for arms control, 
disarmament and confidence-building measures. While continuing to 
provide humanitarian assistance, we will contribute to the task of 
reconstruction, subject to the implementation of the provisions of the 
peace settlement plan, in the context of the widest possible burden-
sharing with other donors and taking advantage of the experience of 
international institutions, of the European Commission and of all 
relevant bilateral donors in the coordination mechanism.  
 
  --  We will support the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 
their efforts to restructure their economies and strengthen their 
democratic and market institutions. Their commitment to democratic 
systems of government, respect for minorities, human rights, market 
oriented economies and good relations with neighbors will facilitate 
their integration into our institutions. We are taking steps to 
intensify our cooperation aimed at sharing information, coordinating 
assistance pro-  grams and developing common actions, protecting the 
environment and securing the safety of their nuclear power stations. 
 
  --  We are determined to reinforce our cooperation to consolidate 
democracy and stability in Russia, Ukraine and other new independent 
states. We are committed to working with them in strengthening 
democratic institutions and market reforms, in protecting the 
environment, in securing the safety of their nuclear power stations and 
in promoting their integration into the international economy. An 
enduring and stable security framework for Europe must include these 
nations. We intend to continue building a close partnership with a 
democratic Russia. An independent, democratic, stable and nuclear 
weapons-free Ukraine will contribute to security and stability in 
Europe; we will cooperate to support Ukraine's democratic and economic 
reforms. 
 
  --  We will support the Turkish Government's efforts to strengthen 
democracy and advance economic reforms in order to promote Turkey's 
further integration into the transatlantic community. 
 
  --  We will work towards a resolution of the Cyprus question, taking 
into account the prospective accession of Cyprus to the European Union. 
We will support the UN Secretary General's Mission of Good Offices and 
encourage dialogue between and with the Cypriot communities. 
 
  --  We reaffirm our commitment to the achievement of a just, lasting 
and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. We will build on the recent 
successes in the Peace Process, including the bold steps taken by Jordan 
and Israel, through concerted efforts to support agreements already 
concluded and to expand the circle of peace. Noting the important 
milestone reached with the signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Interim 
Agreement, we will play an active role at the Conference for Economic 
Assistance to the Palestinians, will support the Palestinian elections 
and will work ambitiously to improve the access we both give to products 
from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. We will encourage and support the 
regional parties in implementing the conclusions of the Amman Summit. We 
will also continue our efforts to promote peace between Israel, Lebanon 
and Syria. We will actively seek the dismantling of the Arab boycott of 
Israel. 
 
  --  We pledge to work together more closely in our preventive and 
crisis diplomacy; to respond effectively to humanitarian emergencies; to 
promote sustainable development and the building of democratic 
societies; and to support human rights. 
 
  --  We have agreed to coordinate, cooperate and act jointly in 
development and humanitarian assistance activities. To this end, we will 
establish a High-Level Consultative Group to review progress of existing 
efforts, to assess policies and priorities, and to identify projects and 
regions for the further strengthening of cooperation. 
 
  --  We will increase cooperation in developing a blueprint for UN 
economic and social reform. We will cooperate to find urgently needed 
solutions to the financial crisis of the UN system. We are determined to 
keep our commitments, including our financial obligations. At the same 
time, the UN must direct its resources to the highest priorities and 
must reform in order to meet its fundamental goals. 
 
  --  We will provide support to the Korean Peninsula Energy Development 
Organization (KEDO), underscoring our shared desire to resolve important 
proliferation challenges throughout the world. 
 
 
II.  Responding to Global Challenges 
 
  --  We are determined to take new steps in our common battle against 
the scourges of international crime, drug trafficking and terrorism. We 
commit ourselves to active, practical cooperation between the U.S. and 
the future European Police Office, EUROPOL. We will jointly support and 
contribute to ongoing training programs and institutions for crime-
fighting officials in Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, Ukraine, other 
new independent states and other parts of the globe. 
 
  --  We will work together to strengthen multilateral efforts to 
protect the global environment and to develop environmental policy 
strategies for sustainable worldwide growth. We will coordinate our 
negotiating positions on major global environmental issues, such as 
climate change, ozone layer depletion, persistent organic pollutants, 
desertification and erosion and contaminated soils. We are undertaking 
coordinated initiatives to disseminate environmental technologies and to 
reduce the public health risks from hazardous substances, in particular 
from exposure to lead. We will strengthen our bilateral cooperation on 
chemicals, biotechnology and air pollution issues. 
 
  --  We are committed to develop and implement an effective global 
early warning system and response network for new and re-emerging 
communicable diseases such as AIDS and the Ebola virus, and to increase 
training and professional exchanges in this area. Together, we call on 
other nations to join us in more effectively combatting such diseases. 
 
 
III.  Contributing to the Expansion of World Trade and Closer Economic 
Relations 
 
  --  We have a special responsibility to strengthen the multilateral 
trading system, to support the World Trade Organization and to lead the 
way in opening markets to trade and investment. 
 
