US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH 
VOLUME 6, NUMBER 24, JUNE 12, 1995 
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE: 
 
1. The OAS:  Playing an Essential Role In the Western Hemisphere -- 
Secretary Christopher  
2. The Summit of the Americas Action Plan:Fulfilling a Hemispheric 
Commitment -- Secretary Christopher  
3. Honor and Respect: The Watchwords Of Haiti's Democratic Police Force 
-- Secretary Christopher 
4. Background Notes: Haiti 
5. Celebrating a New Future For Armenia -- Deputy Secretary Talbott 
6. U.S. Commitment to Restoring Justice in Rwanda -- John Shattuck 
7. U.S. Renews MFN Trade Status for China  
8. Greek Enforcement of UN Sanctions Against Serbia  
9. U.S.-Egypt Partnership For Economic Growth And Development  
10. U.S-Oman Support for Middle East Desalination Research Center  
11. Human Rights Abuses by Turkish Military and the Situation in Cyprus 
 
 
ARTICLE 1: 
 
The OAS:  Playing an Essential Role In the Western Hemisphere 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks at an informal dialogue of the Organization of American States, 
Montrouis, Haiti, June 4, 1995 
 
Foreign Minister Werleigh,  distinguished ministers: It is a great 
pleasure to join you today at this informal dialogue. 
 
Over the coming days, our delegations will address a wide-ranging agenda 
that shows just how vital the OAS is to attaining the goal of a stable, 
prosperous, and democratic Western Hemisphere. We should begin by noting 
that this General Assembly is taking place in a democratic Haiti. 
Together with President Aristide and the Haitian people, our nations 
made history by demonstrating that our commitment to democracy goes 
beyond words. It is fitting that the world's oldest regional 
organization played a crucial role in defending human rights and 
restoring democracy in one of the hemisphere's oldest nations. 
 
The support of the OAS will remain essential to Haiti over the coming 
weeks, months, and years--just as it has been essential to other 
democracies in our hemisphere. Last year, for example, the OAS helped 
broker the Pact for Democracy to resolve disputed elections in the 
Dominican Republic. Two years ago, it stood by democracy when it was 
threatened in Guatemala. It has strengthened the legislature in 
Paraguay. And it has helped Central American nations to preserve the 
environment. 
 
The increasingly vigorous role that the OAS is playing both reflects and 
reinforces the remarkable political and economic transformation of the 
Americas over the past decade. Over the coming days--and over the coming 
years--we must use that foundation to build a lasting architecture for 
the Western Hemisphere. 
 
We should start by considering the thoughtful proposals for 
restructuring the OAS that are outlined in Secretary General Cesar 
Gaviria's New Vision working paper. Allow me to mention a few that 
deserve particular attention. 
 
First, we must consolidate democracy's hold in the region by supporting 
the Secretary General's efforts to strengthen the OAS's Unit for the 
Promotion of Democracy. We applaud the Secretary General's proposals to 
reallocate resources to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 
and the Inter-American Court. Our member states can also send a strong 
signal of our support for democracy by speedily ratifying the Washington 
and Managua Protocols. 
 
Second, the United States strongly supports the Secretary General's 
decision to bolster the ability of the OAS to deepen the economic 
integration of our hemisphere. The resources that the Secretary General 
plans to allocate to the new trade unit will help the OAS spur economic 
liberalization and trade expansion. We also look to the unit to increase 
coordination among members of NAFTA, MERCOSUR, CARICOM, and other 
regional groups, and to enable the smaller countries of the hemisphere 
to benefit fully from free trade and open markets. 
 
Third, we must intensify the fight against the corruption that 
undermines our economic progress, our governments, and our societies. 
The OAS can play a valuable role in enabling countries to adopt and 
enforce collective measures against bribery, establish strict ethical 
standards for public servants, and make the workings of our institutions 
more transparent. 
 
Finally, the United States also supports Secretary General Gaviria's 
attempts to make the OAS more efficient. We agree that the OAS must 
support projects more selectively by focusing on areas where it has a 
comparative advantage. 
 
The New Vision's proposals to strengthen democracy and expand free trade 
will greatly assist the OAS to carry out the tasks it was given at the 
Miami summit. But we must do more, especially in the seven areas of the 
Action Plan where our leaders called on the OAS to play a special role. 
 
I look forward to working with my colleagues to refine the proposals in 
this report. When the nations of this hemisphere meet in the OAS, each 
country's voice is heard--no matter    the size of its population, 
territory, or economy. We respect each other's sovereignty, and we 
recognize the needs of all our members. 
 
As the Secretary General has  often said, more is expected of the OAS 
today than ever before. But high expectations are themselves the product 
of high hopes. Never has the future of the Americas seemed brighter. 
Never has the prospect of a stable, prosperous, and democratic 
hemisphere seemed so close within reach. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2: 
 
The Summit of the Americas Action Plan:  Fulfilling a Hemispheric 
Commitment 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks at a review meeting of the Summit of the Americas before the OAS 
General Assembly, Montrouis, Haiti, June 4, 1995 
 
Good afternoon. It gives me great pleasure to join you on the eve of 
this year's General Assembly of the Organization of American States-- 
OAS--in Port-au-Prince. And I am especially honored to host this review 
meeting. Led by President Clinton, 34 democratically elected leaders met 
last December in Miami to launch a vital new process of economic and 
political cooperation. When historians look back on the events of that 
weekend, I believe they will consider them to be a turning point in the 
integration of a prosperous, stable, and democratic Western Hemisphere. 
The summit's far-reaching Declaration of Principles and Plan of Action 
are a concrete expression of our commitment to democratic governments 
and open markets. 
 
