U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 6, NUMBER 33, AUGUST 14, 1995
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. U.S.-Vietnam Relations: A New Chapter--Secretary Christopher
2. The U.S. and Vietnam: Establishing Diplomatic Relations--Secretary
Christopher
3. Reaffirming U.S. Commitment to Democracy And Reconstruction in
Cambodia--Secretary Christopher
4. The United States and Malaysia: A Dynamic Relationship--Secretary
Christopher
5. U.S. Policy in the Middle East--Robert H. Pelletreau
ARTICLE 1
U.S.-Vietnam Relations: A New Chapter
Secretary Christopher
Address to the youth of Vietnam, Institute for International Relations,
Hanoi, Vietnam, August 6, 1995
Thank you, Director-General Ngoc, for that kind introduction. It is a
pleasure to be here with Vice Minister Le Mai and other distinguished
guests. I am grateful to the Institute for International Relations for
helping to organize this event. The staff and students of the Institute
are playing an important part in charting a broader role for Vietnam as
it continues to integrate itself into Asia and the world.
I have come to Vietnam on behalf of President Clinton and the American
people to begin a new chapter in the relationship between our nations.
And I have come here this afternoon to speak directly to the people of
Vietnam about the future that I hope we can share together.
I am especially pleased to be able to address an audience that includes
so many students and young people. One of the startling facts about
Vietnam is that three-fifths of your countrymen and women are under 25
years of age. Vietnam is an old country, but a young nation. Its future,
and its evolving place in the community of nations, are yours to shape.
This is the first generation of Vietnamese students in many decades to
enter adulthood informed by the memory of war, but inspired by the
promise of peace. This is what I know you call the "peace generation"--
the first that can devote all its energies to renovation at home, and to
cooperation with your neighbors and the world. Without forgetting the
past, or abandoning tradition, you have a chance to help your country
move forward with greater freedom and greater prosperity.
The ties between the United States and Vietnam reach back further than
you might think: Way back in 1787, Thomas Jefferson, a champion of
liberty, as well as a man of science, tried to obtain rice seed from
Vietnam for his farm in Virginia. Fifteen years later, when Jefferson
was President of the United States, the first American merchant ship
sailed into a Vietnamese port. Almost 150 years later, Jefferson's words
that "all men are created equal" were echoed in Vietnam's own
declaration of independence.
Because of the war American troops fought on your soil, I have no doubt
that American history books will always include a chapter on Vietnam--
just as Vietnamese history books will surely include a chapter on
America. Today, our people are still scarred by the war. But let us
remember that history is a work in progress. That bitter past has also
planted the seeds for a better future.
More than 3 million Americans served in Vietnam. Even amidst the death
and destruction of war, many came to appreciate the culture of your
people and the beauty of this land.
We have other bonds as well. The 1 million people of Vietnamese origin
who now live in the United States can also be a bridge for
reconciliation and cooperation between our two countries. Just south of
my home city of Los Angeles, California, there is a place called "Little
Saigon," where Buddhist temples and neighborhood groceries selling rau
muong co-exist with the freeways and shopping malls of southern
California. And when I look out my window from the State Department in
Washington, I can see across the river to Arlington, Virginia--a
historic old American community and also a vibrant new center of
Vietnamese culture and commerce. Indeed, the United States has been
enriched by our Vietnamese-Americans, one of the most successful
immigrant groups in our recent history.
Yet apart from visits by returning veterans and family members, there
has been little direct contact between our two countries over the last
20 years. I know these have been difficult years for Vietnam--years of
economic hardship and until recently, years of conflict. But we have now
reached a time of promise and a time of change. We still have history to
make, a new chapter to write in the history we share.
A month ago, President Clinton decided the time had come to normalize
diplomatic relations between the United States and Vietnam. He was
supported in this decision by a majority of the American people and by
an important group of American veterans who had served here during the
war and who now serve in the United States Congress. The President
believes, as do they, that closer ties are in the interest of both our
nations. The diplomatic relations we initiated yesterday will help us to
fully account for those who sacrificed in the past, and will also allow
our countries to work together on behalf of regional prosperity and
regional security.
Our most important priority in restoring ties with Vietnam is to
determine the fate of each American who did not return from the war.
Each soldier who was lost remains cherished, with a name, a family, and
a nation that cares. There should be the fullest possible accounting for
each one. This is a solemn pledge my government has made to the American
people. Fulfilling it remains the key to a closer relationship between
our two countries.
I want to thank the Vietnamese officials, veterans, and citizens who
have helped us find answers, by sharing their memories of the war and by
leading us to crash sites and burial grounds. They have come forward
time and again to help Americans ease our sense of loss. I know that the
people of Vietnam have endured great losses as well. That is why the
United States has released thousands of documents to help the Vietnamese
authorities search for those of your countrymen who are still missing in
action. And that is why we have funded humanitarian projects for war
victims.
Of course, we cannot heal every wound or settle every debate from the
past. We will leave that to students of history and to future
generations. This moment belongs to the families looking for answers
about lost loved ones and to the Vietnamese villagers who have given
them a helping hand. It belongs to the American veterans who have
returned to this country to provide prosthetics to victims of the war
and to the Vietnamese veterans who welcome them as friends. It belongs
to the entrepreneurs who are rebuilding this country, now that it is
finally at peace. It belongs to the students such as you who question
old assumptions and embrace new ways of thinking. As the great
Vietnamese poet and statesman Nguyen Trai put it 500 years ago: "After
so many years of war, only life remains."
After so many years of war and turmoil, Vietnam is turning its face to a
changed world. Colonial empires have vanished, and the age of
independence struggles is over. In the last two decades, 45 more
sovereign countries have emerged. But it is not only new nations that
have been born and maps that have been redrawn. A powerful revolution of
ideas has swept the world. Indeed, the main story of the late 20th
century is the ascendancy of open societies and open markets in country
after country, which has the effect of lifting the lives of hundreds of
millions of people.
Today in the Western Hemisphere, for example, every nation but one has a
freely elected government and a market economy. After decades of
struggle, South Africa is now a multi-racial democracy. The former
Soviet Union has also been transformed. In Europe, the fastest-growing
economies are those Eastern nations that moved most decisively toward
economic and political reform.
Communications technology is pushing the expansion of freedom for the
individual at the same time as it is shrinking the distances between
nations. This speech, for example, will be broadcast back to the United
States by satellite. Through the Internet, it will be available to
almost anyone in the world with a computer and a phone line. Governments
cannot control the movement of ideas in this Information Age, even if
they want to.
Consider how much Southeast Asia has changed as well. New civilian
governments have been freely elected in Thailand, Cambodia, and the
Philippines. Nations such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia are 10 to
20 times wealthier today than they were in 1965. My visit this last week
to Kuala Lumpur underscored for me the enormous scale and dynamism of
this region's transformation.
Because of these remarkable changes, America's relationship with the
nations of Southeast Asia has been transformed as well. Twenty-five
years ago, the largest American communities in the region revolved
around military bases. The United States has vital military alliances
and a substantial military presence in the region that are widely
welcomed. Our security presence will continue to provide the stability
and reassurance necessary for sustained economic growth. But today,
American communities in the region also revolve around Chambers of
Commerce and universities. The most common interaction across the
Pacific takes place today among private citizens--among business people,
scholars, and tourists. I believe that these currents of culture and
commerce are bringing us closer to a New Pacific Community stretching
from Los Angeles to Kuala Lumpur.
Vietnam is now moving rapidly into the mainstream of Southeast Asia.
Last year, your country became a founding member of the ASEAN Regional
Forum, the region's first multinational dialogue on security issues.
This year, Vietnam has joined ASEAN itself. As its economy opens further
and its laws governing trade and investment develop, Vietnam will be in
a position to join its Southeast Asian neighbors in the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum and the new World Trade Organization. We want
Vietnam to enjoy the benefits and to assume the obligations that go with
belonging to these important international institutions.
With the Cold War over, we view Vietnam as the product of its own
history and the master of its own destiny. As many in your country and
ours have urged, we look on Vietnam "as a country, not a war." We view
it as a nation with immense potential as a partner in trade and in
diplomacy.
The process of establishing normal economic ties with the United States
will take time. But we are prepared to move forward. We will do so in
consultation with our Congress and consistent with our laws. The first
step, the first building-block, in expanding our commercial relations is
to negotiate a bilateral trade agreement that will provide for most-
favored-nation trading status. Our goal is to develop with Vietnam the
same full range of economic relationships that we enjoy with your
Southeast Asian neighbors.