  --  We will contribute to the expansion of world trade by fully 
implementing our Uruguay Round commitments, work for the completion of 
the unfinished business by the agreed timetables and encourage a 
successful and substantive outcome for the Singapore WTO Ministerial 
Meeting in December 1996. In this context we will explore the 
possibility of agreeing on a mutually satisfactory package of tariff 
reductions on industrial products, and we will consider which, if any, 
Uruguay Round obligations on tariffs can be implemented on an 
accelerated basis. In view of the importance of the information society, 
we are launching a specific exercise in order to attempt to conclude an 
information technology agreement. 
 
  --  We will work together for the successful conclusion of a 
Multilateral Agreement on Investment at the OECD that espouses strong 
principles on international investment liberalization and protection. 
Meanwhile, we will work to develop discussion of the issue with our 
partners at the WTO. We will address in appropriate fora problems where 
trade intersects with concerns for the environment, internationally 
recognized labor standards and competition policy. We will cooperate in 
creating additional trading opportunities, bilaterally and throughout 
the world, in conformity with our WTO commitments. 
 
Without detracting from our cooperation in multilateral fora, we will 
create a New Transatlantic Marketplace by progressively reducing or 
eliminating barriers that hinder the flow of goods, services and capital 
between us. We will carry out a joint study on ways of facilitating 
trade in goods and services and further reducing or eliminating tariff 
and non-tariff barriers.  
 
  --  We will strengthen regulatory cooperation, in particular by 
encouraging regulatory agencies to give a high priority to cooperation 
with their respective transatlantic counterparts, so as to address 
technical and non-tariff barriers to trade resulting from divergent 
regulatory processes. We aim to conclude an agreement on mutual 
recognition of conformity assessment (which includes certification and 
testing procedures) for certain sectors as soon as possible. We will 
continue the ongoing work in several sectors and identify others for 
further work. 
 
  --  We will endeavor to conclude by the end of 1996 a customs 
cooperation and mutual assistance agreement between the U.S. and the 
European Community.  
 
  --  To allow our people to take full advantage of newly developed 
information technology and services, we will work toward the realization 
of a Transatlantic Information Society. 
 
  --  Given the overarching importance of job creation, we pledge to 
cooperate in the follow-up to the Detroit Jobs Conference and to the G-7 
Summit initiative. We look forward to further cooperation in the run-up 
to the G-7 Jobs Conference in France, at the next G-7 Summit in the 
Summer of 1996 and in other fora such as the OECD. We will establish a 
joint working group on employment and labor-related issues. 
 
 
IV.  Building Bridges Across The Atlantic 
 
  --  We recognize the need to strengthen and broaden public support for 
our partnership. To that end, we will seek to deepen the commercial, 
social, cultural, scientific and educational ties among our people. We 
pledge to nurture in present and future generations the mutual 
understanding and sense of shared purpose that has been the hallmark of 
the post-war period. 
 
  --  We will not be able to achieve these ambitious goals without the 
backing of our respective business communities. We will support, and 
encourage the development of, the transatlantic business relationship, 
as an integral part of our wider efforts to strengthen our bilateral 
dialogue. The successful conference of U.S. and EU business leaders 
which took place in Seville on November 10-11, 1995 was an important 
step in this direction. A number of its recommendations have already 
been incorporated into our Action Plan and we will consider concrete 
follow-up to others. 
 
  --  We will actively work to reach a new comprehensive U.S.-EC science 
and technology cooperation agreement by 1997.  
 
  --  We believe that the recent U.S.-EC Agreement on Cooperation in 
Education and Vocational Training can act as a catalyst for a broad 
spectrum of innovative cooperative activities of direct benefit to 
students and teachers. We will examine ways to increase private support 
for educational exchanges, including scholarship and internship 
programs. We will work to introduce new technologies into classrooms, 
linking educational establishments in the U.S. with those in the EU and 
will encourage teaching of each other's languages, history and culture. 
 
Parliamentary links. We attach great importance to enhanced 
parliamentary links. We will consult parliamentary leaders on both sides 
of the Atlantic regarding consultative mechanisms, including those 
building on existing institutions, to discuss matters related to our 
transatlantic partnership. 
 
Implementing our agenda. The New Transatlantic Agenda is a comprehensive 
statement of the many areas for our common action and cooperation. We 
have entrusted the Senior Level Group to oversee work on this Agenda and 
particularly the priority actions we have identified. We will use our 
regular Summits to measure progress and to update and revise our 
priorities. 
 
For the last fifty years, the transatlantic relationship has been 
central to the security and prosperity of our people. Our aspirations 
for the future must surpass our achievements in the past.  
 
 
[Box item 
 
On the Internet 
 
Copies of the complete text of this Agenda and the Joint U.S.-EU Action 
Plan are available on the World Wide Web at: 
 
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/dosfan.html 
 
Box end] 
 
 
[END DISPATCH VOLUME 6, NUMBER 49] 
 
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