US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH 
VOLUME 6, NUMBER 40, OCTOBER 2, 1995 
BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE: 
 
1. The United Nations: The Momentum For Reform Must Accelerate--
Secretary Christopher  
2.Success of the NATO Air Campaign in Bosnia--President Clinton 
3. Meetings With Foreign Ministers: Former Yugoslavia and Russia--
Secretary Christopher 
4. U.S.-Ireland Relations: Working Together To Promote Peace--Secretary 
Christopher  
5. Meetings With Foreign Ministers and Heads Of Delegations: The Asia-
Pacific Region--Secretary Christopher, Joint Announcement  
 
 
 
ARTICLE  1 
 
The United Nations: The Momentum For Reform Must Accelerate 
Secretary Christopher 
Address at the 50th session of the UN General Assembly, New York, NY, 
September 25, 1995 
 
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, excellencies, distinguished 
guests: It is a privilege to speak to you today on behalf of the United 
States. A half-century ago, the General Assembly first met in New York--
across the river in a converted skating rink at Flushing Meadows. In 
those modest surroundings, our predecessors began to put into place an 
ambitious framework they hoped would keep the peace as successfully as 
they had prosecuted the war. 
 
In the years since, the United Nations has helped to bring peace, 
prosperity, and hope to countless people around the world. Technological 
change has brought nations closer together than the UN's founders could 
possibly have foreseen. The United Nations itself has been challenged in 
unforeseen ways. It has had to manage complex humanitarian emergencies, 
from civil wars to the mass movement of refugees to health epidemics. 
This evolution has placed great strains on the organization and revealed 
the necessity for far-reaching change in how it is run. 
 
The Clinton Administration has vigorously made the case to our Congress 
and our people for continued American leadership at the UN. The United 
States made a commitment to the UN Charter 50 years ago. We are 
determined to keep our commitment, including our financial obligations. 
 
We will always remember that for millions of people around the world, 
the UN is far from a faceless institution: It is, as Harry Truman once 
said, "a case of food or a box of school books; it is a doctor who 
vaccinates their children;   it is an expert who shows them how to raise 
more rice, or more wheat." To millions more, it is the difference be- 
tween peace and war. 
 
Economic and social development, as well as protection of human rights, 
remain central to the UN's mission. But the UN must change to meet these 
needs more effectively. When money is wasted in New York, Geneva, or 
Vienna, and when time is lost to bureaucratic inertia, the people who 
pay the price are those most vulnerable to famine, disease, and 
violence. 
 
It is time to recognize that the UN must direct its limited resources to 
the world's highest priorities, focusing on the tasks that it performs 
best. The UN's bureaucracy should be smaller, with a clear 
organizational structure and sharp lines of responsibility. Each program 
must be held to a simple standard--that is, it must make a tangible 
contribution to the freedom, security, and well-being of real people in 
the real world. 
 
In the last two years, under the leadership of Secretary General 
Boutros-Ghali, the groundwork for substantial change has been laid. The 
UN has an office with the functions of an inspector general and a 
mandate to crack down on waste and fraud. Under Secretary General Joe 
Connor has embarked on an aggressive campaign to improve the UN's 
management culture, and we fully support his work. The UN Secretariat 
has moved in the right direction by submitting a budget that begins to 
restrain spending. Now the momentum for reform must accelerate. Let me 
propose a concrete agenda. 
 
First, we must end UN programs that have achieved their purpose, and 
consolidate programs that overlap, especially in the economic and social 
agencies. The UN has more than a dozen organizations responsible for 
development, emergency response,   and statistical reporting. We should 
consider establishing a single agency for each of these functions. We 
should downsize the UN's regional economic commissions. We should ensure 
that the functions of the UN Conference on Trade and Development do not 
duplicate the new WTO. And we should adopt a moratorium on big UN 
conferences once the present series is   completed, concentrating 
instead on meeting the commitments of those we have held. 
 
Second, we need to streamline    the UN Secretariat to make it more 
efficient, accountable, and transparent. Each part of the UN system 
should be subject to the scrutiny of an inspector general. The UN must 
not tolerate ethical or financial abuses and its managers should be 
appointed and promoted on the basis of merit. 
 
Third, we should rigorously scrutinize proposals for new and extended 
peacekeeping missions and we should improve the UN's ability to respond 
rapidly when new missions are approved. We must agree on an equitable 
scale of peacekeeping assessments that reflects today's economic 
realities. And we should have a unified budget for peacekeeping 
operations. 
 
Finally, we must maintain the effectiveness of the Security Council. 
Germany and Japan should become permanent members. We should ensure that 
all the world's regions are fairly represented, without making the 
Council unwieldy. 
 
