U.S. Department of State Dispatch
Volume 6, Number 46, November 13, 1995
Bureau of Public Affairs
U.S. Department of State
Dispatch
November 13, 1995 Volume 6, Number 46
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. Assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin--President
Clinton, Secretary Christopher
2. The Amman Economic Summit: Transforming the Middle East Through a
Public-Private Partnership--Secretary Christopher
3. U.S. Government and Business Advance the Middle East Peace Process--
Secretary Christopher, Commerce Secretary Brown
4. Establishment of the Qatari-Palestinian Investment Fund--Secretary
Christopher, Qatari Foreign Minister Shaikh Hamad bin Jasim Al Thani,
PLO Chairman Arafat
5. Exploration of New Business Opportunities in the Middle East--
Secretary Christopher, Commerce Secretary Brown, Jordanian Crown Prince
Hassan
6. The U.S. and Saudi Arabia: Working Together for Security, Stability,
and Peace in the Middle East--Secretary Christopher, Saudi Foreign
Minister Prince Saud Al Faisal
7. Containing Iran--Peter Tarnoff, Under Secretary for Political Affairs
8. Marine Degradation From Land-Based Activities: A Global Concern--Vice
President Gore
9. American Fishermen To Be Reimbursed for Canadian "Transit Fee"
10. U.S. Policy To Combat International Narcotics Trafficking and
International Crime--Robert S. Gelbard
11. Joint Communique of the 27th R.O.K.-U.S. Security Consultative
Meeting
ARTICLE 1:
Assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher
President Clinton
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary,
Washington, DC, November 4, 1995.
The world has lost one of its greatest men--a warrior for his nation's
freedom, and now a martyr for his nation's peace.
To Leah Rabin and her children, Hillary and I send our love and our
prayers. To the people of Israel, I want you to know that the hearts and
prayers of all Americans are with you. Just as America has stood by you
in moments of crisis and triumph, so now we all stand by you in this
moment of grieving and loss.
For half-a-century, Yitzhak Rabin risked his life to defend his country.
Today, he gave his life to bring it a lasting peace. His last act, his
last words, were in defense of that peace he did so much to create.
Peace must be and peace will be Prime Minister Rabin's lasting legacy.
Tonight, the land for which he gave his life is in mourning. But I want
the world to remember what Prime Minister Rabin said here at the White
House barely one month ago, and I quote: "We should not let the land
flowing with milk and honey become a land flowing with blood and tears.
Don't let it happen."
Now it falls to us, all those in Israel, throughout the Middle East, and
around the world who yearn for and love peace to make sure it doesn't
happen.
Yitzhak Rabin was my partner and my friend. I admired him, and I loved
him very much. Because words cannot express my true feelings, let me
just say shalom, chaver--goodbye, friend.
Secretary Christopher
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, DC,
November 4, 1995.
I am deeply shocked and saddened by the tragic news of the assassination
of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. History will record Prime
Minister Rabin as one of the towering figures of this century. He
dedicated his life to Israel, its security, and the cause of peace.
Heroic in war and in the service of his country, he pursued peace with
the same courage and determination.
The world has lost a leader and a statesman, Israel has lost one of its
finest sons, and we have lost a strong and true friend of the United
States.
We will rededicate ourselves to the very causes that inspired this great
leader: the security of Israel, the unshakable bonds of friendship
between the United States and Israel, and the promotion of Middle East
peace.
I would like to extend my deepest condolences to his wife Leah and the
people of Israel.
President Clinton
Remarks at the state funeral of Prime Minister Rabin, Har Herzl
Cemetery, Jerusalem, November 6, 1995.
To Leah, to the Rabin children, grandchildren, and other family members,
President Weizman, Acting Prime Minister Peres, members of the Israeli
Government and the Knesset, distinguished leaders from the Middle East
and around the world--especially His Majesty King Hussein for those
remarkable and wonderful comments--and President Mubarak for taking this
historic trip here, and to all the people of Israel:
The American people mourn with you in the loss of your leader. And I
mourn with you, for he was my partner and friend. Every moment we shared
was a joy because he was a good man and an inspiration and because he
was also a great man.
Leah, I know that too many times in the life of this country you were
called upon to comfort and console the mothers and the fathers, the
husbands and the wives, the sons and the daughters who lost their loved
ones to violence and vengeance. You gave them strength. Now, we here and
millions of people all around the world, in all humility and honor,
offer you our strength. May God comfort you among all the mourners of
Zion and Jerusalem.
Yitzhak Rabin lived the history of Israel. Through every trial and
triumph--the struggle for independence, the wars for survival, the
pursuit of peace and all, he served on the front lines--this Son of
David and of Solomon took up arms to defend Israel's freedom and laid
down his life to secure Israel's future. He was a man completely without
pretense, as all of his friends knew. I read that in 1949, after the War
of Independence, David Ben Gurion sent him to represent Israel at the
armistice talks at Rhodes, and he had never before worn a necktie and
did not know how to tie the knot. So the problem was solved by a friend
who tied it for him before he left and showed him how to preserve the
knot simply by loosening the tie and pulling it over his head. Well, the
last time we were together, not two weeks ago, he showed up for a black-
tie event on time, but without the black tie. And so he borrowed a tie,
and I was privileged to straighten it for him. It is a moment I will
cherish for as long as I live.
To him, ceremonies and words were less important than actions and deeds.
Six weeks ago--the King and President Mubarak will remember--we were at
the White House for the signing of the Israeli-Palestinian agreement. A
lot of people spoke. I spoke, the King spoke, Chairman Arafat spoke,
President Mubarak spoke, our foreign ministers all spoke. Finally Prime
Minister Rabin got up to speak and he said, "First, the good news--I am
the last speaker."
But he also understood the power of words and symbolism:
"Take a look at the stage. . . The King of Jordan, the President of
Egypt, Chairman Arafat, and us, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister
of Israel, on one platform. Please take a good, hard look. The sight you
see before you was impossible, was unthinkable just three years ago.
Only poets dreamt of it. And to our great pain, soldiers and civilians
went to their deaths to make this moment possible."
Those were his words.
Today, my fellow citizens of the world, I ask all of you to take a good,
hard look at this picture. Look at the leaders from all over the Middle
East and around the world who have journeyed here today for Yitzhak
Rabin and for peace. Though we no longer hear his deep and booming
voice, it is he who has brought us together again here in word and deed
for peace.
Now, it falls to all of us who love peace and all of us who loved him to
carry on the struggle to which he gave life and for which he gave his
life. He cleared the path and his spirit continues to light the way. His
spirit lives on in the growing peace between Israel and her neighbors.
It lives in the eyes of the children--the Jewish and the Arab children--
who are leaving behind a past of fear for a future of hope. It lives on
in a promise of true security.
So let me say to the people of Israel, even in your hour of darkness,
his spirit lives on, and so you must not lose your spirit. Look at what
you have accomplished--making a once barren desert bloom, building a
thriving democracy in a hostile terrain, winning battles and wars, and
now winning the peace, which is the only enduring victory.
Your Prime Minister was a martyr for peace, but he was a victim of hate.
Surely we must learn from his martyrdom that if people cannot let go of
the hatred of their enemies, they risk sowing the seeds of hatred among
themselves. I ask you, the people of Israel, on behalf of my nation that
knows its own long litany of loss-- from Abraham Lincoln to President
Kennedy to Martin Luther King--do not let that happen to you.
In the Knesset, in your homes, in your places of worship, stay the
righteous course. As Moses said to the children of Israel when he knew
he would not cross over into the promised land, "be strong and of good
courage, fear not for God will go with you. He will not fail you. He
will not forsake you." President Weizman, Acting Prime Minister Peres,
to all the people of Israel, as you stay the course of peace, I make
this pledge: neither will America forsake you.
Legend has it that in every generation of Jews from time immemorial, a
just leader emerged to protect his people and show them the way to
safety. Prime Minister Rabin was such a leader. He knew as he declared
to the world on the White House lawn two years ago, that the time had
come, in his words, "to begin a new reckoning in the relations between
people, between parents tired of war, between children who will not know
war." Here in Jerusalem, I believe with perfect faith that he was
leading his people to that promised land.
This week, Jews all around the world are studying the Torah portion in
which God tests the faith of Abraham, patriarch of the Jews and the
Arabs. He commands Abraham to sacrifice Yitzhak. "Take your son, the
one you love, Yitzhak." As we all know, as Abraham in loyalty to God was
about to kill his son, God spared Yitzhak. Now, God tests our faith even
more terribly, for he has taken our Yitzhak.
But Israel's covenant with God--for freedom, for tolerance, for
security, for peace--that covenant must hold. That covenant was Prime
Minister Rabin's life's work. Now, we must make it his lasting legacy.
His spirit must live on in us.
The Kaddish, the Jewish prayer for mourning, never speaks of death, but
often speaks of peace. In its closing words, "May our hearts find a
measure of comfort and our souls the eternal touch of hope"--"Oseh
shalom bimromov hu ya'aseh shalom aleinu ve'al kol Yisrael, ve'imru
amen. Shalom, chaver."
(###)
ARTICLE 2:
The Amman Economic Summit: Transforming the Middle East Through a
Public-Private Partnership
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the Sports City Complex, Amman, Jordan, October 29, 1995
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen: On behalf of President Clinton and
the United States, I want to express my deep gratitude to King Hussein,
Crown Prince Hassan, and the people of Jordan for hosting this economic
summit.
Your Majesty, for four decades, you have been a force for peace in a
region that has known so much war. You have infused your kingdom with a
spirit of civility and tolerance. And working together with Prime
Minister Rabin, Chairman Arafat, President Mubarak, King Hassan, and
others, your vision and courage are transforming the Middle East.
Four short years ago, the Madrid conference launched a process that has
demonstrated that negotiations can succeed. Enemies can become partners;
and across lands whose ancient religions have long inspired humanity,
peace can prevail.
One month ago in Washington, we witnessed another historic agreement
between the Prime Minister of Israel and the Chairman of the PLO.
Building on the 1993 Declaration of Principles, the deal they signed
marks a great step toward the shining goal of Israeli-Palestinian
reconciliation.
And just one year ago, in the desert south of Amman, the world watched
as you, Your Majesty, and Prime Minister Rabin built a bridge of peace
between your two people. Last week, Israel and Jordan signed agreements
on agriculture, economic cooperation, and development in the Gulf of
Aqaba-- agreements that will bring the concrete benefits of peace.
If these accomplishments are to be truly secure, peace must be
comprehensive. It must be extended to include both Syria and Lebanon.
Today, I want to reaffirm on behalf of President Clinton that the United
States will continue to work with the parties to help them achieve a
breakthrough for peace.
We also know that peace must reach beyond diplomats and documents.
Agreements between governments are the basis of peace. But the reality
of peace is found in deeds, not words. Peace is the construction boom in
Gaza, a four-fold increase in foreign investment in Israel, the
desalination center planned in Oman, and the tour package jointly
promoted by El Al and Royal Jordanian Airlines.
For too long, this has been a region of warriors and widows. Let it
again become a region of builders and traders. Let its future be shaped
by the imagination and ingenuity of its entrepreneurs, the knowledge
and curiosity of its children, and the wisdom and memory of its people.
This vision of a prosperous peace first brought us together a year ago
in Casablanca. Here in Amman, we will fulfill the pledges we made in
Casablanca. We will launch a series of regional institutions that share
an overarching purpose--to improve the ability of the private sector to
do business in the Middle East and to promote the region's economic
development and integration.