I hope that many more Americans will join companies such as Ford, Coca-
Cola, and Baskin-Robbins in betting on Vietnam's future. I also hope
that more private American organizations will join groups such as the
Ford Foundation and World Vision in supporting Vietnam's development. I
hope that more Vietnamese students will come to study in the United
States, to join the 66 already participating in the Fulbright
scholarship program.
There is a great deal our governments can do together. Through the ASEAN
Regional Forum, for example, we can strive with others to assure
stability in Southeast Asia. One of the key issues is the South China
Sea, a vital sea lane through which one-quarter of the world's ocean
freight passes. The United States will continue to urge countries with
competing claims to resources there to resolve their disputes through
dialogue.
Together, the United States, Vietnam, and its neighbors have an interest
in cooperating to fight narcotics trafficking. Southeast Asia is the
biggest source of heroin arriving on American shores. This deadly drug
is ruining lives in the countries through which it passes, including
Vietnam.
We have also started and will continue having a dialogue with Vietnam on
human rights issues that are of great importance to the American people.
Progress in this dialogue will enable our two nations to further deepen
our ties.
This is a time of great possibility for our relations with Vietnam, for
your country's continued growth and its integration in the region. But
while further progress is possible, it is not guaranteed. If Vietnam is
to find an important place in the community of nations and to attract
additional investment, it should move beyond just opening its doors. The
key to success in this rapidly changing world is the freedom to own, to
buy, and to sell; and the freedom to participate in the decisions that
affect our lives.
As your nation and leaders have recognized, free market reform is a
necessary start. All over the world, courageous reformers have
understood that command economies cannot bring prosperity to their
people. Experience teaches that command economies cannot be dismantled
piecemeal. I would ask you to look at economic reform as a passage over
a ravine: You cannot do it by taking several little steps; only one
giant leap will get you across.
There are many different models of market economies. But whether you go
to New York, or Tokyo, or Bangkok, you will find most of the
fundamentals are the same. All these places have private property
rights, protected by an independent judiciary, and with ownership
clearly defined by law. In each, one can borrow capital, buy insurance,
and freely exchange information. In each, efficiency, hard work, and
imagination are rewarded, not discouraged.
Vietnam has made great progress in creating these conditions, and the
result has been stunning economic growth and a range of new
opportunities. The policy of Doi Moi has been a tremendous success. But
there is still much to be done to create an institutional framework in
which a free market can flourish. Vietnamese entrepreneurs and foreign
investors alike need a stronger system of private banking, and above
all, less red tape and more transparency.
In Vietnam, as everywhere, a free market is the basic precondition for a
productive business environment. But I believe sustained economic
development is more likely where additional factors are present--where
courts provide due process, where newspapers are free to expose
corruption, and where businesspeople can make decisions with free access
to accurate information. The foundation of market economies--rights that
protect contracts, property, and patents--can only be fully guaranteed
by the rule of law. Indeed, the reality of Japan, Hong Kong, South
Korea, and Thailand tells us that the rule of law and accountable
government are the bedrock of stability and prosperity. The reality of
Burma and North Korea tells us that repression entrenches poverty.
Our conviction--that freedom is both practical and just--is neither
Western nor Eastern. Most would agree with the 16th century Vietnamese
poet who said that "the people are the roots of the nation."
Each nation must find its own way consistent with its history and
culture. The people of Vietnam, especially its young people, will choose
their way. But that is just the point. For when you hear Americans talk
about freedom and human rights, this is what we mean: Each of you ought
to have the right to help shape your country's destiny, as well as your
own.
Today, the United States is embarking on a new relationship with your
country, and most important, a new relationship with your people. There
are issues on which we no doubt will disagree. But we have, I believe, a
common vision of Vietnam taking its rightful place in a community of
Southeast Asian nations--a community that is more open, more prosperous,
and more secure than ever before. For the first time in many years, we
will have a normal relationship in which each of our nations can advance
its interests in a climate of cooperation and in an age of peace.
"Heaven has ushered in an era of renewal," says an inscription on
Hanoi's Temple of Literature. Let us do all that we can together to
seize this moment and to bring those immortal words to life. Thank you
very much. (###)
ARTICLE 2
The U.S. and Vietnam: Establishing Diplomatic Relations
Secretary Christopher
Arrival Remarks
Remarks upon arrival, Hanoi, Vietnam, August 5, 1995.
I have come to Vietnam, on behalf of the United States, to begin a new
chapter in the history we share. As the first Secretary of State to
visit Vietnam in a quarter-century, I am here to lay the basis for a
better future, even as we continue to account for the past.
Just moments ago, in dignity and calm, some of America's bravest men
began their final journey home. My first act here was to pay tribute to
these soldiers and to all those who sacrificed their lives in Vietnam.
Every American is proud of and grateful to all those who served our
country in this faraway land two decades ago.
As President Clinton has emphasized, no issue has been more important in
our relations with Vietnam than achieving the fullest possible
accounting of our prisoners of war and missing in action. Let me be
clear: This issue will remain the number one priority on our agenda with
the Government of Vietnam. I will reinforce that message today and
tomorrow in every meeting I have with the Vietnamese leadership, and in
every public appearance I make.
Tangible progress toward the fullest possible accounting has been the
essential element of every decision that this Administration has taken
toward Vietnam. It is what led us to ease restrictions on international
lending to Vietnam in 1993. It is what prompted us to lift the trade
embargo in February 1994. It is what persuaded President Clinton to
establish diplomatic relations with Vietnam last month. We are convinced
that normalizing relations is the best way to achieve additional
progress in this solemn and sacred cause.
The Vietnamese Government and people have extended crucial cooperation
in this painstaking endeavor, and we are grateful for their help. We are
confident that cooperation will continue. As President Clinton has
emphasized, "Normalization of our relations with Vietnam is not the end
of our effort. . . . We will keep working until we get all the answers
we can."
As we continue to make progress on accounting for our POWs and MIAs, we
are also prepared to develop further our relations with Vietnam. Closer
engagement is in America's interest, first and foremost to achieve the
fullest possible accounting, but also because Vietnam is a vibrant
country in a region of great importance to the United States.
The world has been transformed in the last two decades. The spirit of
reconciliation is building bridges of hope from Northern Ireland to
South Africa to the Middle East. In that spirit, we can build a bridge
of cooperation between America and Vietnam.
A generation ago, the trauma of war bound together the history of our
nations for all time. Let us now lay our past of conflict to rest, and
dedicate ourselves to a future of productive cooperation. We can and
should work together to improve human rights, to counter the scourge of
illegal drugs, and to promote economic reform. We can reinforce regional
peace and stability through the ASEAN Regional Forum. Vietnam is poised
to join the mainstream of the growing economies of East Asia. That will
be in the interest of both our countries.
Over the next two days, I will be discussing these and many other
important issues with our Vietnamese hosts. I am honored to be here for
this historic visit. Thank you very much.
Signing Ceremony
Remarks at signing ceremony for establishment of diplomatic relations,
Vietnamese Government Guest House, Hanoi, Vietnam, August 5, 1995.
Foreign Minister Cam, members of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and
their colleagues from the United States: It is certainly a great
pleasure, Mr. Minister, to exchange with you the documents that confirm
the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United States and
Vietnam.
Today, with the stroke of a pen, we have vowed and pledged to establish
a new chapter in the relationship between our two countries.
After a decade of war and two decades of estrangement, the United States
and Vietnam have concluded that the time has come to renew our ties and
to move forward into this new era.
This day has been made possible not only by our two governments, but by
the many Vietnamese and many Americans who have worked together to
account for missing United States service personnel.
As President Clinton announced at the time he decided to normalize our
relations on July 11, never before has such an extensive effort been
made to account for soldiers, sailors, and others who did not come back-
-who did not come home from the war.
On behalf of all the American people, let me express my gratitude to the
many who have helped in this important and noble endeavor.
As we account for the past, let us also build for the future. We share a
common hope for a peaceful, prosperous Asia. We could and should work
together on such issues as counter-narcotics, human rights, and ways to
advance our economic interests.
As the Minister said, through our joint participation in the ASEAN
Regional Forum we have an opportunity to promote regional peace and
stability.
Vietnamese membership in ASEAN is an important step toward the
integration of Vietnam into the mainstream of Southeast Asia, which will
be in the interest of this region, as well as our two countries.
I look forward to working with the Minister to improve and develop our
relationship in this new normalized state.
Let me add that I have just informed the Minister and his colleagues
that the United States will be sending here as Charge of our embassy one
of our most experienced Foreign Service Officers--someone who knows this
country and its language well. His name is Desaix Anderson. He will
serve as Charge, pending the nomination and confirmation of our
Ambassador to Vietnam. Thank you.