We welcome the formation of the high-level group on reform, initiated 
under the leadership of outgoing General Assembly President Essy. Our 
goal must be that a feasible blueprint for UN reform will be adopted 
before the General Assembly's 50th session finishes work next fall. The 
way forward is clear: We have already seen countless studies and 
reports. The time has come to act on the best proposals. 
 
As you know, in my country there have been serious efforts to curtail 
our support for the United Nations. President Clinton and I and the 
entire Administration believe it would be reckless to turn away from an 
organization that helps mobilize the support of other nations for goals 
that are consistent with American and global interests. But to sustain 
support for the UN among the American people and the people of other 
nations, it is not enough that we defend the institution. The best 
argument against retreat is further reform. Tangible progress will help 
us win the battle for UN support that we are waging in the United 
States. 
 
The United Nations must emerge from the reform process better able to 
meet its fundamental goals, including the preservation of peace and 
security. From Korea, to the Persian Gulf, to Haiti, the UN has provided 
a mandate to its members as they carried out this responsibility. The 
UN's own blue helmets have helped nations create the basic conditions of 
peace in some of the most difficult situations imaginable, even though 
they have not always achieved their intended purpose. 
 
Recently, a young Haitian father was asked what peacekeeping forces had 
achieved in his country. "We walk freely," he answered. "We sleep 
quietly. There are no men who come for us in the night." In Haiti, as 
for example in Cambodia, Mozambique, and El Salvador, the UN has shown 
that peacekeeping, for all its limitations, has been an enormously 
useful instrument. 
 
One region where UN forces and the international community have played a 
critical role is the Middle East. Another historic milestone will be 
marked this Thursday in Washington when Israel and the Palestinians sign 
their agreement to implement phase two of the Declaration of Principles. 
That agreement will bring to life a goal first set in the Camp David 
accords-- that is, to protect Israel's security and to give Palestinians 
throughout the West Bank control over their daily lives. The 
international community and the UN must continue to support this process 
politically and economically. 
 
Without a doubt, the UN has never undertaken a mission more difficult 
than the one in the former Yugoslavia. The limitations of that mission 
are well known. But we must also recognize that it has provided relief 
for hundreds of thousands of people and saved thousands of lives. Today, 
with diplomacy backed by force, the United States and the international 
community are moving forward on a track that is producing genuinely 
hopeful results. The United Nations and NATO are working together 
effectively to bring peace to the region. On September 8 in Geneva, the 
parties to the conflict accepted the fundamental goal the Security 
Council has often expressed-- namely, the continuation of Bosnia-
Herzegovina as a single state within   its current internationally 
recognized borders. I will be meeting with the foreign ministers of 
Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia later today and I will urge them to maintain 
momentum toward peace and to establish constitutional structures for 
Bosnia. 
 
The framers of the UN Charter created this institution to meet threats 
to peace and security posed by aggression and armed conflict. These 
threats are still very much with us. But the world also faces a set of 
new security challenges, including proliferation, terrorism, 
international crime, and narcotics, as well as the far-reaching 
consequences of damage to the environment. These have assumed a new and 
dangerous scope in a more interdependent world. As President Clinton 
said in San Francisco in June, the "new forces of integration carry 
within them the seeds of disintegration and destruction." 
 
While new technologies have brought us closer together, they have also 
made it easier for terrorists, drug dealers, and other international 
criminals to acquire weapons of mass destruction, to set up cocaine 
cartels, and to hide their ill-gotten gains. The collapse of communism 
has shattered dictatorships to be sure. But it has also left the 
political and legal institutions   of newly liberated nations even more 
vulnerable to those who seek to subvert them. 
 
Although these threats are sometimes sponsored by states, they 
increasingly follow no flag. Each of us must vigorously fight these 
enemies on our own. But we will never be truly secure until we 
effectively fight them together. That is the new security challenge for 
the global community. It must be the new security mission of the UN. 
 
There is no area where the UN can make a more significant contribution 
than in non-proliferation. Fifty years ago, the United States was the 
only country capable of making a nuclear bomb. Today, many countries 
have the technology that would enable them to turn a fist-sized chunk of 
plutonium into a bomb as small as a suitcase. That is one reason why 
more than 170 countries agreed last May to extend for all time the 
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That is an achievement that we must 
build on. Let me outline some steps. 
 
First, we should have a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty ready for 
signature by the time we meet here next year. As President Clinton 
announced last month, the United States is committed to a true zero-
yield test ban. We urge other nations to join us in that commitment. 
 
Second, we should immediately start negotiations on a Fissile Material 
Cutoff Treaty. Those who have been most vocal in calling for nuclear 
disarmament should recognize that it is essential to ban future 
production of fissile material for nuclear weapons. 
 