First, we will create the Bank for Economic Cooperation and Development.
The bank's establishment is a major milestone--not least because it is
the first such initiative put forward by the parties to the peace
process themselves. Jordan, Egypt, the Palestinians, and Israel all
agreed on the need for a bank that would support the region's most
worthy private sector projects, promote essential infrastructure
development, and encourage privatization and wide-ranging economic
reform.
The United States is committed to ensuring that the bank meets these
critical needs and that it is governed by strict rules of
accountability. The bank must complement, not duplicate, the efforts of
other institutions such as the World Bank. The bank must learn from the
experience of similar regional institutions. We will work with our
partners in the region and the international community to make sure that
the Bank succeeds.
Second, this summit will establish the Middle East-Mediterranean Travel
and Tourism Association. Open to governments and private firms
everywhere, the association will harness the world's largest industry--
and one of its best sources of hard currency earnings--as a catalyst of
regional economic growth. It will encourage cooperation within the
region and support integration into global tourism networks.
In these lands of miracles and monuments are the red temples of Petra,
the golden colonnades of Palmyra, the Roman ruins of Caesarea, the vast
amphitheater of Carthage, and the giant thrones of Abu Simbel. Peace
should throw the wonders of the Middle East open to the world. Already
Jordan's tourism revenues have doubled in the year since it made peace
with Israel. Other nations can do the same.
Third, we will launch the Regional Business Council with leaders from
private business and government. The council will be a permanent forum
for exchanging information, developing investment opportunities, and
encouraging a world-class business environment. I want to acknowledge
the role of my Cabinet colleague, Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown, in
establishing this voice for business in the region.
Here in Amman, we must also go beyond our work at Casablanca. We must
reinforce our public-private sector partnership for peace and foster
patterns of commercial cooperation across the Middle East. Governments
have a responsibility to lay the foundations for peace and prosperity.
But the private sector has the opportunity to build the structure of a
lasting peace reinforced by rising prosperity.
This public-private partnership is based on three mutually reinforcing
pillars: first, the private sector; second, countries outside the region
that have been at the forefront of efforts to support the peace process;
and third, governments in the region. Let me briefly describe the unique
challenges that each must meet.
The private sector must recognize and seize the business opportunities
that peace is creating. The fact that hundreds of businesspeople have
come to Amman is evidence that they are doing just that.
I am proud to say that among them are more than 125 American companies,
many of whom are leading the way. Lockheed-Martin will conduct a
feasibility study for a regional airport that will link Aqaba in Jordan
and Eilat in Israel. The communications firms Sprint and AT&T will
announce joint ventures with Jordanian partners to hook Jordan up with
the information superhighway. Culligan Water Technologies will sign an
agreement to manufacture bottled water in Jericho. And General Electric
is close to finalizing a large contract to supply Egypt with
locomotives.
Ladies and gentlemen: Last year we announced that the Middle East was
open for business. This year we declare that the Middle East is doing
business. As the peace process pushes on, agreement by agreement, the
risks for business diminish, day by day. Business can profit while
making a decisive contribution at a moment of rare historic opportunity.
At the same time, governments from outside the Middle East must do their
part to accelerate the momentum of private sector involvement. The
United States will continue to work with its friends around the world to
promote the region's prosperity. We look especially to the European
Union and Japan to continue their significant contributions to this
effort.
For our part, the U.S. Department of Commerce, the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation, the Exim Bank, and the Trade and Development
Administration are working hard to ensure that American companies can
take full advantage of regional trade and investment opportunities.
These agencies are funding feasibility studies, providing investment
guarantees, and offering risk insurance. OPIC, for example, is
capitalizing a $250-million regional fund for the Middle East and North
Africa.
The United States also has launched a number of important bilateral
initiatives with key regional parties. With the Palestinians, we have
helped mobilize the international donor effort and pledged $500 million
in American assistance. Our trade representative, Mickey Kantor, has
just finalized an agreement with the Palestinian Authority to allow
exports from the West Bank and Gaza duty-free access to the American
market. With Jordan, we are considering a bilateral investment treaty,
and we have forgiven more than $700 million of Jordanian debt to the
United States. With Egypt, we have launched a pathbreaking joint
partnership for economic growth and development under the leadership of
President Mubarak and Vice President Gore.
Of course, it is the governments in the region that bear the greatest
responsibility for making the Middle East a world-class business
environment. In the past, there has been far too much government
regulation and inefficient public investment. Local private capital has
fled the region and foreign capital has found greater incentives
elsewhere.
To their credit, many governments in the region are now taking bold
steps to put their economic house in order. Tunisia and Morocco, for
example, have embraced real economic reform. In the last decade,
privatization, deregulation, budget discipline, and currency reform,
among other steps, have produced impressive leaps in economic growth in
both countries. Not surprisingly, the private sector has responded.
Between 1989 and 1994, direct foreign investment in Morocco more than
tripled.
Jordan is another nation taking important steps toward reform. Its new
investment code will give foreign firms the legal protections they need
to take advantage of Jordan's many opportunities.
But more must be done across the region. Governments need to remove
restrictions on trade and investment. They must reform capital markets,
modernize tax systems, and stamp out corruption. They need to ensure
fair business practices through legal systems and commercial dispute
mechanisms that are transparent and fair. And they must continue to
deregulate and get bureaucracies out of the way of business.
I also call on the region's governments to remove the most harmful
political barrier to greater economic openness. The boycott against
Israel maintains walls at a time when negotiations are bringing them
down. It impedes regional economic integration. The boycott serves no
one. While the boycott is being dismantled and many of the countries
here no longer observe it, the moment is right to end the boycott
completely.
All these steps are essential if the region is to attract the skills and
capital of international business. Now is the time for the Middle East
to prepare to compete in the global economy. Now is the time for the
Middle East to reinvent itself for the 21st century.
The Middle East is on the verge of reconnecting its rich past to the
boundless possibilities of the future. For centuries, this region
witnessed the constant movement of people, ideas, and goods across its
borders. Linen, glassware, olive oil, incense, pungent spices, and
precious metals were traded across the deserts and over the seas. The
world passed through the Middle East, and the Middle East passed through
the world.
Today, we see this legacy in the Arabic numerals the world uses to count
and in the coffee, first ground from arabica beans, that the world loves
to drink. And we see this legacy in the words we use--for damask cloth
from Damascus and gauze from Gaza.
As we approach a new millennium, we can revive the trading routes of
centuries past and create new ones for today. Caravans of culture and
commerce can travel by air, by fax, by microchip, and along the
information superhighway.
The Middle East also has old words to return to the world--and most of
all to itself. Let Salaam and Shalom become the watchwords of a
prosperous new Middle East at peace.
A year ago in Casablanca, I borrowed a line from Humphrey Bogart when I
suggested that the first summit could be the beginning of a beautiful
friendship. Allow me now to borrow once again from the spirit of that
famous movie. Today, in Amman, it is time to play it again, Sam. Thank
you very much.
(###)
ARTICLE 3:
U.S. Government and Business Advance the Middle East Peace Process
Secretary Christopher, Commerce Secretary Brown
Joint statements at reception for the American Business Delegation to
the Amman Economic Summit, Amman, Jordan, October 29, 1995 (introductory
remarks deleted)
Secretary Christopher
Thank you. Well, we are running on Middle East time. I am sorry we got a
little behind, but the result of this is a happy one for you because I
have thrown away my 45-minute speech and I am just going to thank you
very much for coming. You are what makes this go. Governments can
provide the foundation, but it is business that really does the job. I
am so grateful that all of you are here. And I am grateful for the good
talk I hear around the corridors in the deals that have been announced.
It is a real tribute to American business that you have the courage and
determination to be out here.
We are trying very hard to help. When I say we, I mean a unified
government team. I thought it was a nice touch that the first person who
applauded at the name of our ambassador was the Secretary of Commerce. I
think that is a reflection of how closely Ron Brown, myself, and others
are working together on this. It is a unified team. The Small Business
Administration is represented here by Phil Lader. Ruth Harkin of OPIC
has been delayed on her flight in Brussels. I know that she will be here
tonight. The Trade and Development Administration is heavily involved.
We want to make clear to you that our Administration is friendly to
business. We want to do all we can to help business.
Without reaching over too hard to pat myself on the back, I think this
is the best relationship between the State Department and the Commerce
Department--probably in history. Certainly, it is a very good one. That
is what American business deserves. You have made a big difference here.
I think we have an opportunity to capitalize on Casablanca and to move
it forward. Frankly, after Casablanca last year I was worried. I worried
whether or not we could sustain our momentum. Now, I am satisfied that
not only are we going to be able to do the three things we committed do
in Casablanca--to set up the bank, to set up the tourism association,
and to set up the business association--but we can move beyond these
goals to new areas of cooperation. I have just come from meeting with
the King, who, I think, is justifiably proud of what has been done here
in Amman.
One of the nice things happening here is that people are beginning to
compete for future events like this. A number of countries that want to
host next year's event are even talking about 1997 events. The growing
competition to host the bank and where various elements are located is
the measure, I think, of the success of these endeavors. My experience
with American businesses is that they have their eye on the ball and
they are here because they think that there are opportunities. You have
a business opportunity, but you also have a chance to participate in
probably the most historic transformation of any region we have seen in
a long, long time. You just could not imagine, two years ago, a
conference such as this taking place. I was watching King Hussein and
Prime Minister Rabin sitting together at lunch today. They acted as
though they had been friends for 40 years. It was a very close
relationship between the two of them. I think more progress has been
made between Jordan and Israel in the last year than has been made with
almost any other pair of countries. That is all good news. I hope that
this means good things for you.
Now, with a great deal of pleasure, I introduce my partner in this
endeavor, Ron Brown, Secretary of Commerce.
Secretary Brown
Let me just say that you are the reason that we are here. One of the
things that was most pleasing to me is that Secretary Warren Christopher
some months ago approached me and asked me to be here with him in Amman.
I think that gives you a signal that reinforces what Secretary
Christopher said about our relationship. But the relationship goes
further than just between two individuals and between two departments in
the Federal Government. It permeates throughout the Clinton
Administration.
The fact is that our commercial offices are working more closely with
our ambassadors than ever before. We are all part of the same team,
pulling in the same direction--some people tell me for the first time in
recent American history. It is all agencies of our government working
together because we understand a simple truth. That is, it is the
private sector that fuels the engine that pulls the train of economic
growth and job creation. We in government have a role to play as well.
That role is to clear the tracks so that the train can run smoothly and
swiftly. So it can get to its destination, we remove any barriers that
get in the way. That is the kind of partnership that we have attempted
to create with you. We believe it is working. We believe that it is
making a difference. This is the way business is done in this new global
economy. Unless we have a partnership between the public and private
sector, we are not going to be able to achieve our objectives. We
believe in not only competing in the global economic arena but in
winning in the global economic arena. That can only happen if your
government stands shoulder-to-shoulder with you--to be strong and
effective advocates for your interests, not for philosophical or
ideological reasons but because we want to be relentlessly programmatic
in doing what is best for the American economy. Therefore, it behooves
us to see economic growth in Jordan, in Gaza, in Israel--economic growth
all over this region. Not only because it helps the people of this
region improve their lives, but because it provides a great market for
our goods, products, and services, allowing more exports to supply some
of the capital goods for these major infrastructure projects. To show
that we are more than just talk--that we are serious--we have produced
what we call an opportunities book, which contains more than 100
opportunities here in this region that we want to share with you and
that we hope you will pursue. We hope we can coordinate and communicate
with you so that we are able to advocate your interests as you pursue
those opportunities.