Establishment of U.S. Embassy
Remarks at ceremony establishing the U.S. Embassy, Hanoi, Vietnam,
August 6, 1995.
We meet here today at a historic moment. Four decades ago in a quite
different world, Americans closed the doors of the U.S. Consulate in
Hanoi. In February of 1994 with the PresIdent's decision to open a
liaison office, they returned to open the door to a better future.
Today, on behalf of the President of the United States, we take a proud
step through that door by raising the American flag here over the
American Embassy in Hanoi.
The President's decision to establish diplomatic relations with Vietnam-
-like each step that has come before it in the last two years--has been
guided by one clear objective: to determine the fate of our soldiers who
never came home. We owe this to the men who sacrificed so much to serve
their country, and we owe it to their families, who have borne the pain
of uncertainty for such a long time.
Our resolve to obtain the fullest possible accounting is producing
results. We are expanding our presence here in Vietnam because we are
confident that by doing so we will promote even greater progress in the
solemn and sacred cause of a full accounting. In the six months since
Jim Hall and his colleagues arrived, the liaison office has worked
tirelessly to promote cooperation on POWs and MIAs. And I want to pay
tribute to Jim and the staff here who have accomplished so much under
the most difficult circumstances, working tirelessly and without
complaint.
In addition to the work that they have done in full accounting--which of
course, was their highest priority--they have also provided services to
more than 1,000 Americans here in Vietnam. They have promoted our
economic interests and they have pursued an expanding dialogue with the
Vietnamese authorities on such issues as counternarcotics, human rights,
and other areas of vital importance to our two countries.
Now with the upgrading of the liaison office to a full-fledged embassy,
the scope and potential of our work can vastly expand. Of course,
achieving the fullest possible accounting remains our top priority. But
by expanding the political and economic dimensions of our relationship,
we will also advance America's interest in other ways. As President
Clinton has said, by helping to bring Vietnam into the community of
nations, normalization also serves our interest in working for a free
and peaceful Vietnam in a stable and peaceful Asia.
The process of integration of Vietnam into the Asian world, into the
community of nations called ASEAN, is already fully under way. At the
meeting in Brunei that I attended just a few days ago, Vietnam became a
full member of ASEAN--a development which we believe will support the
continued stability and growth in Southeast Asia. Now that both Vietnam
and the United States are members of the ASEAN Regional Forum, we
believe we have an important grouping which will encourage cooperation,
and give us fuller opportunities for consultation--and all of that can
lead to an easing of tensions in this region.
We believe that our transformation from old adversaries into new
dialogue partners can only reinforce stability and security in the Asia-
Pacific region.
We also believe that by engaging Vietnam on economic reform, we will
further its integration into the vital economy of the vibrant Asia-
Pacific region, which will benefit the citizens of both our countries.
We are beginning the process of examining ways to encourage United
States trade and investment with Vietnam. We want to ensure that
American companies can compete effectively in this expanding and opening
market. I have just come from a meeting with more than 20 American
business representatives who explained to me their interest in the
opportunities to compete here. They see normalization as a new
opportunity for American business in this part of the world.
I want to emphasize that I think their activities are entirely
complementary with our highest priority, which continues to be to obtain
a full accounting. As more Americans are here in Vietnam, as we develop
closer and closer relationships with the people of Vietnam and their
government, this can only enhance our ability to achieve a full
accounting.
This embassy that we open today reflects our determination not only to
launch a new chapter in our relationships with Vietnam, but also to
remain engaged in the Asia-Pacific region.
On this, the 50th anniversary of the end of the Second World War and the
20th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam war, United States engagement
in this region is essential to our security and our prosperity as never
before.
Of course, it is worthwhile reminding ourselves that the work in
building a new productive relationship between the United States and
Vietnam has just begun. Much remains to be done, but we open this new
chapter, this new era with high hopes and great determination. With a
sense of purpose and with a pledge to serve Americans to the greatest of
our ability, we dedicate this site. We dedicate this embassy to the
goals I have outlined today--to complete the accounting for the
Americans who did not return home, to serve a stronger relationship
between the United States and Vietnam, and to vigorously pursue our
other bilateral interests. Thank you.
Remarks to Detachment Two
Remarks at Headquarters of Joint Task Force-Full Accounting, Detachment
Two, Hanoi, Vietnam, August 5, 1995.
Good afternoon. I am glad you could join us at the site where our most
important work in Vietnam is being done. I have just been given an
extremely impressive briefing from Detachment Two of our Joint Task
Force-Full Accounting. The men and women who do this work share the
President's and my conviction that there should be a final accounting
for each and every American who did not return from Vietnam, Laos, or
Cambodia.
When the United States sends its military men and women into battle, it
is the individual, with his or her training, courage, and devotion to
duty, who counts. Each is a cherished human being with a name and a
family and a nation that cares. This endeavor is a reflection of that
deep feeling we have for everyone who goes into battle.
Most of the men and women who are serving so effectively in this command
are too young to have served during the Vietnam War; some were born
after the war ended. Yet they have volunteered for this difficult and
dangerous job. They are combing this country for evidence of our missing
in action. They are searching in villages and paddy fields long since
transformed by the ravages of war and the commerce of peace. They must
overcome poor communications and treacherous terrain, and face the
threat of unexploded mines, which, tragically, continue to take innocent
lives in the Vietnamese countryside. I am enormously impressed by their
dedication and bravery.
As President Clinton has emphasized, our tireless search for the missing
in Southeast Asia is unparalleled in military history. The men and women
of Detachment Two have interviewed hundreds of Vietnamese soldiers,
citizens, and government officials, and have scoured tens of thousands
of archival items and documents looking for clues. I am pleased to say
that in my meeting today with the Foreign Minister, he turned over
another thick sheaf of documents that his government had accumulated in
the last two months.
The scale and intensity of this effort is extraordinary. In order to
locate the remains repatriated in the ceremony I witnessed this morning,
107 U.S. military and civilian specialists deployed into Vietnam for 33
days in eight different teams. In another case, a recovery team spent
six weeks excavating a fish pond, filtering through the muck and mire to
unearth the debris of an A-6 Intruder. Eventually, they were able to
find bone fragments, teeth with restorations, and two gold wedding
bands--mementos of loved ones who were lost.
This is demanding, meticulous work. But it is yielding important
results. From 1993 to the present, we have repatriated 167 sets of
remains. The men and women of the Joint Task Force have confirmed that
the Vietnamese Government has provided us with unprecedented access to
its officials, to its military records, to its prisons, to its
cemeteries, and to isolated areas of the country. Just as important, we
have had remarkable cooperation from Vietnamese citizens in every walk
of life, who have repeatedly come forward to help us find answers. The
people of this nation have endured more than their own share of loss.
They know what a solemn and sacred duty we are undertaking. Indeed, the
need to account for the past is a singular bond between the Vietnamese
and American people. Our government and our veterans' groups have taken
very important steps to help Vietnam account for its missing in action.
As many of our veterans have discovered upon returning to Vietnam, this
common quest can help form the basis for lasting reconciliation.
There is still much work remaining, and we need the continued
cooperation of the Vietnamese Government and people to complete it. The
President's decision to normalize ties proceeded from the conviction
that our cooperation on this matter would continue to improve. I am
convinced that we now have the means to get the fullest possible
accounting for our POWs and MIAs. My visit here today leaves me
confident that we are doing everything in our power to fulfill the
promise that President Clinton has made: to take every conceivable step
to find the truth for the families of our missing in action.
I want to salute the men and women of Detachment Two who labor in a
spirit of great determination. Your nation has good reason to be
grateful. (###)
ARTICLE 3
Reaffirming U.S. Commitment To Democracy and Reconstruction In Cambodia
Secretary Christopher
Arrival Remarks
Remarks upon arrival, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, August 4, 1995.
Mr. Foreign Minister, it is a special privilege for me to set foot on
the soil of a free and independent Cambodia. I am the first Secretary of
State to visit Cambodia since John Foster Dulles visited here as
Secretary in 1955.
I have come here to salute the progress the Cambodian people have made
with such dignity and courage toward peace and freedom. I am here to
underscore the commitment of the United States to support--in every way
we can--the democratic path that you have chosen; to urge you and help
you to consolidate the institutions of democracy as you prepare for the
next elections.
Cambodia has come remarkably far in overcoming a generation of conflict,
terror, and genocide. When more than 90% of eligible Cambodian voters
defied threats and crossed minefields just over two years ago to
establish democracy, their bravery and their determination renewed our
faith in humanity.