Third, we should push forward with the historic reductions of the 
nuclear arsenals of the United States and the countries of the former 
Soviet Union. I call on the U.S. Senate, as well as the Russian Duma, to 
approve the START II Treaty so that we can lock in deep cuts in our 
strategic nuclear arsenals. In addition, Presidents Clinton and Yeltsin 
are working together to ensure the safety, transparency, and 
irreversibility of nuclear arms reductions. 
 
As part of this process, President Yeltsin will host a Nuclear Safety 
and Security Summit in Moscow next spring. This summit should have a 
very ambitious agenda, including a declaration of principles on nuclear 
reactor safety. We look to the summit to address the worldwide problem 
of nuclear waste management, including ocean dumping. The summit should 
also promote a plan of action to safeguard nuclear materials--a plan 
which should include new measures to prevent criminals and terrorists 
from acquiring nuclear material for use in weapons. 
 
Finally, we should push for the earliest possible entry-into-force of 
the Chemical Weapons Convention. President Clinton has urged the U.S. 
Senate to act promptly on its ratification, and to stop holding it and 
the START II Treaty hostage to unrelated issues. The world has witnessed 
the effect of poison gas too many times in this century--on European 
battlefields during World War I, in Ethiopia and Manchuria during the 
1930s, and against Iranian soldiers and innocent Kurdish civilians in 
the 1980s. The Chemical Weapons Convention will make every nation safer, 
and we need it now. 
 
The UN is also playing an invaluable role in focusing attention on 
pressing regional proliferation problems. In Iraq, UNSCOM and its 
chairman Rolf Ekeus continue to uncover horrific details about Saddam 
Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. 
 
Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq developed a deadly biological weapons 
capacity hidden from view. It was conducting research to turn some of 
the most toxic substances known to man into weapons of war. We know that 
Saddam succeeded in putting anthrax and botulism in bombs and missile 
warheads. In December 1990, he deployed these weapons with every intent 
of using them against the international coalition and innocent 
civilians. He was dissuaded only by the steadfast determination of the 
United States and the international community. 
 
In light of what Ambassador Ekeus has uncovered, we can only conclude 
that for the last 41/2 years Saddam Hussein has lied about the full 
scope of Iraq's weapons programs. There should be no easing of the 
sanctions regime until the Iraqi Government complies with the demands of 
the Security Council and demonstrates that it has changed its ways. 
 
The UN should also promote responsibility and restraint in the transfer 
of conventional weapons. Last year at the General Assembly, President 
Clinton proposed, and the Assembly approved, the eventual elimination of 
anti-personnel land-mines. On my recent trip to Cambodia, I saw the 
terrible damage these hidden killers can do. This year, we will again 
call on other countries to join us in ending the export of landmines. 
 
Two years ago, President Clinton called on the international community 
to devise a true international system that governs transfers of 
conventional weapons and sensitive dual-use technologies. I am pleased 
that the Russian Federation has joined with the United States and 26 
other countries to agree on common principles to control the build-up of 
dangerous conventional arms. We hope to activate this global regime, 
called the New Forum, by the end of this year. 
 
The proliferation of weapons has added a disturbing dimension to another 
threat we all face: international terrorism. Indeed, this year's sarin 
gas attack in Tokyo is a grim warning of what can happen when terrorists 
acquire weapons of mass destruction. 
 
More nations are joining the fight against those individuals and those 
groups who attack civilians for political ends. The United Nations has 
supported this effort in important ways. The UN Security Council 
recognized the importance of countering state-sponsored terrorism by 
imposing sanctions against Libya for the bombing of Pan Am 103 and UTA 
772. 
 
Terrorists should be treated as criminals and there must be no place 
where they can hide from the consequences of their acts. States that 
sponsor terrorists should feel the full weight of sanctions that can be 
imposed by the international community. Let us not deceive ourselves: 
Every dollar that goes into the government coffers of a state sponsor of 
terrorism such as Iran helps pay for a terrorist's bullets or bombs. 
Iran's role as the foremost state sponsor of terrorism makes its secret 
quest for weapons of mass destruction even more alarming. We must stand 
together to prevent Iran from acquiring such threatening capabilities. 
 
The United States has taken a leading role in meeting the international 
terrorist threat. We have intensified our sanctions against Iran. Last 
January, President Clinton also issued an Executive Order prohibiting 
financial transactions with terrorist groups and individuals who 
threaten the Middle East peace process. We are urging our Congress to 
tighten our immigration and criminal laws to keep terrorists on the run 
or put them behind bars. 
 
The United States strongly supports the counter-terrorism measures the 
G-7 and Russia announced at the Halifax Summit, and we expect the P-8 
Ministerial Meeting on Terrorism in Ottawa to produce a concrete action 
plan to implement these measures. 
 