You all know that, particularly in the developing world, the most
important decisions are made by government officials. So it stands to
reason that when your government officials are advocating your interest,
it helps to level the playing field because we know what our commercial
competitors are doing. We know that they are using their governmental
resources to help their companies. We certainly can do no less for ours.
On behalf of Secretary Christopher and President Clinton, we want to
express our appreciation to all of you for being here in Amman. We know
it has been a long journey for nearly all of you. We hope it will be
worthwhile. We hope that you share our view that we have to be here on
the ground. We have to be here participating in the economic growth that
will take place here because we know that there is no better way to
support the peace process. As peace comes to this region, the
expectations of the people rise considerably. The way to meet those
expectations is through investment, trade, and commerce--through
promoting the economic world and economic opportunity. That is the only
way to change the lives of the people for the better. We intend to be
there with you over the long haul to see that we accomplish that
mission. Once again, we thank you for joining us here in Amman. Thank
you very much.
(###)
ARTICLE 4:
Establishment of the Qatari-Palestinian Investment Fund
Secretary Christopher, Qatari Foreign Minister Shaikh Hamad bin Jasim Al
Thani, PLO Chairman Arafat
Remarks during announcement of the Qatari-Palestinian Investment Fund,
Amman, Jordan, October 29, 1995
Foreign Minister Shaikh Hamad bin Jasim Al Thani
Ladies and gentlemen, Mr. President Arafat, Mr. Secretary of State
Christopher: It is our pleasure to be here to announce a new company--Al
Sallam Company--which is being done with share-holders from Qatar and
from Palestinian share-holders and from the other Arabs willing to come.
This company has the capital of $250 million, of which $25 million is
already secured. The purpose of this company--it is the belief of my
company and my people in Qatar and his highness Al Amir Shaikh Hamad bin
Khalifa, that this company will participate in the peace process. It
will implement what we have been talking about for a few years now after
the Madrid Conference. It will encourage both the Palestinians and
others to gain from peace. This is part of it. As I introduce this
company here, and announce it, I would like to thank all the people
here, especially President Arafat and Mr. Secretary Warren Christopher,
that they are here to share with us this moment, and I hope that this is
the first time and not the last. Thank you very much.
Chairman Arafat
We have to thank His Excellency. Please convey to your Amir, the Shaikh
of Qatar, our thanks for what he is doing, especially for the
Palestinians, and not only for the Palestinians. It is a great push for
the peace process and we are welcoming this very important step which
will encourage others in the same line, for the sake of not only the
Palestinians, but for the sake of the whole region. I am very happy that
His Excellency Mr. Christopher is participating with us in this moment
because we cannot forget that His Excellency President Clinton was
pushing in all directions to help the Palestinians and to help the peace
process. Again, we have to thank Your Excellency for what you have
mentioned, and what you have declared, and also convey to my brother
Sheikh Al Amir of Qatar my best wishes and regards and thanks. We hope
that we will continue in this attitude on many levels by all means. I
hope that what has been done by Your Excellency and by your country will
be a very important signal for all of us to follow up with all our
capacity--to push the peace process and to let our people feel the
strong foundation and the benefit of the peace process. Again, I have to
thank you from my heart to what you have mentioned and what you have
declared. I also thank His Excellency Mr. Secretary Christopher for
insisting and accepting to participate with us in this very important
moment to declare this very important declaration. Thank you again. I
have to thank you not only by myself--by my name--but by the name of all
our people. Please convey to His Excellency again, Sheikh Hamad, best
wishes and best regards from his brother Yassir Arafat and from the
Palestinian people, many thanks. May I offer this to Your Excellency,
what we had prepared for investment in Palestine as a start.
Secretary Christopher
I am just delighted to be here with the Chairman and the Foreign
Minister to note this extraordinary, positive occasion. Qatar has long
been a very strong supporter of the peace process, especially in its
support to the Palestinians. I think this event today with the
establishment of this considerably sized fund is a very good indication
indeed. I think it is a model of the kind of support that can be given
to the Palestinians. I hope other people will see in it a model they
want to emulate. The working relationship that is developing here is an
ideal one. I thank them, and I really want to commend the Government of
Qatar for stepping forward as well as the willingness of the Chairman
for responding the way he did. The courage that he has had to move the
peace process forward really deserves recognition--the kind of
recognition that was given by this day's event. As a co-sponsor, I am
pleased to be here and to congratulate both of them, and to congratulate
the people of both of their entities for the result that has been
achieved by the establishment of this very considerable fund.
Congratulations and thank you for letting me participate.
(###)
ARTICLE 5:
Exploration of New Business Opportunities in the Middle East
Secretary Christopher, Commerce Secretary Brown, Jordanian Crown Prince
Hassan
Remarks prior to press conference at the Amman Economic Summit, Amman,
Jordan, October 29, 1995
Crown Prince Hassan
With the participation of Secretary of State Warren Christopher and
Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown, I would like to say that the day, from
our perspective as hosts, has gone extremely well. I would like to
commend the regional parties as well as the international community,
participating in both the plenary and the parallel thematic discussions
on furthering the discussion of the role of the international community
of supporting and underpinning the task of peace, building on creative
ideas which have been exchanged, not only in the thematics, but also
between the business community with regard to creating the regional
stock market. More important, I would like to say that the relevance of
our legislative process is not only to develop new structures and
policies but also to develop the by-laws in the form of a user-friendly
manual which will reassure the visitors to this country, and I hope that
the parallel exists in other countries in the region. It is not only a
question of the legislation involved but is also a question of how
reasonable that legislation is when we speak of promoting investment.
Of course, the concepts of trade financing have received a boost today
by the creation of several new regional institutions which I think
reflect the unanimity of opinion of the summit. The four institutions
which were called for at the Casablanca summit include the Bank for
Economic Cooperation and Development in the Middle East--which in itself
is a singular achievement, the Middle East Mediterranean Travel and
Tourism Association--MEMTTA, the Regional Business Council, and the
Economic Summit Executive Secretariat. I would like to say that these
institutions are not only initiatives but they are concepts which are
alive and well and have, in terms of substance, a great deal of input
from these ongoing discussions. Of course, we are still in day one and I
would expect by day three that all of us will have collapsed with either
exhaustion or elation, but whichever way it works out I think that
certainly good things are being done in hard times.
I had the pleasure earlier of announcing that the Multilateral Steering
Group has agreed to establish the Regional Economic Development Working
Group--REDWG--Monitoring Committee Secretariat as a permanent
institution and, of course, this is a subject on which further
reflection will be given in the reading of the draft or the final
declaration of the summit, so I won't dwell on it too long. All I would
like to say is that these institutions reflect the paradigm to foster
sustained consultation among the parties of the region and to enhance
regional cooperation for economic development and social progress. These
institutional frameworks will facilitate the evolution of the Middle
East as it prepares to enter the next millennium and to integrate itself
into the global economy. I would like to acknowledge the key role played
by the United States, particularly that of Secretary of State
Christopher and Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown, in the establishment of
these institutions. I would also like to say that Japan has played a
central role in the establishment of the tourism association; the
European Union--EU--has played an important and vital role in the gavel-
holding responsibilities of the REDWG Secretariat and indeed in the
commitment to putting greater substance into REDWG interaction.
I would just like to make one statement here and that is: I just have
come from a lengthy meeting with Prime Minister Harris Silajdzic. It is
a singular honor for this conference to have the opportunity at a very
difficult moment for the negotiations in the Balkans--the peace
negotiations that we hope will lead to reconstruction of that war-torn
country and region, to be able to host the Prime Minister of Bosnia-
Herzegovina. We certainly were deeply interested in the thoughts and
proposals for the reconstruction--not only of Sarajevo, which as we know
has been a subject of shared concern not least of all with the United
States--and it is my hope that the day will come where we can either
host or participate in a conference dedicated to the reconstruction of
Bosnia-Herzegovina and indeed that war-torn region. We know where they
are coming from and we hope that Middle East peace can be peace for the
world and peace for the Eastern Mediterranean.
I thank you, ladies and gentlemen, and I will turn the floor to the two
distinguished gentlemen to my right and to my left. They happen to be
geographically to my right and to my left. I don't know about them
ideologically, but I would welcome their contribution and certainly
would be happy to question any of their answers.
Secretary Christopher
Good evening. First, on behalf of Secretary Brown and myself and our
entire delegation, I want to thank His Majesty King Hussein and Crown
Prince Hassan for their superb efforts to ensure that this summit is a
genuine success. They have attracted an extraordinary level of
participation by both governments and private companies; private
companies not only from the Middle East but from around the world. The
Crown Prince told me over lunch today that they stopped taking
reservations at about 1,500 business people and that, unfortunately,
many had to be turned away.
As I sat on the stage today and looked at those who had come to Amman, I
found myself thinking of what Prime Minister Rabin had said at the White
House as he and Chairman Arafat signed the interim agreement. He asked
us to look around at those who were assembled there at the White House
that day and consider what a remarkable scene it was. Today, I marveled
at those who had been assembled here in Amman. This time it was the
officials and the private sector representatives from around the region
and from around the world. They came not to witness the signing of a
peace agreement, but rather, they came to explore commercial
opportunities. They came to talk projects and they came to do business.
This evening, I heard that same message directly from the
representatives of 125 American companies who were represented here. I
want to pay tribute, as I did this morning, to the extraordinary
cooperation from Secretary Brown and the Department of Commerce which I
think was very instrumental and made possible the participation of so
many American companies. Though we still have a long way to go to build
a comprehensive peace, we should remember that we have come a long way.
The landscape of this region is changed in ways that few could have
imagined only four or five years ago. The changes set a pathway for the
future, and there is simply no turning back.
Results of this summit and the specific projects that will emerge from
this regional consultation, and from the new institutions that have been
created such as the Tourist Association or the Business Council--these
will connect the pathway to the future.
Let me just add this word: I will be leaving here somewhat earlier than
I had anticipated to return to the United States via Damascus in order
to open the conference in Dayton, Ohio, on the problems of the former
Yugoslavia. I thought it was very significant that Prime Minister
Silajdzic was here today. Many of us hope that one day before too long
there might be a somewhat comparable conference, modeled on this one
perhaps, to talk about the reconstruction of the former Yugoslavia. That
would be a consummation for which to be devoutly wished. I hope it will
happen and I think that Prime Minister Silajdzic's presence here today
will cause us to redouble our efforts to achieve that result.
Now, I introduce my cabinet colleague, Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown.
Secretary Brown
Thank you very much, Secretary Christopher. I am indeed honored to be
here with Secretary Christopher. I think our presence together
demonstrates very clearly a whole new working relationship. I don't
believe the relationship between the State Department and the Department
of Commerce in the United States has ever been closer. I think that is
reflective of the new world in which we live. We believe in commercial
engagement. In fact, we believe that our commercial activities--the
kinds of relationships that are formed--can be a foundation on which a
long-standing peace and stability can be built.
I must say that His Majesty the King and His Royal Highness the Crown
Prince and all the Jordanian people have much to be proud of. This
summit meeting, even after its first day, can be declared a rousing
success. We are exhilarated by the reception that we have received here,
but more importantly by the hard and good work and results that have
already been achieved. There is no question that much progress has been
made in assuring economic growth and economic opportunity throughout the
region. There were 1,600 people at the opening ceremony this morning,
including 160 business leaders from the United States. We were over-
solicited as a matter of fact. There were many more who wanted to be a
part of the delegation whom we could not accommodate. There were 200
specific contacts and appointments made by our American Business Center.