The international community, led by the United Nations, has played an
indispensable role in giving Cambodians a chance to rid their country of
violence and to choose their own government. At a time when United
Nations peacekeeping is much criticized and under challenge, the
historic operation in Cambodia is a good example of how the United
Nations can lift the horizons of a country's people. Its success can be
seen in the lives of the thousands who have been saved and the hundreds
of thousands of refugees who have been able to return to their homes, in
the free elections that were held, and in the democratic government that
has endured and prospered here.
We all know the survival of democracy cannot be taken for granted. Even
with its massive humanitarian investment in Cambodia in the past decade,
the international community--the United States included--must continue
to do its part. The United States has contributed more than $1 billion
in aid toward the reconciliation and reconstruction of Cambodia, and we
will remain steadfast in our determination to try and do our part in
moving forward this still fragile transformation.
I look forward very much to my meetings today with His Majesty the King,
with the First Prime Minister Prince Ranariddh, and the Second Prime
Minister Hun Sen, as well as, Mr. Minister, our meetings with you. We
had a good opportunity to begin to get acquainted in Brunei when
Cambodia joined the ASEAN Regional Forum for the first time. I am
looking forward to further conversations with my colleague, the Foreign
Minister, as well as the opportunity to meet with representatives of the
National Assembly and non-governmental organizations to discuss their
vital efforts to ensure that democracy survives and thrives.
I am also going to do as many things as I possibly can in the time that
I have here in Cambodia to learn about your country, to learn about its
past, but also to talk with the leaders here about its future. Even as I
think about how far Cambodia must still travel, I am heartened by how
far it has already come. With the great determination and courage that
Cambodia has shown in the past, and with the support that the
international community can give, I am confident that Cambodia will take
its rightful place among the flourishing democracies and economies of
Southeast Asia. Thank you very much.
Toast
Toast at dinner hosted by King Sihanouk, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, August 4,
1995.
Your Majesty King Sihanouk, Your Majesty Queen Monineath: I have come
to Phnom Penh to celebrate Cambodia's rebirth and to honor your
country's courageous decision to choose the path of reconciliation and
freedom. I am also here to pay tribute to your personal struggle to
bring peace, confidence, and stability to Cambodia after so many years
of hardship. Your Majesty has played the central role in this nation's
long struggle to emerge from cruel darkness.
Thanks to you, Cambodia has a promising future. And I have had a
privilege that no American Secretary of State has enjoyed in 40 years:
to visit with you, in your country and in your palace, especially at a
moment of hope, promise, and change.
Today, Cambodia has an active parliament, a robust press, and a growing
number of civic groups. Co-Prime Ministers Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen
have made tireless efforts on behalf of security and development. Above
all, the Cambodian people have taught the world a lesson: The demand for
liberty is universal, and men and women will overcome the greatest odds
to achieve it.
Of course, Cambodia still faces formidable challenges. Schools and
hospitals need rebuilding. Teachers, doctors, and nurses need training.
Democratic institutions and human rights need constant and vigilant
protection. Minefields must be cleared. It is impossible to visit
Cambodia without seeing reminders of the terror and tragedy it has
experienced.
But it is also impossible to ignore the signs of courage and hope. The
faces of the children who lined my route from the airport, the bustling
energy of Phnom Penh's markets, the bravery of those who risk their
lives in demining efforts, and the determination of the parliamentarians
I met all suggest a common vision of a democratic, prosperous Cambodia
at peace. Let me assure you that the United States will stand with the
Cambodian people as they work to realize that vision.
In recognition of their achievement, I raise my glass to the Cambodian
people. No people in the world more deserve the blessings of peace and
prosperity and freedom. In recognition of your Majesty's leadership, I
raise my glass to you as Samdech Eauv, the "father of the nation." I
wish you and your country excellent health and every success in the
months and years ahead.
Observations on Cambodia's Transformation
Opening statement at a press conference, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, August 4,
1995.
I would like to give you a brief review of my day in Phnom Penh and to
make some observations about the vital but difficult transformation that
is under-way here in Cambodia. It has been an exhilarating day for me
here--my first in Phnom Penh and my first, of course, in this new
democracy.
Following this press conference, I will have an audience with His
Majesty King Sihanouk, a man who has played a historic role in bringing
a new era to Cambodia after many, many years of strife. Earlier today, I
met with the Foreign Minister and then separately with First Prime
Minister Prince Ranariddh and Second Prime Minister Hun Sen. It was an
opportunity for me to reaffirm America's continuing commitment to
support Cambodia's reconstruction and democracy. These meetings focused
on the steps that Cambodia is taking to consolidate democracy and on the
role that our assistance has played in helping it to achieve that goal.
I want to commend both His Majesty and the co-Prime Ministers for the
leadership and cooperative spirit that they have shown with this epic
effort in trying to rebuild and reconstruct their country.
There have been many moving transformations in this world since the Cold
War ended, but no new democracy has had to overcome greater devastation
and faced greater problems than the new democracy here in Cambodia. I
think it is apparent to all that few have been burdened by such grim
memories of genocide and terror.
The United States has provided nearly $1 billion in the last decade to
help Cambodia surmount its tragic past. The USAID agreements that I
signed today represent part of our government's $37-million pledge
currently outstanding to Cambodia. Moreover, I announced today that the
United States will provide 10,000 metric tons of rice to help Cambodia
overcome the food shortages that still affect several parts of this
country.
I also signed an agreement starting operations in Cambodia by the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation-- OPIC--which will be a very
important incentive for American companies that are seeking to invest
here. I told the Cambodian leadership that we will work with even
greater determination following our trip to obtain final action on the
legislation now pending in Congress to restore most-favored-nation
status to Cambodia--legislation which has passed the House and is now
pending in the Senate. MFN will be crucial to Cambodia's recovery, as I
have heard from a number of businesspeople. Cambodia's economic future,
of course, will depend upon its private sector and its own ability to
attract foreign investment and to prosper with trade. Both the OPIC
guaranties and MFN are important building blocks in that process.
As most of you know, I visited Cambodia's Mine Action Center, where a
very dedicated staff is struggling to rid this country of the plague of
anti-personnel landmines. The United States has played a considerable
role in supporting this program. In addition, we have a global program
to try to end the scourge of landmines. We stopped exporting landmines
ourselves, and we are spearheading a resolution at the United Nations
calling for a global ban on land mine exports.
I met for nearly two hours with some members of the National Assembly
and with representatives of Cambodia's leading human rights
organizations. It was a very important event for me. I heard from a good
cross-section of extraordinary Cambodians on the challenges facing this
new democracy. The topics we discussed included the importance of free
media; the strengths and weaknesses of the new press law; preparations
for the next round of elections; steps that are needed to
institutionalize the rule of law; and the need to stay committed and
focused on the pursuit of democracy.
The process of change is fragile and, obviously, very difficult
challenges remain. I reminded all my interlocutors that elections are
very important, and I paraphrased Haitian President Aristide who said so
movingly in Washington--"in a democracy it is not the first, but the
second election that counts." I reminded my friends that democracy also
requires more than an election; it requires respect for human rights, a
free press, and other vital institutions of civil society. I stressed
that our ability to sustain congressional and public support in the
United States for assistance to Cambodia depended very heavily on how
they managed this very difficult, very fragile process. During lunch, I
heard stories of the horrors of the Khmer Rouge period--of lost fathers
and mothers and sisters--from those who have lived through and
experienced the period. I was particularly struck by the determination
of those who survived the horrors of Cambodia's darkest hour to make
sure they never happened again.
It was just two years ago that Cambodia held its first free elections.
Next year, there will be local elections, and then the national
elections in 1998 will be a critical chance for Cambodia to renew its
commitment to an accountable government. The United States intends to do
its part to try to help. For example, through our Democratic and
Republican Party institutes, we will work to strengthen Cambodia's
political parties and to heighten respect for the essential democratic
force of a loyal opposition.
No country in Asia has been more ravaged by conflict and war over the
past two decades than Cambodia; no people in Asia are more deserving of
a respite from conflict and war. Today, Cambodia is poised to enter the
mainstream of a prosperous Southeast Asia at peace. With the continuing
support of the United States, the support of its Asian neighbors, and
the entire international community, that goal can be achieved. With the
steady commitment of Cambodians to build and safeguard their democracy,
that goal will be achieved. Thanks very much.
U.S.-Cambodia Agreements
Remarks at signing ceremony with His Royal Highness Samdech Preah
Norodom Ranariddh, First Prime Minister, and His Excellency Hun Sen,
Second Prime Minister, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, August 4, 1995.
Your Royal Highness, First Prime Minister, Your Excellency Second Prime
Minister, ministers, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen: I have
come to Cambodia today to salute the remarkable progress its people are
making toward democracy and peace. Those great strides began because
millions of Cambodians turned away from violence and turned toward
reconciliation; turned away from repression and turned toward freedom.