Other kinds of international crime also threaten the safety of our 
citizens and the fabric of our societies. And globalization brings new 
and frightening dimensions to crime. The threat of crime is a particular 
menace to young democracies. It weakens confidence in institutions, 
preys on the most vulnerable, and undermines free market reform. 
 
Of course, every country must take its own measures to combat these 
threats. The Clinton Administration is now completing a review of our 
approach to transnational crime that will lead to a stronger, more 
coordinated attack on this problem. 
 
To help other states deal with criminal threats, the United States and 
Hungary have created the International Law Enforcement Academy in 
Budapest to train police officers and law enforcement officials from 
Central Europe and the states of the former Soviet Union. We are 
providing similar help bilaterally and through the UN Drug Control 
Program to countries whose laws are challenged by drug cartels. 
 
A particularly insidious form of crime and corruption is money 
laundering. All nations should implement recommendations by the OECD to 
attack money laundering. The nations of this hemisphere should also 
advance the anti-money laundering initiative introduced at last 
December's Summit of the Americas. Together, we must squeeze the dirty 
money out of our global financial system. 
 
Through the UN's conventions on drugs and crime, the international 
community has set strong standards that we must now enforce. We call on 
UN member states who have not already joined the 1988 UN Drug Convention 
to do so. Those countries who have approved the convention should move 
quickly to implement its key provisions. 
 
We are increasingly aware that damage to the environment and 
unsustainable population growth threaten the security of our nations and 
the well-being of our people. Their harmful effects are evident in 
famines, infant mortality rates, refugee crises, and ozone depletion. In 
places like Rwanda and Somalia, they contribute to civil wars and 
emergencies that can only be resolved by costly international 
intervention. We must carry out the commitments we made at last year's 
Cairo Conference, and the Rio Conference three years ago. 
 
Never have our problems been more complex. It has never been more 
evident that these problems affect all nations--developed and developing 
alike. Only by working together can we effectively deal with the new 
threats we all face. 
 
That is why, in this 50th anniversary year, we must shape the UN's 
agenda as if we were creating the institution anew. Just as the UN's 
founders devised a new framework to deter aggression and armed conflict, 
the United Nations, in particular the Security Council, must now assign 
the same priority to combating the threat posed by proliferation, 
terrorism, international crime, narcotics, and environmental pollution. 
We should dedicate our efforts in the UN and elsewhere to turning our 
global consensus against these threats into concrete action. We must 
renew and reform the United Nations not for its sake, but for our own. 
Thank you very much. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2 
 
Success of the NATO Air Campaign in Bosnia  
Statement by President Clinton released by the White House, Office of 
the Press Secretary, Denver, Colorado, September 20, 1995. 
 
The UN and NATO commanders are in agreement that the Serbs have 
completed the required withdrawal of heavy weapons from the exclusion 
zone. The Sarajevo airport has been opened. UN and humanitarian traffic 
is moving along the main routes into the city. Therefore, the commanders 
have concluded that the NATO airstrikes can be discontinued. I welcome 
this development. The NATO air campaign in Bosnia was successful. 
 
But let me also repeat what I have said before: Renewed attacks on 
Sarajevo or the other safe areas, or any Serb non-compliance with their 
other commitments, will trigger a resumption of NATO airstrikes. 
 
The results of NATO's and the UN's actions will help us achieve a 
peaceful settlement in Bosnia. They show, once again, that firmness pays 
off. We are all proud of the American and Allied air crews who conducted 
the NATO operation with such bravery and skill. 
 
All parties should now turn from the battlefield to the bargaining table 
and complete a political settlement. Ambassador Holbrooke and his team 
have made additional progress since the Geneva meeting 12 days ago. The 
time has come to end the fighting for good and begin the task of 
reconciliation and reconstruction in the Balkans.  (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3 
Meetings With Foreign Ministers: Former Yugoslavia and Russia  
Secretary Christopher  
 
Former Yugoslavia 
Opening remarks at press conference following meeting with Foreign 
Ministers Muhamed Sacirbey of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Mate Granic of 
Croatia, and Milan Milutinovic of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, 
New York City, September 25, 1995. 
 
I have just had a good meeting with the Foreign Ministers of the 
Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal 
Republic of Yugoslavia. 
 
Based upon this meeting, I can tell you that the three foreign ministers 
will be meeting tomorrow as originally scheduled with representatives of 
the United States, the Contact Group, and the European Union. They will 
be meeting to move forward in the political process, carrying Geneva, we 
hope, another step forward. 
 
Indeed, tomorrow's meeting will constitute an important step on the path 
to peace that was laid out by President Clinton last month. There is a 
real possibility now of moving forward, thanks to the actions of the 
United States, the European Union, and the international community as a 
whole, not to mention, of course, the parties themselves who are hard at 
work. 
 