That is a joint enterprise by the State Department and the Commerce
Department. It has just been open since Saturday, and already 200
appointments have been made for American business leaders seeking to do
business in this region. We have published what we call an opportunities
book where we have identified 100 specific opportunities for American
companies to be involved in joint ventures or investment or in other
matters of commerce or trade. Some agreements that were announced today:
Chris Rooney of Sprint International--the President of Sprint
International, and his Jordanian joint-venture partner, Habib Gawi--they
are seated in the front. They ought to stand and be recognized for the
agreement they entered into today.
Tomorrow, while Secretary Christopher is in Damascus, I will be here in
Amman breaking ground on a new Sheraton ITT hotel which is not only very
much needed but very much wanted here in Amman.
Just yesterday, early in the day, I was in Gaza making my third trip to
Gaza within the last year and a half. You have to be heartened by the
tremendous amount of construction that is going on--providing housing
for people and creating employment opportunities. While there with
Chairman Arafat, we witnessed the signing of an agreement between the
Culligan company--another American company, and a Palestinian partner
for bottled water that would be distributed, not only in the West Bank
and Gaza, but would be available for export as well. Also, later
yesterday in Jerusalem, we participated in another signing between an
American company, Mid-Atlantic, and the Israeli Electric Corporation,
which is a breakthrough--the first private power generation in Israel
using oil shale in order to produce energy, using new technology for
that purpose.
I think what this demonstrates is the awareness of the incredible
potential of this region, a potential that has not been availed yet, but
a potential that is there. If anything needs to demonstrate the
awareness of this potential, it is the presence of all who are
participating in this summit and the positive attitude they bring to it
and their understanding of its importance in relationship to the peace
process itself. These opportunities are here because peace is coming and
because so many of the barriers and hurdles have been overcome. There is
still more to be done; that is obvious. Thanks to Secretary
Christopher's hard work and his partners in the region, we are more and
more confident that it will be done. But, in fact, the landscape is
being set, the climate is being created to attract investment for
infrastructure projects in order to build the economy and create
economic opportunity and jobs for the people. That really is what this
summit is all about. That is how it should be measured.
Casablanca was important because it was historic, because, for the first
time, countries of the Middle East and North Africa got together to talk
about matters economic, to talk about regional economic development. One
of the proudest moments today, I believe, was the signing of the
regional business council agreement--bringing together private sector
leaders, understanding that we in government can help create vehicles--
but it really is the private sector that is going to determine the
economic future of this region. There is no question that the summit is
off to a good start, thanks to the leadership of His Majesty the King
and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince.
(###)
ARTICLE 6:
The U.S. and Saudi Arabia: Working Together for Security, Stability, and
Peace in the Middle East
Secretary Christopher, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al Faisal
Remarks prior to meeting, Washington, DC, October 25, 1995
Secretary Christopher. Good morning. It is my pleasure to welcome here
to the State Department again His Royal Highness Prince Saud, a long-
time friend of the United States and my friend, I'm glad to say. The
Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia's visit here is a reflection of our
long friendship and work together. We have a strong commitment to
security and stability in the region where his country is, as well as to
working together for peace in the Middle East.
We will focus this morning, among other things, on Iraq. We continue to
work with Saudi Arabia to ensure Iraqi compliance with all the UN
Security Council resolutions, as well as to support the work of UNSCOM.
I am very pleased, Mr. Minister, to note that the Saudi Defense Minister
met with King Hussein of Jordan in New York. Probably you were in that
meeting. I think that Saudi-Jordanian cooperation will advance our
common effort to isolate Saddam Hussein and to compel his compliance
with the UN resolutions.
The Foreign Minister and I also will review the status of the
comprehensive efforts that we are making for peace in the Middle East. I
was very pleased that the Foreign Minister was here for the signing last
month of Part Two of the Israeli-Palestinian Agreement at the White
House. I am sure we will be talking about how we can continue to work
together to sustain the momentum for peace.
As you know, I'll be attending the Amman Economic Summit this weekend,
where Saudi Arabia also will be represented. I think this is a good
opportunity for us to encourage private sector investment in the region
to ensure that the Middle East, as we say, is "open for business."
Now, if I may change the subject for just a paragraph--with your
permission, Your Highness. The Russian Government is in the midst of
announcing or soon will be announcing that the three Balkan presidents
will go to Moscow just prior to the beginning of the talks in Dayton,
Ohio. We welcome this initiative. It reflects President Yeltsin's
personal commitment--the commitment of Russia--to work with the United
States and the Contact Group to achieve a successful outcome of the
peace talks, which will start in Dayton on the first of November.
There are many difficult issues ahead. It will take a strong, common
effort, but I welcome this announcement in Moscow because I think it
ensures that the three Balkan presidents will know that Russia and the
United States and the other Contact Group members are working together,
hand-in-hand, to achieve a peaceful resolution.
Thank you very much. Welcome, again, Your Highness.
Foreign Minister Prince Saud. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Indeed, it is a
pleasure to be here and to meet with you again and continue our close
cooperation in the many areas that you have mentioned.
Saudi Arabia has been part and parcel of the peace process, and we
continue to be committed to this peace process. It is, indeed, an
opportunity for me to review with you the state of these discussions,
and, hopefully, we will see in the near future further steps.
We attended the signing here not too long ago of the second part of the
Palestinian-Israeli Agreement, and we hope that we will see further
movement on the Syrian-Lebanese track.
I am also pleased to review with the Secretary this morning our common
position toward the implementation of the UN resolutions dealing with
Iraq, because we think this is the best way to assure the continued
stability in the region on the one hand and to benefit the Iraqi people,
because the way to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people is
through the implementation of the UN resolutions. The only reason that
this alleviation has not happened is because of the decision of the
Iraqi Government not to cooperate on this basis.
We are heartened also by the news that we heard this morning that before
the Dayton meeting the Balkan countries are going to meet in Russia. We
hope that this continuing cooperation between the United States and
Russia will finally bring peace to this tragic conflict in the Balkans.
So I look forward to our discussions today, Mr. Secretary, and I hope
our continued cooperation will help in furthering peace and stability in
our region.
(###)
ARTICLE 7:
Containing Iran
Peter Tarnoff, Under Secretary for Political Affairs
Statement before the House International Relations Committee,
Washington, DC, November 9, 1995
This Administration has maintained and intensified its efforts to
contain Iranian actions and policies that threaten U.S. interests and
values. We know we share that objective with Congress. Six months ago,
President Clinton imposed an embargo against Iran. With this strong
action, he confirmed American leadership toward Iran. The President's
decision complements long-standing American determination to counter
Tehran's rogue activities. Today, as we evaluate our policy toward Iran,
let us first review some fundamental issues. Why is Iran's behavior
important to U.S. interests? What measures have we taken to address
those concerns? Why were these steps chosen? What effect are they
having? I believe this review will demonstrate that the Clinton
Administration has devised a responsible and realistic policy--a policy
which safeguards American interests and deserves your support.
Assessing the Iranian Threat
Let me highlight some key facts about Iran that have affected our
thinking. Our strategic interest in ensuring the free flow of oil from
the Persian Gulf and in maintaining regional stability requires us to
focus attention on Iran. When we look at Iran, we find a country of over
60 million people that dominates the littoral of the Persian Gulf. Iran
sits adjacent to Iraq, across from important Gulf Arab allies, and
astride the gate to Central Asia. Iran is the largest and most populous
state in the Middle East and contains 9% of the world's proven oil
reserves and 15% of the world's proven gas reserves. Iran also has claim
to the petroleum-rich Caspian Sea. Proud of its long and distinguished
history, Iran believes it should be a regional power. We also know that
Iran harbors a deep resentment about America's relations with the Shah.
Today, Tehran fears America's military prowess in the Gulf, and objects
to our prominent regional influence. Finally, we know that Iran has
fractious relations with most of its Arab neighbors. In particular,
after enduring eight years of war with Iraq and centuries of enmity,
Iran is deeply distrustful of Baghdad.
Iraq is the other dominant state in the Gulf, and the interaction
between Iraq and Iran has long driven western policy. To prevent either
regime from challenging our interests in the Gulf region, this
Administration developed the strategy of dual containment. We designed
this strategy to counter, in the ways most appropriate for each specific
threat--the set of challenges presented by Baghdad and the set of
challenges posed by Tehran. I know the recent story of Iraq is familiar
to you. In order to maintain our deterrence of Iraq and to protect our
Gulf allies, the United States maintains a significant military presence
in the Persian Gulf.
Iran has presented us with a different type of challenge. Our problems
with Iran are based on our concerns about specific Iranian policies,
which we judge to be unacceptable to law-abiding nations. Our goal is to
convince the leadership in Tehran to abandon these policies and to abide
by international norms. We know our objections are familiar to you, and
shared by you. Iran engages in terrorism by assassinating its opponents.
It provides material and political support to Palestinian rejectionists
trying to undermine the Middle East peace process through violence. Iran
also supports opposition groups seeking to subvert secular regimes in
the Muslim world. It is pursuing the development of weapons of mass
destruction--that is, nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and the
missile systems to deliver them. Iran is also engaged in a conventional
military build-up that threatens regional peace and stability. At home,
Iran abuses the human rights of its citizens, particularly the rights of
political dissidents, women, and religious minorities.
Confronting the Iranian Threat
This behavior is an affront to American interests and values. But
neither the behavior nor American concern and action are new. With the
President's support and under Secretary Christopher's leadership, this
Administration has accorded a high priority to our efforts to deny Iran
the military capabilities and financial resources it needs to
successfully implement these policies. We have acted alone when
necessary and collectively when possible.
First, we concentrated on blocking the transfer to Iran of dangerous
goods and technologies. We began with the strictest national export
controls in the world. We have engaged in close negotiations with other
governments to obtain agreement to keep Iran from acquiring armaments
and sensitive dual-use items and technology for military purposes. We
also have been working with other governments to thwart Iran's efforts
to acquire items useful for its programs of weapons of mass destruction.
By checking Iran's military capabilities, we have severely constrained
Iran's ability to threaten us or our allies with offensive action.
Second, by pressuring Iran's economy, we seek to limit the government's
finances and thereby constrict Tehran's ability to fund rogue
activities. We launched an initiative to block Iran's access to the
international capital its economy needs. We have worked bilaterally and
within international financial institutions to keep other governments
from providing Iran with credit. On May 6, President Clinton issued
Executive Order 12959, which imposed an embargo against Iran. The
President's decision to sever American trade and investment with Iran
signaled our commitment to exert the maximum efforts of this country to
deny Iran financial resources. In particular, by barring American
investment in Iran and prohibiting U.S. companies from buying Iranian
oil, we have stopped the flow of money from the United States to Iran.
We are now seeking to dissuade the international community from
investing in Iran's petroleum sector. With these efforts, we are taking
advantage of Iran's economic vulnerabilities, particularly its shortages
in hard currency. We recognize that economic pressure takes time, but we
are convinced that making Iran pay a price for its unacceptable
activities is the best way to convince the Iranian leadership that it is
in their country's best interest to abandon these policies.