As the Cambodian people have advanced down this courageous path, the
steadfast support of the international community has helped to carry
them forward, though, no doubt, it is the courage and steadfastness of
the Cambodian people that is owed the greatest support and recognition.
The agreements that we are signing today will reinforce America's
commitment to help Cambodia overcome its tragic past. Over the last
decade the United States has provided nearly $1 billion to support
relief, peacekeeping, and reconstruction here in Cambodia at a time when
our resources are strained in the United States. Nevertheless, our
support for developing democratic institutions and a free market in
Cambodia will continue.
I will take just a moment now to highlight some of the assistance that
we are providing through these agreements that I have just signed with
your two ministers. First, we are announcing today that the United
States will provide 10,000 metric tons of rice to Cambodia through our
Food for Peace program. We are making this donation, which amounts to
around $5 million, to offset the severe shortages caused in this country
by the floods that still afflict part of the countryside. I am also
pleased to say that pursuant to the agreements that we have just signed,
there will be a new six-year, $30-million project to bolster primary
education. In addition, we are beginning a $20-million project to
strengthen family health services. I have also signed agreements to
provide more funding to existing programs that support political and
economic reform.
Of course, the ultimate success of our assistance programs will depend
upon the determination of the Cambodian people, not just to build demo-
cratic institutions, but to rebuild their shattered economy on the basis
of free market principles. Cambodia's economic future rests upon the
strength of its private sector and on its ability to attract investors
and to prosper from both trade and investment. And so, I am very pleased
to announce that one of the agreements we have just signed permits our
OPIC agency--our Overseas Private Investment Corporation--to operate in
Cambodia. In many cases, the availability of OPIC programs can tip the
balance in an American company's decision to invest here or to go
elsewhere. Now, with OPIC able to provide insurance financing programs,
we are certain that American companies will be even more eager to invest
in Cambodia. We know that many companies will be here to find
opportunities and to send a strong signal of their support for the
security and stability of the Cambodian regime.
Of course, the way ahead will not be easy. Your needs for international
assistance are very great, but we are determined to continue to help. We
will help address them by supplying food, by helping to train teachers
and doctors, and by improving agriculture. We will help you rebuild your
political and economic institutions that are needed to convert your
hard-won freedom into lasting peace and prosperity. Through the
agreements that we have just signed today, I am proud to say that the
United States is doing both. Thank you very much.
Cambodian Mine Action Center
Remarks at Cambodian Mine Action Center, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, August 4,
1995.
Good afternoon. I am here to honor the outstanding work that the staff
of the Cambodia Mine Action Center has been doing to help rid this
country of anti-personnel landmines. I am also here because Cambodia's
experience with landmines is a lesson to the world. These hidden killers
are a scourge that must be controlled and, ultimately, eliminated.
No nation has suffered more from landmines than Cambodia. Two
generations of almost uninterrupted warfare have left an estimated 10
million mines strewn along Cambodia's roads and around its paddyfields
and jungles. Thousands of people have lost their lives simply trying to
farm, herd animals, and gather firewood. Because of landmines and other
debris of war, Cambodia has the highest proportion of amputees in its
population of any nation in the world--roughly one person in every 236.
Even today, there are up to 300 new landmine casualties every month.
Every mine that explodes adds another needless tragedy to the pain of
Cambodia's recent history.
In Cambodia, as elsewhere, landmines do not distinguish between
civilians and combatants; indeed, they probably kill more children than
soldiers. They do not cease to kill when peace treaties are signed and
soldiers become farmers, teachers, and merchants. The essential tasks of
rebuilding a war-shattered society are delayed until the mines are
cleared.
For three years now, the Mine Action Center has been attacking this
problem and beating the odds. With over 1,500 deminers in the field, it
is among the largest and best-organized demining operations in the
world. It has cleared over 8 million square meters--an area as big as
Connecticut--destroying almost 200,000 pieces of unexploded ordnance. I
cite these numbers because they point to something more important: The
Center's work has saved thousands of innocent lives.
Destroying mines is difficult, expensive, and most of all, dangerous
work. The danger is compounded by poor security in areas where the Khmer
Rouge is still a threat. Cambodia must not face this problem alone. The
demining program needs the continued support of the international
community.
The United States is proud to help. This has been a personal project of
mine for some time. I have been enlisted in this project by Senator Pat
Leahy, who has worked to call international attention to this issue. In
the last two years, we have committed over $6 million to the demining
effort. For the past year, U.S. military personnel have been training
Cambodian soldiers in landmine identification and clearance, and first
aid for trauma victims. These programs will continue in Cambodia and in
10 other countries on three continents.
We will also continue to lead diplomatic efforts to curb the
proliferation and irresponsible use of landmines around the world. The
United States has stopped exporting landmines. We have urged other
nations to follow suit. We spearheaded a resolution at the UN calling
for a global ban on landmine exports. With the United Kingdom, we have
proposed a multilateral regime to restrict the production, stockpiling,
and export of anti-personnel mines. I am pleased that the Cambodian
Government has provided strong support to this effort.
As Secretary of State, I will continue to make this issue a personal
priority. The United States will stand with the people and Government of
Cambodia--from the villages and fields of this beautiful country to the
conference halls of Geneva and New York--in our common effort to end the
landmine threat. Your efforts here have earned the gratitude of the
Cambodian people and the international community. We salute you. (###)
ARTICLE 4
The United States and Malaysia: A Dynamic Relationship
Secretary Christopher
Educational Exchange
Remarks at the signing of an agreement establishing the Malaysian-
American Commission on Educational Exchange, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia,
August 3, 1995.
Thank you. I am really delighted to join Education Minister Najib for
this significant signing.
Educational exchange is a very important part of the dynamic
relationship between the United States and Malaysia. For centuries,
Malaysia has been open to the world. Today, in the age of phones and
microchips and faxes, Malaysia is even more open than it has been in the
past. We are building between us new links across the sea lanes and
across the information superhighway.
No doubt, Malaysia's commitment to education reflects its historic role
as a crossroads of culture and commerce. Prime Minister Mahathir has
said that education is the key to enabling Malaysia to realize its
vision of a modern and developed Malaysia by the year 2020. The United
States applauds this vision and looks forward to working with Malaysia
to make it a reality.
Already, Malaysia is among the top 10 countries in supplying foreign
students to the United States. More than 100,000 Malaysians have gone to
U.S. universities. Today, they are making a very significant
contribution here in Malaysia.
This new Fulbright program that we launched today--and for which I thank
my colleague, the Minister, for describing so I won't have to--allows us
to continue to foster the exchange of students, and the exchange of
know-ledge and experiences between scholars. It recognizes, as the
Minister said, that changes have taken place over the last 30 years. We
now have a new opportunity to enable a Malaysian-American Commission on
Educational Exchange to maintain its position as a leader in this kind
of educational exchange program.
A number of American universities and Malaysian universities are working
together. The Ministry of Education here and our Midwestern University
Consortium have launched a new initiative to provide technical training
and expertise for Malaysian educators, and, in turn, to produce a new
cadre of technically trained workers--one of the great needs of this
dynamic country with its thirst for well-trained, expert workers. In the
25 years of working with Malaysia, American universities that belong to
this consortium have developed some of the major American centers of
expertise on Southeast Asia and Malaysia. Their future involvement will
ensure that students and educators as well as professors will increase
their expertise.
I think you probably all know that as a young man, President Clinton
worked in the office of Senator Fulbright when Senator Fulbright was in
the United States Senate and Chairman of the Foreign Relations
Committee. Indeed, Senator Fulbright was one of the mentors and role
models for President Clinton. President Clinton spoke at a memorial
service for Senator Fulbright, who died only last year. In that
memorable address, President Clinton remarked that the Fulbright
scholarship reflected Senator Fulbright's faith: "different kinds of
people learning side by side, building what he called a capacity for
empathy . . . and an inclination for peace." The scholars who take part
carry forward this meaningful and historic legacy. They know the value
of openness, and they know the value of understanding in our
increasingly interdependent world. So it is with a great deal of
pleasure that I have joined with Minister Najib, who has such a sterling
reputation among all of us who know about him and work with him, in
signing this new agreement to continue the Fulbright program here in
Malaysia.
Extradition Treaty
Remarks at signing of U.S.-Malaysia extradition treaty, Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia, August 3, 1995.
I am delighted to join Foreign Minister Abdullah in signing a new
extradition treaty, the product of seven years of long, hard
negotiations. Let me express my appreciation to the Government of
Malaysia, the attorneys-general of Malaysia, and negotiators whose long
and painstaking work made possible the signature of this treaty today.