As you know, on September 8, in Geneva all three parties agreed to and 
accepted the continuation of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina as a 
single state within its internationally accepted borders. Through the 
efforts of the American negotiating team, the parties are now discussing 
the constitutional issues that can move the Geneva agreement forward. 
Those constitutional issues will determine how the Republic of Bosnia-
Herzegovina will function in the future. Today, I urged the parties to 
redouble their efforts to stay on the path to peace. 
 
I want to make clear here that the United States will oppose any 
settlement in Bosnia-Herzegovina that would undermine its territorial 
integrity or its continuation as a single state. We also expect that the 
parties will meet their commitments to assure human rights throughout 
Bosnia. All of Bosnia's citizens should have freedom of movement, and 
displaced people should have the right to return to their homes. 
 
The President has directed our negotiating team to return to the region 
after tomorrow's meeting. They will stop first this time in Sarajevo. It 
is our strong view that the time has come to end the fighting and end it 
for good. We think the parties should focus all of their energies on 
seeking a peaceful settlement. They will have the strong support of the 
United States, of NATO, and of the entire international community. 
 
Of course, many difficult issues remain to be resolved. Today's 
promising developments will lead to a just and  enduring peace only if 
the parties continue to show the determination and flexibility that has 
brought them this far. 

 
Russia 
Statement following meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev 
at the Russian Mission to the UN, New York City, September 26, 1995 
(opening remarks omitted). 
 
It is very good to be here at the Russian home in New York and to once 
again be with my friend, Andrei Kozyrev. He has correctly indicated that 
at the top of our agenda will be talks for the preparation of the 
important summit meeting coming up between our presidents in about a 
month. 
 
As Andrei said, through our joint efforts and the efforts of our 
European Union colleagues, an important step was taken today in 
connection with the rocky path toward peace in Bosnia when the Contact 
Group met with the Foreign Ministers of the Republic of Bosnia-
Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal Republic of 
Yugoslavia. The conclusion they reached was to establish a 
constitutional basis for the Government of Bosnia-Herzegovina in the 
future. 
 
This agreement today crystallized the statement of the parties that 
there will be a single Bosnian state with a single international 
personality. The agreement today sets up a presidency and a parliament. 
It provides for the holding of free and democratic elections. It grants 
a number of responsibilities to the central government, particularly the 
responsibility for conducting foreign affairs. 
 
As the Foreign Minister said, Russia has played an important role in 
these negotiations as a member of the Contact Group and through his 
efforts to persuade the parties to take the steps they have down this 
difficult road. Difficult questions lie ahead, but the important thing 
is that we are working together on them effectively.  
 
Another area where we have been working together is the Middle East 
peace process, of which Russia and the United States are co-sponsors. I 
think it is very important and significant that the Foreign Minister 
will be with us in Washington on Thursday when the Israelis and the 
Palestinians sign Phase II of the Declaration of Principles. 
 
As the Foreign Minister said, one of the areas of cooperation between us 
is the field of non-proliferation. We are going to be encouraging the 
U.S. Senate--and we hope the Russian Government will encourage the Duma-
-to ratify the START II Treaty. We will be working together on a 
Comprehensive Test Ban, which will be a very important issue for 1996, 
and by the time we are here in 1996, I hope we can be ready for a 
signature of the Comprehensive Test Ban with a zero yield. 
 
So we have many areas of close cooperation. Where there are differences, 
I think that we are learning better and better to manage them. I look 
forward to useful discussions once again today. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4 
 
U.S.-Ireland Relations: Working Together To Promote Peace 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks following a bilateral meeting with Irish Deputy Prime 
Minister/Foreign Minister Spring, New York City, September 25, 1995 
 
I am very pleased to have had a chance to meet again with my good friend 
Dick Spring, the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Ireland. 
Our two countries have long enjoyed close historical and cultural ties. 
 
Naturally enough, we talked about the support of the United States for 
the efforts of the people of Northern Ireland and the Irish and British 
Governments as they try to achieve a comprehensive peace and find a 
solution to their long-standing problems. 
 
Encouraging this effort, as you know, is one of the high priorities of 
President Clinton and American diplomacy, and we are going to continue 
to do that. Discussion of the peace process occupied, I would say, the 
largest part of our meeting today. 
 
The Foreign Minister was good enough to bring me up to date on Ireland's 
recent efforts and the efforts of the parties to try to find a way 
through the current impasse and to see if a dual-track approach might 
offer some hope for a solution. 
 
We certainly want to find some way to restore momentum to the peace 
process. The United States stands ready to assist in any way that we 
can, recognizing that the parties themselves have the primary obligation 
to move the process forward. 
 