Choosing a Protective Policy
The United States has a special responsibility to lead the world in
confronting states that persist in flouting international norms. To
contain Iran, we have employed the full panoply of political and
economic measures. By imposing an embargo, we have demonstrated to our
friends and allies that Iran's actions make it unacceptable to conduct
"business as usual." But while we continue to pursue every option
available to us to increase the cost to Iran of its unacceptable
activities, the costs we can impose by acting alone are limited. We
believe this effort to compel Iran to change its behavior deserves
multilateral support. Therefore, through diplomatic channels, we are
working aggressively to urge other governments to join us. We seize
every opportunity--in bilateral conversations and during multilateral
consultations--to make our point. Let me cite just a few of these
activities so you can appreciate the range of our efforts. They include
but are not limited to the following: phone calls from the President;
meetings with the Vice President; personal letters from Secretary
Christopher; visits to capitals by myself and Near East Assistant
Secretary Pelletreau; consultations by other cabinet officials including
Defense Secretary Perry, Energy Secretary O'Leary, and Commerce
Secretary Brown; and frequent exchanges between our ambassadors and
heads of state.
I can tell you, from my own experience, that these exchanges on Iran are
candid and detailed. Our persistence has paid off, however. When I began
having these conversations about Iran almost three years ago, my
interlocutors were still skeptical about the scope of Iranian
misbehavior and resistant even to including the subject of Iran on our
agenda. Today, because of the undeniable pattern of evidence we have
presented to them, most share our wary view of Iran's threatening
conduct. Nonetheless, our exchanges on the issue of tactics--how best to
bring about a change in this behavior--have intensified.
Having an Impact
To recap, we have reviewed why Iran's behavior is important to us and
what regional realities we must consider in our policy formulation. We
have identified which Iranian policies we find objectionable. To
convince Tehran to abandon these policies, we have focused our efforts
on limiting Iran's military capabilities and financial resources and
have taken both unilateral and multilateral action to achieve those
limits. Because of the attention and resources devoted to this issue, it
is now reasonable to consider the impact we are having.
Because of U.S. leadership, 28 nations have agreed to cooperate in
preventing Iran from acquiring armaments and sensitive dual-use goods
and technology for military end-uses. As these nations include most of
the world's major arms suppliers, this collective consensus should
dramatically limit Iran's future acquisitions.
In addition, most nuclear suppliers, including our major allies, have
assured us that they will not engage in nuclear cooperation with Iran.
For example, earlier this year in Halifax, Canadian Prime Minister
Chretien spoke on behalf of the G-7 nations, stating that:
"G-7 countries have adopted restrictive policies on nuclear cooperation
with Iran . . .out of our grave concern that such cooperation could be
misused by Iran toward a nuclear weapons program."
Russia and China remain exceptions to this consensus, although our
vigorous diplomacy has resulted in some modest limits on their nuclear
cooperation with Iran. However, we will not be satisfied until they stop
all nuclear cooperation with Iran, and we continue to discuss this issue
with Moscow and Beijing at the highest levels of government. We also
work closely with other supplier nations to limit Iran's access to goods
and technologies applicable to chemical or biological weapons programs.
Similarly, we seek to block transfers useful to Iran's ballistic missile
program. We have succeeded in gaining the cooperation of most
industrialized nations, and we are working to bring around those few
states that lack our commitment to denial.
Our efforts to block Iran's access to international finance have also
met with some important successes. Since the President announced the
embargo, no government has extended new official credit to Iran. Japan
continues to withhold development assistance to Iran. We continue to
successfully block aid to Iran from the World Bank and other
international financial institutions. Specific U.S. action also has hurt
Iran's economy. The embargo resulted in a dramatic devaluation of Iran's
currency, which is still aggravating Iran's inflation and impeding
commercial activity. By making Iran work harder to sell its oil, the
embargo has added operating costs and cut into the government's
available hard currency. Moreover, the effectiveness of our action has
been boosted by Iran's own economic mismanagement. The cumulative impact
of these factors is imposing strains on Iran's ability to meet its
external expenses, and we expect the situation to worsen next year when
the government's debt payments are scheduled to double.
While our allies share our concerns about Iranian behavior, they do not
share our conclusion that economic pressure is the most effective way to
change this behavior. They prefer a policy of dialogue. We point out to
them that their dialogue has not produced an improvement in Iran's
behavior. Yet they remain reluctant to take action, in part because it
would negatively affect the commercial interests of their businesses,
and in part because of an honest disagreement with us over whether or
not economic pressure will alter Iran's behavior. Still, I believe that
our constant diplomatic pressure on our international partners is
resulting in tangible measures that support U.S. policy. For example, it
is reasonable for us to expect that we can hold the line on stopping new
official credit, government aid, and investment in Iran.
Taking Additional Action
We have drawn some lessons from our regular discussions about Iran with
our G-7 partners and other nations. Building a coalition requires time
and determination. We believe our current approach of leading by example
and working cooperatively with allies needs to be given a real chance to
work.
We also know that Congress is now considering a proposal to sanction
foreign companies that sell equipment and technology to Iran's petroleum
industry. We share your desire to explore additional steps that increase
pressure on Iran. We, too, want to limit the development and
exploitation of Iran's oil and gas resources and obtain support from
foreign companies for our embargo. We have some concerns with the bill,
however, that we would want to work with you to address.
First, we must find a way to further our objectives that hurts Iran more
than it hurts America's broader interests. For example, we need to
ensure that any proposed sanctions do not just drive foreign firms to
cut off their business relations with U.S. companies in favor of Iran's
market. This would only jeopardize American jobs and exports without
restricting Iran's ability to acquire imports.
A second concern is whether we could administer such sanctions.
Accurately monitoring trade between Iran and the world's major foreign
suppliers would be very difficult, especially since we could not count
on trading nations to cooperate with us.
A final concern is that, whatever approach we and the Congress choose,
we not engender a spate of acrimonious international litigation with our
closest trading partners or fragment the increasingly effective
diplomatic coalition that we have successfully forged to counter
objectionable Iranian policies. We would also weigh carefully the
implications for our broader trading interests of adopting a secondary
boycott.
We would welcome the opportunity to consult with you in greater detail
about this legislation and to discuss the most appropriate timing for
any further action.
Conclusion
Our comprehensive efforts have checked Iran's military ambition and
frustrated its financial situation. We must maintain and strengthen
these efforts, but our vigilance is succeeding in protecting American
interests. We are working from a strong base to implement a responsible
policy. Because our policy is grounded in a thoughtful assessment of
regional and international realities, we are confident that we can deter
any Iranian threat. We depend on Congressional support for and
commitment to our efforts, and we look forward to continuing
consultations on this policy.
(###)
ARTICLE 8:
Marine Degradation From Land-Based Activities: A Global Concern
Vice President Gore
Remarks at the Ministerial Level Plenary Session of the UN Environmental
Program Inter-governmental Conference on the Protection of the Marine
Environment From Land-Based Activities, Washington, DC, November 1, 1995
Madam Executive Director, distinguished ministers, Your Excellencies,
ladies and gentlemen: Thank you for giving me the honor and opportunity
to address such a dedicated and distinguished gathering--and at such a
crucial moment for the world we share.
Thirty years ago, when President Lyndon Johnson signed a piece of
legislation which would be the precursor to this nation's Clean Water
Act, he said, "The banks of a river may belong to one man or one
industry or one State, but the waters which flow between the banks
should belong to all the people."
Johnson was talking about a domestic issue: What could we do here in the
United States to enhance public health and protect our rivers, our
lakes, and our streams? But his message that "the waters which flow
between the banks should belong to all the people," is exactly why we,
as an international community, are here today. Because, as you all know,
we have a common threat to a shared and precious resource: oceans
pollution caused by land-based activities.
As we are well aware, oceans cover 71% of the earth's surface. And more
than half of the world's population--close to 3 billion people--live
within just 60 kilometers of the shoreline. The marine environment is
the home to countless species of animals and plants. It is a constant
supplier of food--and not only for humans, but for much of the food
chain of most living beings. It is a vital part of our economies. Here
in the United States, for example, coastal areas provide for 28 million
jobs, and in many of your countries, the dependence on the coastal
environment is even greater. In short, and as Executive Director
Elizabeth Dowdeswell has said, oceans are indispensable in the
maintenance of life on earth. Our oceans' survival is our survival. If
they thrive, we can thrive.
That is why it is so disturbing to see that after thousands of years of
very little geological change, we are now beginning to witness profound
degradation of the marine environment. Algal blooms, for instance,
appear to be occurring more frequently and are showing up in the waters
where they have never been observed before. There was a bloom off the
coast of Guatemala in 1987 which poisoned almost 200 people, killing 26.
Here in the United States, in 1987-88, 740 dead dolphins washed up on
beaches in the most extensive such kill ever recorded. And a newly
discovered algae family-- dinoflagellate--may be the cause of
unexplained fish deaths that have occurred in the various regions of the
world over the past 20 years. They rest on an estuary floor, and when a
school of fish passes, they release toxins that disable their prey,
sometimes causing death.
Chances are, the presence of these blooms can be attributed to human
activity. In fact, over 80% of marine degradation can be traced to human
activities on land. When we speak of human activities, or land-based
activities, we are talking about source and non-point source pollution.
We are talking about toxic pollutants, metals and radionuclides,
sedimentation, and two of the most pressing issues of this conference--
which I understand you will be discussing today--sewage and persistent
organic pollutants, or POPS. Untreated and improperly managed sewage is
perhaps one of the most widespread problems affecting human health and
our environment.
Microbial contamination from sewage causes many human diseases,
including cholera and hepatitis A. In most Pacific Island countries,
microbiological contamination from sewage is the principal water-quality
problem, with nitrate and phosphate levels high enough to have
significant effects on coral reefs and to force closure of swimming
areas.
Likewise, we have seen a growing body of evidence demonstrate the severe
adverse environmental effects of certain chemical compounds. This
problem is one that all nations share in, not just because of the
dangerous consequences in areas close to their use and production, but
also because we have seen these compounds migrate far from their source.
It is time, once and for all, to stop viewing our terrestrial and marine
environments as two separate and isolated cycles. We must recognize and
address these systems as one. Our task here of adopting a global
program of action--the Washington Declaration--on the protection of the
marine environment from land-based activities is of the utmost
importance to the overall health of this planet. Unless we take action
now, increased human concentration in coastal areas will undoubtedly
result in even greater economic, social, and environmental loss.
We share the oceans. We share the waters that flow between the banks.
Now is the time to share in the solutions to all that threatens those
waters.
As recognized at the earth summit in Rio in 1992, the need to address
marine degradation from land-based activities is a global concern. Now,
some three years and several experts' meetings later, we find ourselves
with a very real opportunity to adopt the first global program--a
program that will lead to more sustainable interaction between mankind
and the world's oceans. How do we do it?
It is not a simple task, nor do we pretend it to be. It does not involve
a single policy, technology, or idea. It requires a comprehensive
approach which is multifaceted, balanced, and accessible. And although
it will very much be a global program, I think that many of the best
models for what we plan to do come from local and national efforts.
-- Efforts that are often small-scale and community-based, because,
without question, the sum of our individual actions will have--and
already has had--tremendous and direct impact.
-- Efforts that are efficient, because in a time of decreasing budgets,
we cannot afford waste.
-- Efforts that are technologically up-to-date. Technologies are
important to facilitate the exchange of information on a global scale of
"what works" when combating marine pollution. Truly, one of the greatest
challenges facing us today is the management of available information--
making sure that we can organize information so that it is readily
available, easy to access, up-to-date, and in a language that can be
understood by everyone.