This treaty demonstrates the commitment of the United States and
Malaysia to strengthen our relations and broaden our cooperation in many
areas of significance. We view Malaysia as a very strong regional
leader, one of Southeast Asia's most dynamic economies and an
increasingly valuable partner for the United States on issues ranging
from security to counternarcotics and the environment.
Indeed, Malaysia has grown rapidly in the last few years. Earlier today,
I witnessed the signing of treaties and commercial agreements that
reflect Malaysia's remarkable economic achievement and the deepening of
our relationship. Malaysia is already our 13th-largest trading partner,
while the United States is Malaysia's second- largest trading partner
and a top foreign investor here. Through U.S.-ASEAN relations, our
nations are expanding our economic ties, and through APEC, we are
expanding our cooperation across the Asia-Pacific region.
Our nations also enjoy excellent security cooperation. As you know, the
Foreign Minister and I have just returned from the second meeting of the
ASEAN Regional Forum--this time in Brunei--where we joined 17 of our
fellow foreign ministers to talk about challenges to regional security.
Our bilateral security relationship helps the United States maintain its
forward presence, a forward presence that Malaysia, as well as the other
nations in this region, deem essential to regional stability and
prosperity. We greatly appreciate Malaysia's role in hosting the
discussions here in Kuala Lumpur between North Korea and the United
States on the U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreed Framework. We also appreciate the
help that Malaysia has given to the KEDO organization which is so
essential to the Framework's implementation. We have tremendous regard
for Malaysia's participation in UN peacekeeping operations, including
those in Bosnia as well as other humanitarian operations.
We hope to broaden our cooperation on a number of other security
challenges. The extradition treaty that we signed today reflects our
understanding that, in today's increasingly interdependent world,
threats like international terrorism, narcotics trafficking, and
organized crime cannot be defeated by any one nation. Only by working
together, only by combining our efforts can we prevail.
This treaty also demonstrates the respect both of our countries hold for
the rule of law. It reinforces our common desire to see that those who
breach our laws are brought to justice. It advances our common interests
in protecting our societies from those who try to undermine them with
violence, corruption, and drugs. The United States and Malaysia have
already established a very strong cooperative anti-narcotics
relationship, and this treaty will be very useful in that regard. I look
forward to its very early ratification and its entry into force at the
earliest possible time.
Let me add some impressions of my meetings here over the past few days.
My conversations and experiences here greatly reinforce my conviction
about the need for American engagement in this dynamic region. In my
meetings with foreign ministers in Brunei and today with the prime
minister and the deputy prime minister, as well as the ministers of the
cabinet and other business leaders at lunch, the message has been the
same. The region still looks to the United States to sustain its
security and economic prosperity.
At the same time, I am also powerfully struck by the enormous interest
that the United States has in sharing in the prosperity of this region.
No one could drive in from the airport as I did today without being
impressed by the tremendous opportunities that there are here for United
States business and industry and, indeed, for United States workers. At
lunch today, both Malaysian and American business leaders stressed the
importance of our increasing, and not reducing, our present business
presence in this area. At a time when the siren song of isolationism
again is being heard, I think it is even more important that we
increase, rather than reduce, America's commitment to this area. It is
in our strong national interest to participate in the tremendous growth
in this area and to ensure that there is no disruption to its progress.
Thank you very much, Mr. Minister.
Commercial Contracts
Remarks at witnessing signing of commercial contracts at the Prime
Minister's Department, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, August 3, 1995.
Thank you very much. Let me first say how much I enjoy being here in
Kuala Lumpur and getting a sense of the dynamic growth of this area
reflected in the signature of these outstanding contracts. I just had
the pleasure of a good meeting with the Deputy Prime Minister of your
country. I heard a great deal about him from Vice President Gore, and,
through his unusual insights and eloquence, he more than lived up to his
reputation. We exchanged views about a large range of subjects. In his
capacity as Finance Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister has played a key
role in promoting economic growth and economic liberalization. We both
agreed that this liberalization should continue, and I urged that it be
expanded when available to financial services. The progress in open
trading has already succeeded in attracting an ever-growing number of
American and other foreign investors and exporters to Malaysia. The
United States is now the largest foreign investor in Malaysia as well as
Malaysia's second-largest trading partner, and Malaysia is the 13th-
largest trading partner of the United States.
The agreement that we have just witnessed between FMC-Jetway and its
partner Sime Engineering in the Kuala Lumpur International Airport is a
very concrete and very significant expression of the strong and growing
commercial ties between our two countries. Through the centuries
Malaysia has been the midpoint, the marketplace for travelers going
between India and China. Today in the new jet age, it is a crossroads of
trans-Pacific commerce, and the new airport will give Malaysia a new
gateway to match the tremendous growth of this economy and its industry.
I am very pleased that an American company, FMC-Jetway, is helping
Malaysia realize its vision of a fully developed economy by the year
2020. I hope that more American companies will take part in realizing
this ambitious vision of the future. I want to thank all those who made
this signing today possible, and I want to thank you, Mr. Deputy Prime
Minister, for your hospitality and for giving me the opportunity to be
here for this significant event in Kuala Lumpur. I want to express the
deep regard that the United States has for Malaysia and the high
regard we have for our growing and ever-closer relationship. I am
dedicated to taking steps that will ensure we find more areas where we
can cooperate in this dynamic region. (###)
ARTICLE 5
U.S. Policy in the Middle East
Robert H. Pelletreau, Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs
Statement before the House International Relations Committee,
Washington, DC, August 2, 1995
Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the committee: I am pleased to
appear before you to review recent developments in the Middle East. My
statement today will focus on developments in the peace process since I
last testified before the full committee in April. I will also review
our policy toward Iran, Iraq, Libya, and others in the region.
This Administration remains fully engaged in helping to secure a just,
lasting, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. In June, Secretary
Christopher made his 12th visit to the Middle East in 2-1/2 years. The
Secretary met with the leaders of Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and the
Palestinians. I am pleased to report that his efforts had the effect of
re-energizing the peace process after a difficult period.
We have worked hard in the ensuing weeks to capitalize on new
opportunities and advance the process. Let me describe where we stand on
the various tracks.
Israel-Palestinians
Since signing the Declaration of Principles in September 1993, Israel
and the Palestinians have concluded a series of important implementation
agreements. They are now engaged in an intensive effort to reach
agreement on implementation of phase two of the Declaration of
Principles. The United States supports these negotiations and commends
both parties for their determination to reach agreement, despite the
efforts of the enemies of peace to undermine the negotiations.
We believe that conclusion of an agreement on the second phase will
provide an important demonstration of the ability of the two sides to
deal with difficult issues and of their commitment to move forward.
Israel and the Palestinians have sought to conclude this agreement as
quickly as possible, but we recognize that the issues under discussion
are complex and sensitive. We were encouraged by progress made by
Foreign Minister Peres and Chairman Arafat at a meeting hosted by
President Mubarak on July 19 in Alexandria. This further underscored the
continuing important role played by Egypt in the peace process.
The current negotiations focus on the issues of security and the
redeployment of Israeli forces, the further transfer of authority to the
Palestinian Authority, and elections. The parties are working hard to
outline a framework for Israeli redeployment in the West Bank and
arrangements for maintaining security and public order.
Redeployment will set in motion a process for elections for the
Palestinian Council. This will be accompanied by the further transfer of
nearly 30 areas of administrative powers in the West Bank from Israel to
the Palestinian Authority, which will complement the five spheres that
were transferred in 1994.
Meanwhile, terrorist incidents such as the July 24 bus bombing in Ramat
Gan, a Tel Aviv suburb, and the murder of two Israeli hikers in Wadi
Kelt serve as a reminder of the challenge Israel and the Palestinians
must deal with.
We note Chairman Arafat's strong condemnation of the terrorist bombing.
For its part, the Palestinian Authority has taken important steps to
prevent violence and to punish those responsible for terrorism. The
Palestinian Authority has also undertaken more meaningful measures to
crack down on those that plan and carry out attacks. It has detained,
tried, and convicted persons involved in violence and terrorism against
Israel and has moved to restrict the prevalence of weapons in areas
under its control. Cooperation and coordination with Israeli security
forces continue to improve. If measures such as these are sustained, and
they must be sustained, they will have a lasting effect on security and
stability.
As President Clinton has repeatedly emphasized, the enemies of peace
cannot--and will not--prevail. This was amply demonstrated by the
Israeli-Palestinian agreement to resume talks this week and to not allow
terrorists to derail the process. Once the parties reach agreement,
there may be a request to hold a signing ceremony in Washington followed
by a series of donor meetings to spur economic support for the
agreement.