We hope that the parties will find a way to engage in serious 
discussions of the decommissioning issue. This is an issue at the heart 
of the peace process. I hope the parties will be flexible and creative 
in this area. I reiterated to the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign 
Minister our willingness to be a participant in an international 
commission if that would be useful. 
 
We also discussed some other areas of the world, including today's 
Bosnia discussions. Then we talked about President Clinton's anticipated 
trip to Ireland later this year, to which the President is very much 
looking forward. We hope that this trip will reflect our very strong 
interest in economic development in Ireland. Former Senator Mitchell and 
our Commerce Department are continuing to work actively to try to 
promote economic development. We hope to advance the opportunities 
highlighted by the White House Conference on trade and investment that 
took place last May. 
 
Mr. Minister, it is always a pleasure to be with you, and I thank you 
very much for joining me today. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 5 
 
Meetings With Foreign Ministers And Heads of Delegations: The Asia-
Pacific Region 
Secretary Christopher, Joint Announcement 
 
Asia-Pacific Region 
Address by Secretary Christopher before breakfast with heads of Asia-
Pacific delegations at the UN General Assembly, New York City, September 
27, 1995 (opening remarks omitted). 
 
As I have traveled around the Pacific, it seems to me that the changes 
that have taken place in the Asia-Pacific region are genuinely 
breathtaking. When the General Assembly first met 50 years ago, more 
than half of the countries represented around the table here today were 
not even members of the UN. In a half-century, nations that were 
outposts of colonialism have become the newest frontiers and most 
successful exponents of capitalism. 
 
Incidentally, before I forget, Your Highness, I want to thank you very 
much for the hospitality that you so generously gave to all of us in 
Brunei.  
 
As we see the 50th anniversary of the end of the Second World War, 
American involvement in the region is deeper than ever before. President 
Clinton is committed not only to maintaining our engagement in the 
Pacific but to deepening it. 
 
As I look back on the President's decision, made at our first APEC 
meeting in Seattle, to have a leaders' dialogue, I think it will be seen 
as historic. It changed the character and level of APEC and really 
propelled it into becoming one of the world's great organizations. 
 
A couple of months ago, before I left for Brunei, I made a speech in 
which I laid out the elements of our strategy in the Asia-Pacific 
region. 
 
First, I emphasized that we will invigorate our core alliances with 
Australia, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand;  
 
Second, we will pursue a policy of very active engagement with all of 
the other countries in the Asia-Pacific region; 
 
Third, we want to join you in building enduring mechanisms for 
cooperation in the region--the ARF and the other entities that we are 
working on; and  
 
Fourth, the United States will continue to support democracy and human 
rights. 

The President is committed to maintaining approximately 100,000 troops 
in the Asia-Pacific region-- about the same as our force levels in 
Europe. We are dedicated to building up our relationships with all of 
the nations of the Asia-Pacific region. We are very pleased to have here 
today, for the first time, representatives from the South Pacific.  
 
We are working together to build a sound architecture for regional 
cooperation. I have been impressed with how much progress we have made 
in two years in the Regional Forum under ASEAN leadership. I found the 
discussions we had at the forum in Brunei very promising. They were 
substantive. We tackled some difficult issues, and I think the exchange 
on those difficult issues showed that this forum has real potential and 
real promise. We are going to be co-chairing and hosting, along with 
Singapore, the ARF intercessional meeting in Hawaii on search and rescue 
issues. 
 
We now have an opportunity to turn the principle of working together on 
security issues into concrete action.   We are responding to the threat 
posed by the North Korean nuclear program. Thanks to the U.S.-North 
Korean Agreed Framework, the nuclear program in North Korea remains 
frozen. Tensions on the Korean Peninsula have been reduced. 
 
In order to maintain this progress, we need to support what we call 
KEDO--the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization. Many of the 
nations here have participated, and I hope that others who have not 
participated will join us in helping to defray the cost of KEDO. It is a 
very good investment. The sums  we are investing there are paying huge 
dividends compared to what we would have to pay if the North Korean 
nuclear program went ahead. 
 
We are looking forward to the APEC meetings in Osaka. We have to sustain 
the momentum toward a free trade area in the Asia-Pacific region by 
2020. I was talking with Foreign Minister Kono about this last night. We 
clearly want to have a vigorous blueprint for action that will carry the 
Bogor Declaration forward. We will continue in that vein, and we also 
want to work bilaterally with all of you to provide greater access for 
greater trade. 
 
We continue also to emphasize democracy. I was very pleased that the 
First Lady, Mrs. Clinton, went to Mongolia. I am pleased to see the 
Minister from Mongolia here this morning. I want to say that I greatly 
appreciated being in Cambodia, Mr. Minister, and watching the progress 
of your democracy; and I have seen some developments just within the 
last few days that have been very encouraging to me. I know it is a 
difficult road, and we all want to support you and do everything we can 
to help you as you move through these difficult early years. 
 