The United States has been privileged to host the environmental
management and technology forum over the last two weeks. The
environmental technology exhibit featured over 40 exhibitors from the
public and private sectors--both domestic and international. They
gathered to share with you technologies which are predominantly low-
cost, low-tech, easily maintainable, and readily available to stem
marine degradation from land-based activities.
Finally, and perhaps most important, the way to achieve more sustainable
interaction between mankind and the world's oceans is by modeling our
attempts after local and national efforts that embody true partnership.
We will only be successful if we work together--both the public and the
private sector--from the elected official to the business owner to the
involved citizen.
I understand that last weekend's field trips offered an opportunity for
you to witness first-hand how the United States attempts to manage one
of our nation's most prized natural resources: the watershed of the
Chesapeake Bay. With topics ranging from research vessel tours to marine
debris clean-up programs, from habitat restoration to non-point source
pollution management practices, we hope that you were able to share in
our experiences and that it sparked ideas about solutions that may be
implemented in your countries.
Not too long ago, garbage floated in the Chesapeake Bay. Today, it is
one of the great environmental success stories in this country. What
changed? Government and citizens stood as one and said it's time to
clean this place up. And as President Clinton said when we stood on the
shores of the Chesapeake on Earth Day, "The beauty you see is God-given,
but it was defended and rescued by human beings." I believe the same
fate awaits our oceans--that their beauty is a gift from God, but they
will forever be defended by those who put responsible stewardship over
carelessness and destruction.
I am confident about this, because the Chesapeake isn't our only success
story. Take Long Island, New York, for example. There, they have what
they call the "Long Island Sound License Plate Program." It's really
quite simple.
They sell vanity plates--those are the license plates where you can
register your own name or message. Mine, for instance, might read "U.S.-
VEEP" or, perhaps, what a political opponent once called me in reference
to my concern for environmental issues: "OZONE MAN"--a title I wear with
honor.
What is important here is that the money from these vanity plates goes
to promoting environmental projects, conservation management, and
habitat restoration. It's simple, it's small-scale and inexpensive, it's
efficient, and it's working.
In the city of Houghton, Michigan, the waterfront was literally
abandoned by an industry that closed shop. The consequences could have
been devastating to the economy. Instead, the federal government worked
in partnership with state and local governments--and with the community-
-and revitalized the area. Now there is a new marina, a boat launch, and
public access for recreation--not to mention 2,500 new jobs. Houghton
was even named recently as one of this country's top 100 small towns to
live in.
Of course, I mention these communities with pride--and a bit of bias.
But when it comes to environmental success stories--stories about
protecting the marine environment--the United States isn't alone--not by
a long shot
Ecuador is a great example of successful community-based management of
coastal resources. An estuary was becoming polluted because of competing
and conflicting interests--those from agriculture, the banana industry,
fishing, shrimping, mining, and municipal industry. So they did two
things. First, they issued a presidential decree which recognized the
importance of coastal resources. Second, with the help of USAID--because
developed countries need to support the efforts of developing countries
in protecting shared resources--they initiated a wide range of
community-based activities.
On Ferguson Island, Papua New Guinea, local villagers set up a
management committee in response to the concern many felt over
uncontrollable hunting that was resulting in the scarcity of species
like crocodiles. The committee banned all but traditional methods of
hunting crocodiles and the collection of their eggs. Other committees
have been formed to address the use of commercially manufactured nets,
lights, and poisons for fishing.
In the Philippines, where over-exploitation of that country's coral
reefs has become too common, we have seen similar community-based
approaches. Marine management committees, established by local
villagers, have established marine reserves, including a fishery
breeding sanctuary and a surrounding buffer area for ecologically
sustainable fishing. Also, fishing methods that use dynamite and very
small mesh gill nets--biomass fishing--have been halted. The result has
been an increase in species diversity, a greater total fish yield, and
sustainable economic growth.
Let me cite one more example--the coral reefs off Thailand, in Phuket
Bay. Because of tourism and fishing, the coral reefs are vital to
Thailand's economy.
Worldwide, coral reefs are widely recognized as one of the world's
"essential life support systems." But, as we all know, they are in grave
danger. Some sources estimate that 10% of all reefs have been degraded
beyond recovery and that 20% to 30% may be lost--primarily due to human
activity--by the year 2010.
After the earth summit in 1992, the United States--along with Japan,
Australia, Jamaica, France, the United Kingdom, the Philippines, and
Sweden--embraced a major initiative to protect coral reefs in
partnership with non-governmental organizations, development banks, the
private sector, and other coral reef nations such as Thailand. The
International Coral Reef Initiative is not a treaty, a body of
cumbersome regulations, or a bureaucracy. It is a framework for
interested parties--public and private--to work together to tackle a
common, shared problem before it gets out of hand.
For Thailand, that has meant an extensive campaign for public education
which has taught the people of Thailand to give the highest importance
to investing in their own resources. This, in turn, has meant the
development of a series of small-scale projects which have brought
concrete results.
We must continue to be creative in finding innovative ways to meet the
enormous challenge of protecting the world's oceans from our actions on
land. We must also be creative in tackling the issue of institutional
reform, for it offers us the potential to critically examine how we
address global environmental challenges.
Mahatma Gandhi once said we must become the change we wish to see in the
world. If we want to see a cleaner environment in this world, we must
all actively participate in cleaning it up. And even more, we must
continue to educate others about the challenges ahead. As we have seen
from negotiating the draft global program of action, formulating
solutions to global environmental threats is a very large task--one
inhibited by large and competing bureaucracies and which may place
individual interests over the good of the whole.
Are there ways to reform how we approach sustainable solutions to our
global environmental concerns? Can we simplify the task of formulating
global actions to protect the planet from further degradation? There
are, and we must.
Last week when leaders from around the world came to New York to
celebrate the 50th anniversary of the United Nations, you heard a
constant theme, that it is time to reinvent, to modernize, to
restructure. I would echo that theme today as you continue to work on
this very important declaration. But remember that the reason for having
a United Nations at all still remains the same. The very first paragraph
of the UN Charter ends with the words: "to promote social progress and
better standards of life in larger freedom." When it was drafted,
perhaps they didn't have the environment in mind. They were looking for
a way to prevent wars.
Make no mistake; there is a war being waged on our coastal environment
and natural resources. And it is being waged by mankind. But the fact
that so much of this war is being waged by mankind means that it can,
indeed, be stopped. We have the know-how, we have the technology, and
we have the desire. We must look toward the future with the hope that
through cooperation and reform, a revitalized international system can
assure that our children and our children's children inherit a planet
that is healthier than it is today.
On Friday, let's adopt a global program of action that is effective,
affordable, and sustainable. We must face the reality that we are all
accountable for our own actions--that the way in which we live today
affects the way in which we live tomorrow, and that the resources that
sustain us this very moment are finite. The oceans of this world are
interdependent, and thus the impacts of land-based activities by one
country affect us all. The water that flows between the bank does belong
to us all. The only way to stop the degradation of the marine
environment from land-based activities is to share the solutions, just
as we share the oceans.
Promoting social progress and better standards of life in larger
freedom is still our task. And through your work--and the work of
millions across the world--it will be our accomplishment.
(###)
ARTICLE 9:
American Fishermen To Be Reimbursed for Canadian "Transit Fee"
Released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, DC, November 21,
1995.
Congress has authorized reimbursement payments to U.S. fishermen who in
June and July of 1994 were forced by Canada to pay a "transit fee" to
traverse the "Inside Passage" between Vancouver Island and the British
Columbia mainland, while traveling between Washington State and Alaska.
Under the Fisheries Act of 1995, these fishermen have until February 1,
1996, to file a claim for the reimbursement. Claims for reimbursement
for any transit fees paid to the Government of Canada to permit transit
of the vessel and crew through the Inside Passage in June and July 1994
should be submitted to:
Program Administrator, Fishermen's Protective Act
U.S. Department of State
OES/OMC, Room 7820
Washington, DC 20520-7818
A typical claim should consist of the following documents:
-- An affidavit from the claimant stating the facts which led to the fee
payment and indicating that it was paid under protest.
-- Documents (ex.: photocopy of the photograph page from a valid U.S.
passport) establishing that the master of the vessel at the time of the
seizure was a U.S. citizen.
-- Photocopies of U.S. Coast Guard vessel documentation establishing
that the vessel was of U.S. registry at the time of the seizure.
-- Documentation of the ownership of the vessel (ex.: certificate of
incorporation).
-- Receipts and copies of other relevant legal documents related to
the payment of the transit fee "under protest" to the Government of
Canada.
-- Full name and address where reimbursement should be sent. The
Department of State will review each claim to ensure that the
circumstances under which the vessel paid the fee meet the criteria set
forth in the Act, and to ensure that only appropriate costs are
reimbursed. Accepted claims will be reimbursed via U.S. Department of
the Treasury check. Claimants have 90 days from November 3, 1995, in
which to submit their claims. Therefore, all claims must be postmarked
by 12:00 p.m. midnight PMT, February 1, 1996. More information and a
sample affidavit letter are available from the Department of State's
Home Page on the World Wide Web beginning November 22 at:
http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/dosfan.html
For further questions, please call (202) 647-3941.
Fishermen may wish to use the following sample affidavit, with other
supporting documentation, as a guide when making claim for a
reimbursement of the "transit fee."
[Box item]
Sample Affidavit
Date: / / (mo/day/yr)
To: Program Administrator, Fishermen's Protective Act
U.S. Department of State
OES/OMC Room 7820
Washington, DC 20520-7818
I, (your name) of (your residence)
certify that I paid a fee of $1,500 Canadian dollars
to Canadian Government authorities for a license to transit selected
Canadian Pacific Coast waterways. I further certify that I paid this fee
under protest.
The fee was paid at o'clock am/pm on the day of ,
1994 at (town/location) , British Columbia, Canada. The fee
was paid while I was transiting from (home port)
in the state of to (destination)
in the state of , both of which are territories of the
United States of America. I am the owner and/or master of the vessel
which is registered with the U.S. Coast Guard under U.S. Documentation
Number . I am engaged in the (type of fishery) fishery
with this vessel.
I request that my reimbursement check be sent to me at the following
address:
full name:
street address/p.o. box:
city:
state:
ZIP Code:
Signed:
(print name)
(signature and date)
[End box]
(###)
ARTICLE 10:
U.S. Policy To Combat International Narcotics Trafficking and
International Crime
Robert S. Gelbard, Assistant Secretary for International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement Affairs
Statement before the House International Relations Committee,
Washington, DC, October 31, 1995
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee: Thank you for this
opportunity to update you on the Administration's policy and programs to
combat international narcotics and the growing trans-national crime
problem. Few American leaders have worked as arduously over the years as
Chairman Gilman to keep this important public policy topic in the
forefront of our minds. We all firmly support efforts aimed at thwarting
these devastating influences. So, we might ask, what is different now?
Undeniably, our world has changed and so have the dangers that confront
us. In the post-Cold War era, we recognize that international crime is a
major threat to world stability and our own national security. More than
ever before, the American people and American leaders are insisting upon
practical measures to combat it.
Mr. Chairman, I have been associated with these difficult challenges in
one capacity or another for over a decade, and I have been directly
responsible for them in the foreign policy arena for nearly two years.
This experience has taught me that there are no easy solutions to these
problems. It has also taught me that if we are going to invest American
money, effort, and prestige in fighting them, we have an obligation to
produce concrete results. Over the past two years, we have made a
heightened commitment to doing this, and we are succeeding. Simply put,
we are making other countries shoulder more of their responsibility for
fighting the global threats of narcotics trafficking and international
organized crime. We are also ensuring that worldwide programs and
policies target the most critical, the most significant aspects of these
threats.