The United States will play a central role in mobilizing political and
economic support for the accord, as we have since 1993. For that reason,
we look forward to continuing our dialogue with the Congress on the
terms of short-term and long-term extensions of the Middle East Peace
Facilitation Act. Our own bilateral aid program is on track. USAID has
obligated $130 mil- lion of our total $150 million authority for fiscal
years 1994 and 1995. This includes two emergency job creation projects
valued at $8 million, which were signed in March and an $11-million Gaza
storm drain project, signed in early July and announced on July 27 in
Gaza by Ambassador Indyk and Chairman Arafat.
Looking ahead to the donors meetings, we intend to focus on four key
issues: infrastructure development, particularly in the West Bank;
continued support for startup costs for the Palestinian Authority;
housing; and industrial zones. In every case, we will be guided by the
conviction that our aid program should complement the Palestinian
Authority's effort to create effective institutions of self-government
and promote free enterprise necessary to promote long-term economic
development.
Israel
Bilateral relations with Israel continue to be very warm and
cooperative. Our commitment to Israel's security remains unshakable, and
the President's budget request for FY 1996 reflects this commitment. At
the same time, we look forward to improving the balance of trade between
our two countries which historically has favored Israel. We are
currently holding trade talks in Washington to find mutually beneficial
ways to address this issue. Finally, cooperation on security matters
remains a high priority. As an example, we are actively considering a
request from the Government of Israel for the provisional arrest of
Mousa Mohammed Abu Marzook under Article XI of our 1962 bilateral
extradition treaty. Mr. Abu Marzook is the head of the political bureau
of Hamas, one of the organizations listed in the President's January 24,
1995 Executive Order "Prohibiting Transactions with Terrorists who
Threaten to Disrupt the Middle East Peace Process."
Israel-Syria
The Israel-Syria negotiations have commanded a great deal of our
attention over the past few months. It is clear that much work remains
to be done, but we are encouraged that the talks have entered a new,
more substantive phase.
The current phase began with Secretary Christopher's trip to the region
in March, when the two sides agreed to a renewal of direct talks. We
took another step forward in June with Secretary Christopher's
announcement that Israel and Syria had agreed on a sequence of steps to
advance the negotiations. This sequence involved a meeting in Washington
under U.S. auspices of the Israeli and Syrian chiefs of staff to discuss
security arrangements, a trip by Ambassador Ross to the region, to be
followed by a meeting of military experts in Washington. We believe that
this sequence of steps is the most effective way to proceed.
The Israeli-Syrian talks cover a range of complex and sensitive issues.
They are focused on the nature of the peace they are contemplating,
withdrawal, security, and the timing of the elements of these issues.
While these talks represent an important development, significant gaps
remain. The United States will remain closely and actively involved to
support the efforts of the parties to reach an agreement.
Amman Economic Summit
We know that for peace in the Middle East to take root and spread, it
must be accompanied by tangible change in the lives of people in the
region. The Administration is making a major effort to spread the
benefits of peace by bringing private sector resources to bear on the
region's pressing economic needs. We are committed first and foremost to
promoting U.S. business in the region, not only by helping U.S.
companies secure contracts, but also by reducing barriers to trade and
investment and ensuring that the rights of American businesses are not
infringed.
The Administration is also sponsoring the second Middle East/North
Africa economic summit, to be held in Amman, Jordan, in October. Last
year's inaugural economic summit in Casablanca brought together
representatives of 61 countries and more than 1,000 businesspeople to
discuss economic development needs and commercial prospects of the
region. Participants at Casablanca endorsed the concept of a public-
private partnership--a concept which underlies our objectives for Amman.
At the summit, we hope to be in a position to announce the creation of a
regional bank, as well as regional councils for business and for
tourism.
The proposed bank would allow us to leverage our resources to promote
regional development, and it would complement the important work done by
other international financial institutions. A task force of 30 regional
and non-regional members has been working hard in advance of the summit
reviewing proposals and draft articles of agreement. We envision a small
bank to meet the region's unique development needs, and we are intent on
ensuring its financial soundness.
We have no illusions that prosperity will come quickly or easily to the
region. The summit will have a salutary effect of highlighting new
commercial opportunities and incentives to advance regional development.
It is up to Middle Easterners themselves to embrace these opportunities
and prepare their economies and societies for the challenges of the 21st
century.
Jordan
It is entirely appropriate that Jordan will be the site of the next
regional economic summit. Under the leadership of King Hussein, Jordan
is charting a new course in the search for peace and prosperity in the
Middle East. It has been just over one year since President Clinton
hosted a meeting between King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin at the
White House. This historic meeting on July 25, 1994, produced the
Washington Declaration, which marked the end of the state of war between
Israel and Jordan.
In October, Jordan became the second Arab state to sign a peace treaty
with Israel. The two countries established formal diplomatic relations
in November and exchanged ambassadors in March. We are encouraged that
the Jordanians and Israelis have begun to formulate plans for a series
of joint development projects dealing with the environment, water,
energy, and tourism. The United States has been closely and constantly
involved in supporting these efforts through the U.S.-Israel-Jordan
Trilateral Economic Committee.
The President committed the U.S. to support Jordan when King Hussein
took his courageous move toward peace without waiting for others in the
region. Jordan is clearly doing its part to secure peace in the Middle
East, and it deserves our support. In this regard, we welcome the
Congress' approval of the recissions bill containing the $275 million
requested for debt relief for Jordan.
Arab Boycott
One major blight on the economic and political landscape is the Arab
League's boycott of Israel. We remain in staunch opposition to the
boycott, which, I am pleased to report, has been further relaxed during
the past year. Encouraging signs of change include the Gulf Cooperation
Council states' announcement last fall that they have ended the
secondary and tertiary boycotts and the Palestinian endorsement of an
end to the boycott in the February Taba Declaration. Just last week, the
Jordanian Parliament took a major step forward when it voted by a
substantial majority to endorse draft legislation which would cancel
existing laws implementing the boycott.
We will continue to urge our Arab allies to take unilateral steps
against the boycott while we press for an Arab League resolution to end
it. The Anti-Economic Discrimination Act has been a useful tool in
combating the boycott and, in particular, in eliminating boycott-related
requests to U.S. companies. We are pressing those countries for which
the President granted a one-year waiver under the Act to put an end to
such requests.
Egypt
Egypt continues to be a reliable and important partner of the United
States in the Middle East. Our two countries engage in wide-ranging
cooperation in many areas, and the U.S. remains Egypt's largest donor
and military supplier. Egypt and the United States work closely together
on the Middle East peace process, regional security, and many other
issues highly important to our interests. We applaud Egypt's continuing
contributions to United Nations peacekeeping operations under the most
difficult circumstances, such as in Bosnia, Liberia, and Angola. While
we do not always agree on all matters, our relationship with Egypt is
solid, mature, and deep, reflected in continuing productive dialogue on
a wide range of issues.
Like all of Egypt's friends, we were greatly relieved that President
Mubarak escaped the assassination attempt against him in late June. We
greatly appreciate President Mubarak's continuing personal leadership in
helping to move the Middle East peace process forward.
We look forward to continuing to work closely with Egypt to develop the
relationship still further for the future. Since the establishment of a
new Joint Partnership for Economic Growth and Development inaugurated by
Vice President Gore and President Mubarak in Cairo, March 21, all three
subcommittees of the Joint Partnership have held initial meetings and
reached agreement on initial work programs. We look forward to an
ongoing dialogue on policies to promote economic growth and job creation
in Egypt through emphasis on fostering private sector development. We
hope that these working groups will lead to technical cooperation in
financial areas, increased trade, and mutually beneficial activity in
the scientific, industrial, and educational fields.
The Multilateral Negotiations
The multilateral peace talks, which have received less publicity than
the bilateral talks, are also recording steady, incremental gains. The
Multilateral Working Groups bring together representatives of Israel,
the Palestinians, 13 Arab countries, and more than 30 parties from
outside the region to address issues facing the region as a whole:
water, the environment, economic development, refugees, and arms control
and security.
The multilateral track continues to complement and reinforce the
bilateral track by expanding the range of Arab-Israeli contacts to
achieve practical regional cooperation. The Environment Working Group,
for example, has agreed to a regional code of conduct. The Water
Resources Working Group is in the process of creating a Middle East
desalination research center in Oman. The Refugees Working Group has
facilitated scores of meaningful projects to assist Palestinian
refugees. Activities such as these give us a glimpse of what the region
could look like in an era of comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace.
Challenges to Peace and Stability
Even as the region moves toward peace, threats to peace and security
remain, demanding careful attention and monitoring. Forces of terrorism
and rejection work against efforts to make peace. Opposition movements--
religious and secular--that use violence and terrorism challenge some
governments in the region. The pursuit of weapons of mass destruction by
some states poses a long-term threat, which must be countered. I would
underscore that the activities of Iran, Iraq, and Libya remain sources
of particular concern. Let me briefly review our policy toward the Gulf
region.