We have come a long distance together in the Asia-Pacific region, but we 
have to go forward--deepen our dialogue, use the regional organizations 
we have, show that APEC can really be effective. Thank you very much. 

 
Japan 
Remarks by Secretary Christopher at Two-plus-Two signing ceremony with 
Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei Kono, U.S. Secretary of Defense William 
Perry, and Japan Defense Agency Director-General Seishiro Eto, New York 
City, September 27, 1995. 
 
Good morning. Secretary Perry and I have been delighted this morning to 
welcome the Foreign Minister and the Defense Minister to the United 
States for the first Cabinet-level meeting of the United States-Japan 
Security and Consultative Committee. 
 
The U.S.-Japan partnership has been the cornerstone of our engagement in 
the Asia-Pacific region. Fifty years ago, the United States made a 
strategic choice to help Japan rebuild. Today, as a result of events 
over the last 50 years, our alliance with a democratic and prosperous 
Japan is one of the great success stories of the past decade. Today we 
made a very strong alliance even stronger. 
 
Our meetings today will ensure that the next five decades are as 
successful as the last five decades have been. Our discussions also 
helped lay the groundwork for what we are sure will be a very successful 
visit by President Clinton to Osaka in November and then to a state 
visit in Tokyo. 
 
Today's meeting is the culmination of a year-long review of the U.S.-
Japan security relationship. With the Cold War over, the landscape of 
the Asia-Pacific region has undergone a great transformation. But 
through this far-reaching review, the United States and Japan have 
concluded, not surprisingly, that we have an abiding community of 
interest that continues to justify--indeed, requires for purposes of 
stability in the region--our continued close cooperation. 
 
The Special Measures Agreement which we have just signed today advances 
those shared interests. It provides strong support for a continued U.S. 
military presence in Japan. Indeed, the very substantial contribution 
that Japan is making through this agreement is tangible proof of its 
commitment to our alliance in this post-Cold War era. 
 
Let me take just a moment to say how deeply distressed I was over the 
tragic incident on Okinawa. I have mentioned to the Minister yesterday 
and the two Ministers today my deep regret over this incident and 
offered our apologies. Secretary Perry also will be addressing this 
subject at somewhat greater length. 
 
Our security ties with Japan undergird a broad and multifaceted 
partnership with increasing global dimensions. In the past two years, 
our two countries have cooperated to support reform in Russia, peace in 
the Middle East, peace in Cambodia, and stability in Haiti. 
 
Today we talked about Japan's increasing role in international 
peacekeeping. We reviewed the situation on the Korean Peninsula where we 
worked so closely and well together to stem the nuclear threat in North 
Korea. Now we are working together in the execution and funding of KEDO. 
 
Our talks today were productive across a very broad front, and I look 
forward to working with our two Cabinet colleagues in the months and 
years ahead as we carry forward this exceedingly important bilateral 
relationship. Thank you very much. 

 
Joint Announcement  
Text of announcement by the Japan-U.S. Security Consultative Committee, 
New York City, September 27, 1995. 
 
1. The Governments of Japan and the United States of America held the 
20th Security Consultative Committee meeting in New York on September 
27, 1995. Representing Japan were the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister 
for Foreign Affairs Yohei Kono and Minister of State and Director-
General of the Defense Agency Seishiro Eto. Representing the United 
States were Secretary of State Warren Christopher and Secretary of 
Defense William Perry. This was the first Security Consultative 
Committee meeting which involved full Cabinet level representation on 
both sides. 
 
2. The two sides agreed that the President's visit to Japan in November 
offers an historic opportunity to reaffirm the central importance of the 
U.S.-Japan security alliance for both nations. Both Governments agreed 
that as we look ahead in the post Cold War security environment, our 
alliance is the critical factor for maintaining peace and stability in 
the Asia-Pacific region. Recognizing their deep common interests, both 
governments have examined the basis of the alliance through the year-
long U.S.-Japan Security Dialogue, and reaffirmed their mutual 
commitment. The two sides agreed that the visit in November should set 
forth the role of the security alliance in this new era. 
 
3. The two sides welcomed the signing of the Special Measures Agreement. 
They recognized that Japan's sustained commitment of Host Nation Support 
is an important element to sustaining forward-deployed U.S. Forces in 
Japan. This new agreement will make it possible to continue for the next 
five years the cost-sharing programs under the present Special Measures 
Agreement, with some improvement. 
 
4. The Japanese side explained to the U.S. side the status of ongoing 
GOJ discussions on the future Japanese defense posture. 
 