Countries today are taking truly pragmatic steps to combat criminal
elements that undermine the many positive gains we are witnessing around
the world. Nowhere was this more evident than at the 50th anniversary
proceedings of the United Nations in New York just 10 days ago. Many
nations stood up and pledged fresh resolve to work together against
transnational crime, which has devolved into our common enemy.
As he called upon nations to meet the growing dangers posed by
international organized crime, the President announced a series of major
U.S. initiatives against the criminal underworld. Taken as a whole, they
are practical steps aimed at solidifying recent successes and
strengthening the foundation of our international crime and drug control
efforts. As the President put it,
"In our global village, progress can spread quickly, but trouble can,
too. Trouble on the far end of town soon becomes a plague on everyone's
house . . . Nowhere is cooperation more vital than in fighting the
increasingly interconnected groups that traffic in terror, organized
crime, and drug smuggling."
Responding to the Narcotics Threat
My bureau in the Department of State now includes responsibility for
international law enforcement and crime initiatives, but I would like
first to focus on our traditional overseas drug control programs where a
large share of our funding is dedicated.
The President's National Drug Control Strategy represents a flexible and
integrated response. It involves demand reduction and drug awareness at
home, law enforcement and interdiction at home and abroad, and a variety
of law enforcement, diplomatic, and alternative development initiatives
designed to get other countries to take more aggressive actions on their
own. In relative terms, the funding we have for overseas programs aimed
at attacking cocaine and heroin is very limited. Our counternarcotics
budget in FY 1995 was less than 1% of the Federal Government's overall
anti-drug spending that year. This means that every penny counts. It
means that the pressures and incentives we apply must be carefully
orchestrated to achieve maximum effect. It also means that we must work
to convince countries that confronting the threat ultimately serves
their own national interest. The key elements of our overseas strategy
seek to:
-- Reduce coca cultivation in the Andes, with the ultimate aim of
eliminating coca and dismantling the global trafficking networks based
in Colombia and elsewhere.
-- Disrupt the transshipment of drugs, especially through Mexico,
Brazil, Central America, and the Caribbean.
-- Work through international organizations and with our European and
Asian allies and other key countries to prevent criminals from
laundering trafficking proceeds through legitimate or sophisticated
underground financial systems.
-- Disrupt cultivation and trafficking of opium poppy in Southeast and
Southwest Asia, to the extent possible, given the difficult political
and security situations such as in Burma, Afghanistan, or Iran.
-- Stop the spread and eventually roll back the global trafficking
networks that got their start in Nigeria and now have spread their
tentacles throughout Africa and beyond.
With regard to cocaine, the centerpiece of our program lies in the
source countries that grow coca and the international organizations that
control most cocaine processing and worldwide distribution. The crops
and organizations are daunting targets, but the price that countries pay
for not confronting them is high. Drug money and corruption and violence
destroy democratic institutions and their leaders. The drug economy
undermines economic stability in developing nations and drug use sickens
and kills their people.
The focus of our coca crop reduction and trafficking efforts is in Peru,
Bolivia, and Colombia, where virtually all the cocaine manufacturing and
global export has its source. In the Andes as well as the transit zone,
we are supporting law enforcement operations aimed at seizing drugs and
evidence, thwarting money laundering, and disrupting transportation
elements of Colombia-based and other major syndicates. Central to the
effort, we believe, is helping to strengthen the institutional base for
effective law enforcement in these countries by helping them enact good
drug control laws and by strengthening their police and judicial
capabilities. We provide training, technical, and material assistance to
countries that demonstrate they are serious about narcotics control. And
to continue receiving our help, they are expected to achieve results.
Keeping Up the Momentum
Our diplomatic efforts and programs are producing significant
achievements on all supply reduction fronts: crop control, interdiction,
and criminal investigations. These are gains against core targets, and--
if supported and sustained with resources and commitment--they will
produce lasting progress. Let me highlight a few gains.
One of the most outstanding accomplishments of the past year has been a
two-pronged attack on air smuggling operations from South America to the
United States. It begins with the disruption of drug smuggling flights
between Peru and Colombia, known as the "airbridge," followed by the
thwarting of jet cargo flights delivering multi-tons of cocaine into
Mexico from Colombia and elsewhere.
The "airbridge" was once a simple, cheap, and unfettered smuggling
operation in which traffickers flew raw coca materials from central Peru
to cocaine processing labs throughout Colombia. We took a series of
steps to help security forces in both countries-- including the
development of and support for policies consistent with international
law--to force down drug smuggling aircraft. And now this critical route
has been cut. Deterred by the pressure, traffickers are increasingly
reluctant to close deals. Those who do are now forced to find alternate,
longer, more expensive, and less certain routes through Brazil and
elsewhere. The adverse consequences to the trade are evident: Coca
prices at the farmgate in Peru are falling, operating costs in Colombia
are increasing--profits at both ends are being squeezed. In Peru, we are
working to translate lower coca prices into intensified crop control
efforts.
We also are countering traffickers' efforts to smuggle multi-ton loads
of cocaine to the United States from Colombia via Boeing 727-type jet
cargo aircraft--a tactic adopted by traffickers to evade interdiction,
cut costs, and recoup losses. We became aware in mid-1994 that key Cali-
based traffickers were successfully sending 5-10 tons of cocaine at a
time to Mexico--so-called "carga" flights--en route to the U.S., via
Colombia's international airports. In response to this threat, we
immediately joined forces with Colombia and Mexico to develop
intelligence collection and interdiction strategies designed to deny
traffickers this profitable transshipment alternative. We beefed up our
detection and monitoring assets, Colombia took greater control of its
commercial airstrips, pulled operating licenses of suspect air cargo
companies, and seized and grounded a large number of aircraft, while
Mexico enhanced its response forces. This unprecedented multilateral
response shut down the Cali-directed "carga" flights and significantly
upped the stakes for other traffickers tempted to invest in multi-ton
cargo flights of cocaine.
In other developments:
-- Colombian law enforcement authorities are apprehending the world's
most wanted criminals--the Cali cartel kingpins--and preparing to
prosecute them.
-- Eradication operations in Colombia, Venezuela, and Bolivia are
destroying thousands of hectares of coca and opium poppies.
-- Thailand has arrested 10 key international heroin traffickers and is
processing U.S. requests for their extradition.
None of these efforts, however, has yet broken the back of the trade.
Indeed, worldwide drug use remains so large and the profits so great,
that the traffickers' response is to find alternate routes and methods
rather than quit. And as the pressure mounts, I am certain they will
also fight it with intensified efforts to corrupt or intimidate senior
counternarcotics officials abroad. It is, therefore, imperative that we
keep up the pressure and sustain the momentum to consolidate our gains
and confront the new and continuing challenges we face.
U.S. Narcotics Certification
The Foreign Assistance Act requires that each year the President
identify the major drug-producing and drug transit countries and
determine whether they have fully cooperated with the U.S. or taken
adequate steps on their own in narcotics control. The U.S. must cut off
most foreign assistance to those countries that are not certified and
vote against their request for loans from six multilateral development
banks. For countries found not to be fully cooperating or taking
adequate steps on their own, the President may grant a national interest
certification if the vital interests of the U.S. require continued
provision of foreign assistance.
In the last two years, we have used certification as one of the most
powerful and cost-effective tools in our counternarcotics arsenal. This
year, the President expanded the majors list to 29 countries, denied
certification to five countries, and granted national interest
certifications to six others. There were no "rubber stamp" approvals.
Indeed, our frank appraisals meant denial of full certification for some
countries with which we have enjoyed strong bilateral relationships. We
are gearing up now for the next certification cycle, a process that
involves possible modifications to the majors list and fresh
assessments. Let there be no mistake: Countries care about where they
stand, and their concrete performance--in the Andes as well as Asia and
elsewhere--may be substantially linked to narcotics certification.
The President's national interest certification in 1995 shocked
Colombia, and a campaign launched by the police soon thereafter rounded
up and put into pretrial detention many of the major Cali cartel
players. Six of Colombia's major dealers are in jail and there is
continuing pressure to apprehend and arrest the "successor" generation.
National interest certification of Bolivia sparked the government to
eradicate more coca in three months than it had in the entire previous
year. Bolivia still has a long way to go to meet its self-imposed
eradication goal of 5,400 hectares of coca by the end of the year, but
its government understands that effective eradication efforts are a
criterion for full certification. Failure to eradicate in Peru--the
world's largest producer of coca leaf-- also precluded a full
certification resulting in a national interest certification for that
country. While Peru has adopted a national drug strategy, we continue to
press the Fujimori Government to take concrete steps to reduce its coca
crop.
Our certification message has also been clear to Mexico: Programs to
eradicate opium poppy and marijuana are well ahead of last year's pace.
Moreover, at home and in Washington, President Zedillo has proclaimed
his intention to thwart trafficking and make corrupt officials
accountable. He is also moving to revamp security forces and expand the
military's counternarcotics role. At the same time, we are concerned
about increasingly sophisticated Mexican trafficking networks. We know
that Colombian traffickers are operating in Mexico and Mexican
traffickers are getting a greater share of the illicit drug trade
destined for the U.S. More ominously, the September seizure by Peruvian
police of more than four tons of cocaine from a Bolivian cargo plane
destined for Mexico signaled a growing capability to bypass entirely the
Colombian middlemen
I can assure you that we will again use the certification process to
persuade key drug-related countries to meet the most important
counternarcotics goals. The pattern is clear: We will recognize and
reward those countries that respond positively, but we will not accept
piecemeal, misdirected, or last-minute efforts.
The Heroin Challenge
Turning to heroin, while there have been some advances, I must candidly
say that the U.S. today faces a worldwide heroin threat of unprecedented
magnitude. Purity levels are up, production has more than doubled in the
past decade, it is spreading, and it is increasingly occurring beyond
the effective reach of the U.S. and of central governments where it is
produced. Moreover, trafficking networks are proliferating and new
markets and sources have created an increasingly complex web of routes
and organizations that span every continent. We are beginning to feel
the repercussions in terms of greater domestic heroin addiction.
These are grim trends, but there are some areas of progress. Today, as
opposed to the past, Thailand is--in large part because of U.S.
assistance-- a marginal heroin producer. And in Pakistan, although other
factors warranted granting it only a national interest certification,
illicit opium production was down in 1994 to only 160 tons as compared
to 800 tons in 1978. Eradication in Pakistan is directly attributable to
the government's commitment, with U.S. funding, to reduce the poppy
crop.
Our comprehensive review of the international heroin control policy has
shown that a number of practical steps are available to us:
-- We can implement effective programs if we have an opportunity and the
resources to work with committed governments. Intensified law
enforcement operations--like last year's Operation Tiger Trap in
Thailand, which identified, located, and apprehended key members of a
major trafficking network--are an especially high priority.
-- We must keep our efforts focused on the most critical, and not the
easiest, parts of the trade.
-- We must be committed to a sustained effort--fundamental progress
requires time. In this regard, we underscore the importance of regional
and multilateral cooperation, especially in such trouble spots as
Afghanistan and Central Asia.