Iran
Our policy toward Iran is aimed at pressuring Tehran to halt its
unacceptable policies, including its sponsorship of terrorism and
violence designed to undermine the Middle East peace process and its
pursuit of weapons of mass destruction and the means to deliver them. We
are urging the international community to join with us to exact a
sufficiently high economic and political price.
President Clinton's decision in May to impose a trade and investment
embargo against Iran affirmed U.S. leadership in holding Iran
accountable for its actions. The embargo will reinforce our
comprehensive efforts to secure the cooperation of other governments to
exert multilateral pressure on Tehran. It also deprives Iran of the
benefits of commercial relations with the U.S. The U.S. embargo had an
immediate impact in Iran: The value of the rial declined sharply.
Although the rial has since stabilized, we expect Iran's economic
troubles to persist.
We continue to seek multilateral support for our effort to pressure
Iran. At the G-7 summit meeting in Halifax this June, the Administration
urged the allies to support our efforts to pressure Iran economically.
Echoing our concerns, the G-7 leaders condemned the behavior of the
Iranian Government and called on all states to avoid any collaboration
with Iran which might lead to a nuclear weapons capability. We continue
our high-level efforts to persuade the Russians of the political,
security, and diplomatic costs that Russia will face in the event the
reactor deal goes forward.
In addition, we have shaped a consensus--among the 23 Western
governments participating in talks for the COCOM successor regime--that
Iran should not be able to buy weapons or sensitive dual-use technology.
During their June meeting in Moscow, Vice President Gore and Prime
Minister Chernomyrdin arrived at an understanding that makes clear that
Russia's commitment to sign no new contracts represents a comprehensive
commitment covering arms and arms-related technologies.
These examples demonstrate our unwavering resolve to protect U.S.
interests. We must recognize that it may take months, if not longer,
before we can fully assess the impact of the new U.S. sanctions. We must
persuade our major trading partners, notably Canada, the European Union,
and Japan, to limit their commercial ties with Iran, particularly
through the extension of credits. The United States is committed to this
effort for the long-term.
Iraq
Our policy on Iraq is unchanged: Iraq must comply fully with all
obligations established by the UN Security Council in resolutions passed
in the wake of its invasion of Kuwait in 1990. Full compliance is the
only means of reducing Iraq's threat to regional security. Security
Council Resolution 687, which ended the Gulf War and set terms for the
cease-fire, makes explicit the Council's need to be assured of Iraq's
peaceful intentions. In our view--a view shared by the majority of the
Council--full compliance with all its obligations is the appropriate
measure for determining Iraq's intentions and the only basis for any
discussion of modifying sanctions.
We have noted recent Iraqi threats to return to a policy of
confrontation if the Council decides to maintain sanctions at the next
review in September. Iraq is in no position to instruct the Council on
when the terms of the Council's resolutions have been met. Iraq's
continuing non-compliance with numerous resolutions make inevitable
another renewal of sanctions in September. Saddam should not forget that
the Security Council has responded firmly to past Iraqi provocations.
We, and the Security Council, will respond equally firmly to any
confrontational Iraqi acts.
We were pleased at the recent release of the two Americans detained in
Iraq. Their imprisonment was without any justification. Congressman
Richardson deserves much credit for handling a difficult situation with
calm, good judgment. No deal was cut with the Iraqis for the release of
the men. Congressman Richardson carried no message--verbal or written--
from the Administration. Iraq's release of the two Americans will have
no impact on our approach to sanctions.
Regarding the conflict in northern Iraq between rival Kurdish groups,
we continue our efforts to persuade Kurdish leaders to resolve their
differences. We continue to make clear to the Kurds that the U.S.
supports territorial integrity of Iraq, and we look forward to the day
when all Iraqis can enjoy the protection of a democratic, pluralistic
government in Baghdad.
Gulf Cooperation Council Security
In the Gulf, we have a vital security relationship with each of the Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) states and continue to promote greater intra-
GCC cooperation to forge an effective regional deterrent to aggression.
This reinforces our effort to contain Iran and Iraq. We, therefore,
support the defensive capabilities of our friends in the Gulf.
Internally, the GCC states face a variety of economic and social
questions which demand new answers from government decision-makers. None
of the GCC states, however, faces a concrete threat to overall
governmental control and authority. We seek every opportunity to
encourage the GCC states to move toward participatory mechanisms of
government involving all elements of the citizenry.
In June, there was a peaceful and orderly transition in government in
Qatar. This event should not be viewed as a harbinger of instability in
Qatar or elsewhere in the region. The new Amir of Qatar, in his previous
capacity as Prime Minister, effectively ran the Qatari Government before
the transition. He was also the Defense Minister. He now will be better
able to pursue the foreign policy which had strengthened U.S.-Qatari
ties, dealt openly with Israel, and supported the Middle East peace
process. All of the other GCC states and other neighbors rapidly
accepted Qatar's transition.
Libya
Libya continues to pose a threat to security in North Africa and beyond.
Last week, on July 28, the UN Security Council decided for the 10th time
that Libya still had not met the requirements of UN Security Council
Resolution 731, concerning the bombings on Pan Am flight 103 and UTA
flight 722. We strongly condemn Libya's lack of cooperation in resolving
these tragedies and support the international community's resolve to see
that justice is done.
The Government of Libya continues to seek out intermediaries in hopes of
negotiating a settlement and bringing an end to sanctions. Let me say
that the international community's message is clear: There are no
alternative avenues to resolution of this problem other than through the
United Nations.
While we have seen some significant results from current sanctions,
they, regrettably, have not forced Libya to comply with UN resolutions.
Clearly, more must be done. We have consulted with other Security
Council members on the possibility of tightening sanctions through a
number of means, including an oil embargo against Libya. There are
significant differences between the U.S. position on enhanced sanctions
and that of our allies, but we continue to press for more effective
action.
Another serious concern of the Administration is Libya's candidacy for
the Security Council. As I reported during my last testimony in April,
Libya is next in line under the traditional rotation to assume one of
the Africa Group's Security Council seats in January 1996. We, along
with our British and French counterparts, have been engaged in an
intensive worldwide diplomatic effort to prevent Libya from gaining the
seat. I can think of no scenario that would more deeply diminish the
integrity of the United Nations than a country currently facing Security
Council sanctions gaining a seat in that group.
I am pleased to report that our sentiments are shared by many other
nations also concerned about Libyan activities and the integrity of the
United Nations. We believe that we have a sufficient number of votes to
defeat Libya's candidacy, but we will continue to work with our allies
and other nations to ensure that Libya's candidacy does not become a
reality.
Algeria
The political and military situation in Algeria remains at an impasse.
Violence between the military-led government and Islamist insurgents
continues on a daily basis and may be on the upswing. We are seeing
serious human rights abuses, and the conflict is causing hundreds of
casualties among innocent civilians each month. Despite some successes
in the regime's counterinsurgency operations, the armed Islamist groups
remain active.
The political stalemate shows little hope of a breakthrough. A series of
contacts between a presidential adviser and imprisoned leaders of the
Islamic Salvation Front last month broke off with each side accusing the
other of acting in bad faith. The government meanwhile is pressing ahead
with its plan to hold presidential elections this year, over the
objections of the main opposition parties.
We are convinced that the best hope to end the violence in Algeria lies
in the establishment of a political process which would enable Algerians
to make a constitution. In order to contribute to a resolution of the
conflict, such a process will need to be perceived as free, fair, and
credible by the Algerian people and the main political parties--both
Islamist and secular. The U.S. supports the economic reform program
which Algiers is implementing in coordination with the IMF; continuing
political instability will, nonetheless, have an adverse effect on
prospects for economic recovery.
Our message to Algerian leaders and opposition groups has been clear: We
urge a solution based on reconciliation and guarantees of respect for
the rights of all Algerians. We will continue to consult closely with
France and other concerned European governments on a coordinated Western
approach to the Algerian crisis.
Conclusion
Mr. Chairman, recent developments in the Middle East present the United
States with both opportunities and challenges. Opportunities abound in a
region where the people and governments are striving for more peaceful
and cooperative relations. We are committed to helping further this
trend: facilitating negotiations, promoting regional economic
cooperation, and providing political and economic support to the
region's peacemakers. At the same time, we continue to face formidable
challenges to security in this volatile region. This Administration will
remain fully engaged to ensure that America's vital national interests
are safeguarded.(###)
END OF DISPATCH VOLUME 6, NO. 33
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