5. The two sides acknowledged that the central factor for smooth 
implementation of the Japan-U.S. Security Arrangements is to maintain 
the harmonious use of the facilities and areas in Japan by the U.S., 
with the support of the general public. In this context, they renewed 
their determination to make utmost efforts to minimize the impact of the 
presence of the facilities and areas on the local communities. 
 
The two sides discussed the situation surrounding the facilities and 
areas in Okinawa and pledged to work intensively together to solve the 
three priority issues as soon as possible. 
 
Both sides deeply deplored the recent serious incident in Okinawa, and 
recommitted themselves to work cooperatively and intensively in the 
Joint Committee Study concerning the implementation of criminal 
jurisdiction procedures under the Status of Forces Agreement. Pointing 
to recent statements by President Clinton and Ambassador Mondale, U.S. 
representatives reiterated their profound regret for this incident and 
pledged to continue to cooperate fully with Japanese authorities on this 
incident and to do their utmost to prevent a recurrence. 
 
6. The two sides reviewed the advances made in various other fields of 
bilateral security cooperation. 
 
(1) They were satisfied that working-level discussions on a possible 
framework for mutual logistical support (Acquisition and Cross 
Servicing) had been useful and agreed to accelerate such discussions. 
 
(2) They also noted with satisfaction that cooperation in acquisition 
and defense technology exchange is progressing. They recognized that the 
study on Ballistic Missile Defense has been conducted smoothly. 
 
7. The two sides exchanged views and assessments on the situation in the 
Asia-Pacific region. They confirmed that the two countries should 
continue to closely coordinate their respective policies towards the 
region to promote constructive relationships among the countries in the 
region. The two sides noted with satisfaction that further progress had 
been made in the area of security dialogue such as ASEAN Regional Forum 
and bilateral defense exchanges. They also recognized the importance of 
close consultations as well as concerted efforts on regional and global 
security issues, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations. 
 
8. Both sides shared the view that the Security Consultative Committee 
provides an invaluable occasion for discussing all important matters in 
the area of the security relationship between Japan and the U.S. and 
agreed to continue their close consultations in this and other forums. 

 
China 
Remarks by Secretary Christopher prior to meeting with Chinese Vice 
Premier and Foreign Minister Qian Qichen, New York City, September 27, 
1995. 
 
Good afternoon. It is a pleasure for me to welcome today my colleague, 
Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Qian Qichen of China. I was struck by 
the fact that this marks our 10th meeting in the last two years. 
 
Our relationship with China is certainly one of the most important 
bilateral relationships we have. Positive, good relations with China are 
important to the people of both countries and the people of the region 
and of the world as well. 
 
More than 20 years ago, the United States and China made a strategic 
choice to end more than two decades of confrontation. Since then, six 
Democratic and Republican presidents alike have pursued a policy of 
engagement with China that has proved to be in the enduring interests of 
the United States, China, other countries in the region, and the world 
as a whole. I believe the wisdom of that choice--the wisdom of that 
policy of engagement--has been confirmed many times over. 
 
It is true that our important relationship experienced a period of 
difficulty this summer. However, at last month's ASEAN Regional Forum 
meeting in Brunei, Foreign Minister Qian Qichen and I had a good 
discussion of the relations between the United States and China. I 
believe those discussions, together with several communications between 
the Foreign Minister and me, have helped to restore the positive 
momentum in our relations. I am going to reiterate to the Minister today 
that the United States has not and does not intend to change its long-
standing one-China policy. 
 
In our talks today, the Foreign Minister and I will discuss a broad 
range of interests where our cooperation is essential. Certainly one of 
those is the field of nuclear non-proliferation. We must work to prevent 
the spread of nuclear and missile technology, especially to the volatile 
regions of the world. 
 
I think we should build on the cooperation we had in the extension of 
the Non-Proliferation Treaty to conclude a Comprehensive Test Ban next 
year. I also look forward to discussing with the Minister the problems 
we have discussed before involving the North Korean nuclear threat and 
our efforts to ensure that North Korea's nuclear program remains frozen. 
 
As the world's two largest economies, we share very important economic 
interests, and we will be discussing that today. We staunchly support 
China's accession to the World Trade Organization on commercially 
acceptable terms. We are also committed to working with China and the 
other members of APEC to promote economic growth and trade 
liberalization. 
 
Sometimes we have had differences. Sometimes we have had quite profound 
disagreements on issues such as human rights. But both of our countries 
accept that the best way to address those problems is through positive 
and regular dialogue. Regular contacts are essential if our two 
countries are going to maximize their cooperation in the many areas 
where we agree and to manage the differences we have in areas where we 
do not agree.  
 
So the importance of this relationship makes it quite desirable that 
meetings like this take place, and I am very glad to welcome to this 
10th meeting the Foreign Minister, with whom I have had good 
professional relations in the past. (###) 
 
[END OF DISPATCH VOL. 6, NO. 40] 

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