We know that the key today to opium control is Burma, the world's
largest producer and contributor to a staggering 60% of the heroin that
comes to American shores. We rightly suspended drug control assistance
in 1988 following the Burmese military's brutal suppression of the pro-
democracy movement. But as Burmese heroin continues to flow into the
U.S., we must search for new ways to attack the problem. As we have said
many times, we will not, under any circumstances, undercut our democracy
and human rights goals in Burma in the face of the brutal SLORC--the
State Law and Order Restoration Council. But we believe a vigorous
counternarcotics policy is not incompatible with a democracy and human
rights policy. In the long run, an accountable Burmese Government that
enjoys legitimacy in opium-growing areas will be more willing and able
to crack down on the drug trade.
Our strategy has four elements:
First, we want to continue our in-country training program for carefully
vetted Burmese officials.
Second, we want to continue our exchange of law enforcement information
to support Burmese counternarcotics operations, especially against the
dominant heroin trafficking organization, the Shan United Army and its
leader Khun Sa.
Third, absent a major setback in human rights, we want to increase
support for regional alternative development projects administered by
the UN Drug Control Program--UNDCP--with the objective of reducing and
preventing opium cultivation in ethnically controlled areas of Burma. We
believe such assistance serves a positive human rights goal; we would
insist also that the UN condition assistance on the requirement that
poppy cultivation be reduced in the project areas.
Finally, we will continue to encourage Burma's neighbors-- particularly
China and Thailand--to work closely with us to increase their pressure
on the Burmese regime to intensify counternarcotics efforts.
The Crime Initiative
In recent years, we have seen an evolution in the crime and narcotics
field. In today's world, drug trafficking is not a discrete problem to
be challenged in a vacuum. It is part of the overarching problem of
transnational crime, which is not simply a law enforcement matter. As
the President and others have stated so clearly, crime is a threat to
our national security. Perforce, then, domestic policy, foreign policy,
and global policy are intertwined concerns.
The world has changed and our foreign policy thinking must change with
it. There are fundamental issues that transcend bilateral relationships.
Governments frequently regard the issues of narcotics and crime as
internal--not foreign policy issues. They resist external pressure as
inappropriate intervention into internal affairs. Sometimes they do so
out of sincerely held beliefs; sometimes they are corrupted. To respond
through traditional means in the years ahead will not be sufficient. As
the UN Secretary General put it, "globalization will generate an array
of problems" and with them "transnational criminal activity will grow."
The Decision Directive on International Crime, which the President
announced at the UN on October 22, outlines the Administration's policy
framework for combating this growing threat to our national security.
Key to this framework are the Executive Order under the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act--IEEPA--aimed at undermining major
narcotics traffickers centered in Colombia and a money-laundering-
initiative, which will go after the profits of these criminals. At the
UN, the President asked members to take similar measures in their own
countries and work with us to develop effective bilateral and
multilateral cooperation and mechanisms, including accession to a number
of existing international agreements.
The Executive Order under IEEPA--which focuses on the Cali cartel--
blocks the assets of specified traffickers, their front companies, and
individuals acting on their behalf. Moreover, it prohibits U.S. persons
from commercial and financial dealings with them. The companion
initiative instructs the Secretaries of State and Treasury and the
Attorney General to identify the nations which are most egregious in
facilitating criminal money laundering and press them to enter into
bilateral or multilateral arrangements to conform to international
standards against money laundering. Such standards, in fact, have been
established by the 28-member Financial Action Task Force.
On the legislative side, the President also instructed the
Administration to prepare a comprehensive legislative package to enable
law enforcement authorities to better investigate and prosecute
international criminals. The Administration will also seek appropriate
authorities for U.S. agencies to provide additional training and other
assistance to friendly governments to help in their own efforts to
combat international crime. Finally, the President called for the
negotiation of an international Declaration on Citizens Security and
Combating International Organized Crime. This declaration would also
call on participants to focus on the nexus of issues related to crime
and narcotics such as terrorism and the illegal trafficking of arms and
deadly materials.
The President's crime initiative builds on programs already under way.
In my bureau, we are involved in the coordination of international
policy and foreign assistance aimed at helping other nations to combat
the full range of international organized crimes that threaten the
United States. We participate with the FBI, DEA, Justice, Customs, Coast
Guard, DoD, Treasury, and others in the coordination of policy on
international crime. This process ensures that overseas law enforcement
policy and programs complement each other and address the highest
priority needs in recipient countries--from modernizing old guard police
forces to helping fledgling agencies deal with modern financial crimes.
In the last year, the Administration has:
-- Created the Budapest training academy with the FBI and other Justice
and Treasury agencies which is now supporting rapid law enforcement
reform in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union;
-- Coordinated the National Crime Bureau initiative with U.S. embassies
to suppress the trade in millions of stolen American cars smuggled to
Central America; and
-- Invested in training and technical assistance programs of the
Financial Action Task Force and the Secret Service to meet the threat
posed to the international financial system by criminal groups.
Conclusion
Mr. Chairman, the President's public position on narcotics and crime is
bold and his fresh initiatives are practical. His objectives are shared
around the world and are now an integral part of our bilateral and
multilateral relationships and endeavors. Transnational criminal
elements that undermine our values, threaten our security, and attack
the fabric of our society are on the defensive. We and the international
community will not tolerate business as usual.
As we go about our work, I want to reiterate our continuing appreciation
for the support from this committee and many others in the Congress who
are wholeheartedly committed to confronting the international scourge of
drugs and crime. Over the years, too, your help in ensuring that we get
the money we need to get the job done has been essential. But also
important--especially in this era of tight budgets and diminishing
resources--is the unswerving moral support you have given us in the
public arena as we work against these serious problems that directly
affect the health and well-being of all Americans.
We know that the vast majority of American people consider illegal drugs
and crime to be top national and foreign policy priorities. For these
Americans, the facts are obvious: Crime degrades all that we hold dear.
We must build now on the momentum we have achieved. In President
Clinton's words, we must confront the forces that "jeopardize the global
trend toward peace and freedom, undermine fragile new democracies, sap
the strength from developing countries, and threaten our efforts to
build a safer, more prosperous world."
(###)
ARTICLE 11:
Joint Communique of the 27th R.O.K.-U.S. Security Consultative Meeting
Text of communique released following meeting, Seoul, South Korea,
November 3, 1995.
1. The 27th Security Consultative Meeting (SCM) between the Republic of
Korea (R.O.K.) and the United States of America (U.S.) was held in
Seoul, Korea on November 2-3, 1995. R.O.K. Minister of National Defense
Lee Yang Ho and U.S. Secretary of Defense William J. Perry led their
respective delegations, which included senior defense and foreign
affairs officials. Prior to the SCM, the Chairmen of the respective
Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Kim Dong Jin and General John M.
Shalikashvili, presided over the 17th R.O.K.-U.S. Military Committee
Meeting (MCM) on November 2, 1995. During his stay in Seoul, Secretary
Perry paid a courtesy call on President Kim Young Sam and exchanged
views on security issues of mutual concern.
2. Minister Lee and Secretary Perry reviewed the international situation
and overall strategic environment on the Korean peninsula. They
reaffirmed the view that the security of the Korean peninsula is
essential to the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region,
which in turn is vital to the security of the United States and to world
peace. They noted that U.S. forces in Korea have made and continue to
make a significant contribution to the deterrence of war on the Korean
peninsula and to the stability of the Northeast Asian region. They also
agreed that the R.O.K.-U.S. long-term security relationship should
continue to be developed in a mutually beneficial way.
3. Both ministers agreed that the full implementation of the Agreed
Framework of October 21, 1994 would greatly enhance regional stability.
They called upon North Korea to come into full compliance with its
obligations under the NPT and its IAEA safeguards agreement, in order to
ensure transparency of past, present, and future nuclear activities of
North Korea, as required by the Agreed Framework. They affirmed that the
Republic of Korea and the United States would continue to work together
to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. They further agreed that a
conventional arms control program and other confidence-building measures
between the South and the North could reduce tension and contribute to
mitigating confrontation on the Korean peninsula. Both ministers urged
North Korea to comply with its international obligations and engage
sincerely with the R.O.K. and U.S. to enhance regional stability. They
stated that the hope for progress must be tempered by R.O.K.-U.S.
combined resolve to watch closely and verify North Korea's
implementation of international commitments.
4. Minister Lee and Secretary Perry also expressed serious concern that
North Korea continues to build up conventional offensive forces and
improve missile development programs. They agreed that these
capabilities represent a threat to R.O.K. and U.S. national interests
and objectives on the peninsula and in Northeast Asia as a whole.
5. Both ministers agreed that the R.O.K.-U.S. security alliance remains
strong and is focused on deterring the outbreak of war on the Korean
peninsula. They stressed that R.O.K.-U.S. military forces in Korea are a
combined defensive force characterized by readiness, professionalism,
discipline, vigilance, and high morale. They expressed satisfaction with
the prudent improvements in defense plans and warfighting strategy,
tactics, and support procedures that both sides have made. Secretary
Perry reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to continue to modernize U.S.
forces in Korea and to render prompt and effective assistance to repel
any armed attack against the R.O.K., in accordance with the R.O.K.-U.S.
Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954, and to provide a nuclear umbrella for the
R.O.K. Minister Lee reconfirmed that the transition of the R.O.K. to a
leading role in the defense of the Korean peninsula would continue and
that the R.O.K. would continue a robust Force Improvement Program. Both
ministers were pleased that the recent transfer of peacetime operational
control of select R.O.K. forces to the R.O.K. Government was highly
successful. They also shared the view that combined military exercises
held in 1995 have contributed significantly to deterrence and combined
readiness.
6. The two Ministers emphasized that the peace and security of the
Korean peninsula should be established through direct dialogue between
South and North Korea. They also reemphasized that the "Joint
Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula" should be
implemented and urged that inter-Korean dialogue and cooperative
measures should resume on the basis of the "Agreement on Reconciliation,
Non-aggression, and Exchanges and Cooperation Between the South and
North" (the South-North Basic Agreement) of 1992. Further, they agreed
that the Military Armistice Agreement of 1953 remains valid until
superseded by a permanent peace arrangement through direct negotiations
between South and North Korea.
7. The two delegations discussed cost-sharing issues associated with the
combined defense of the Republic of Korea. They noted with satisfaction
that agreement in principle has been reached on a new cost-sharing
accord. Under the terms of this agreement, the Government of the
Republic of Korea will increase its cost-sharing contribution by 10%
annually for the next three years. This will result in a contribution of
U.S. $330 million by the R.O.K. Government in 1996. Secretary Perry
acknowledged the R.O.K. Government's significant contribution to the
maintenance of U.S. forces in Korea, which is essential to combined
R.O.K.-U.S. defense capabilities.
8. Minister Lee and Secretary Perry agreed that the Subcommittees of the
SCM, the Policy Review Subcommittee and the Logistics, Security, and
Defense Technology and Industrial Cooperation Committees, contributed
greatly to the success of the SCM. They agreed that R.O.K.-U.S.
logistics, defense industry, and technology cooperation, including
joint research and development projects, should be developed in a
mutually beneficial manner.
9. The two delegations agreed that the 27th SCM and the 17th MCM were an
excellent opportunity to further solidify the R.O.K.-U.S. alliance and
consider issues dealing with future security cooperation. The Minister
and the Secretary agreed to maintain their close consultations and to
hold the next SCM at a mutually convenient time in 1996 in Washington,
D.C.
10. Secretary Perry expressed his appreciation to Minister Lee and the
R.O.K. delegation for their warm welcome, gracious hospitality, and the
excellent arrangements that made this meeting successful.
(###)
END OF DISPATCH VOLUME 6, NUMBER 46.
(###)
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