Here in Haiti, our nations forcefully demonstrated our commitment to 
uphold these principles. Through the leadership of President Aristide, 
the determination of the Haitian people, and the combined strength of 
our nations, the thugs who stole power are gone and democracy has been 
restored. 
 
The 23 summit initiatives that we pledged to implement in Miami will 
provide a strong basis for continuing cooperation to fulfill our shared 
hemispheric vision. The report we issue today will describe the 
impressive actions that our nations have taken so far to turn the 
summit's words into deeds, and its hopes into reality. Allow me to 
highlight some of these actions. 
 
First, to fulfill the commitment our leaders made to negotiate a Free 
Trade Area of the Americas by 2005, our trade ministers will meet twice 
in the next 10 months. These ministerials will translate our consensus 
on open markets into concrete action through working groups in such 
areas as market access, customs procedures, and technical barriers to 
trade. The first ministerial will take place less than a month from now 
in Denver; it will be followed immediately by a trade and commerce forum 
also in Denver to forge new economic ties in this hemispheric market of 
750 million consumers. The OAS and the Inter-American Development Bank--
IDB--are working vigorously to support these efforts. 
 
Second, we have taken significant steps since the summit to preserve and 
strengthen our community of democracies. Under the leadership of 
Secretary General Gaviria, a stronger and expanded unit for the 
promotion of democracy will improve the OAS's ability to monitor 
elections, support human rights organizations, and train parliamentary 
staff. The United States has made a $1 million contribution to this OAS 
effort. 
 
Third, our nations agreed at the summit not just to advance the cause of 
democracy, but to attack the threats it faces from corruption, drug 
trafficking, and terrorism. Our collective experience shows that 
government cannot be held accountable if its power can be bought. 
Authority will not be respected if the rule of law can be defied with 
impunity. 
 
To hit narco-traffickers where it hurts most, we have targeted their 
bank accounts. Our experts met in April to devise a common strategy on 
money laundering that will be unveiled at a ministerial meeting this 
fall. Support is building for a hemisphere-wide counter-narcotics 
strategy called for at the summit. The United States will increase its 
own drug control budget to almost $15 billion. More than a third of that 
money will be devoted to demand reduction efforts. 
 
To crack down on corruption throughout the hemisphere, the OAS is now 
examining the draft Inter-American Convention against Corruption that 
Venezuela proposed immediately after the summit. For the first time, the 
OAS and the OECD are coordinating their attempts to combat corruption 
and eliminate bribery in international business transactions. 
 
Finally, our initiatives to eradicate poverty and foster sustainable 
development are making encouraging progress. Under the able leadership 
of Enrique Iglesias, the Inter-American Development Bank has committed 
several billion dollars for projects in education and health. With the 
encouragement of our First Ladies, the Pan American Health Organization 
has launched a new program to eradicate measles throughout the 
hemisphere. Several environmental initiatives have also been undertaken 
by our nations since the summit. 
 
Representatives from your countries offered thoughtful and constructive 
comments on improving the implementation process during the May 26 
meeting in Washington. I look forward to today's discussion in that 
area. The idea of inter-American institutions or individual countries 
acting as "responsible coordinators" for action items has great merit. 
It would ensure meaningful participation by more countries and improve 
coordination. Finally, we should remember the Miami summit's mandate for 
us to recommend by this time next year if, when, and where there should 
be another summit. 
 
While there remains much more to be done, our nations can find 
encouragement in what we have achieved thus far; so, too, can the OAS 
and the IDB, which will play important roles in implementing many of the 
initiatives we agreed to in Miami. Allow me to congratulate Secretary 
General Gaviria and President Iglesias for signing their cooperation 
agreement, which will strengthen their ability to fulfill their 
respective mandates under the Action Plan. 
 
We will continue to face great challenges and constraints as we seek to 
implement our Action Plan. But for the sake of our hemisphere and each 
of our nations, we must see to it that the process of implementation 
continues and intensifies. Thank you very much. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3: 
 
Honor and Respect: The Watchwords Of Haiti's Democratic Police Force 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks at Haiti police academy graduation ceremony, Presidential 
Palace, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, June 4, 1995 
 
President Aristide, Minister Exume, graduates of the Academy: It gives 
me great satisfaction to join you on this memorable day. This ceremony 
provides concrete proof of the dramatic progress that has been made 
toward overcoming the bitter legacy of the past and building a better 
future for the Haitian people. 
 
I wanted to speak with you today because few contributions are more 
important to Haiti's future than the work you are about to begin. Honest 
and honorable law enforcement is no less essential to lasting freedom 
than an elected parliament and a democratic constitution. The world is 
counting on you to uphold the law and to show the Haitian people that in 
a free nation, no one--including the police--is above the law. 
 
Since last year, the international community has tried to give Haiti the 
time and the tools to develop new professional and civilian institutions 
for justice and security. From the start, the National Police Training 
Center has been a vital part of our effort. The United States is proud 
to have worked with France, Canada, and the UN to help Haiti select and 
train cadets, and to equip you with the skills you need to undertake 
your solemn responsibilities to the people of Haiti. 
 
President Aristide has asked us to accelerate this training process so 
that at least 6,000 new national police are deployed when UN 
peacekeeping forces depart next February. I am pleased to report that in 
consultation with the UN and other donors, we are undertaking a program 
to double the number of cadets graduating each month from the Academy. 
 
Eight months ago, I stood with President Aristide on these same steps on 
his return to his country. I will always remember how he began his 
speech that morning by repeating two words--honor and respect--over and 
over again. Those words symbolized Haiti's democratic rebirth. Let them 
be the watchwords of Haiti's democratic police force. 
 
It will be your great honor to serve as the first members of Haiti's new 
civilian police force. Only a small percentage of the applicants to the 
training course were selected. You earned your positions by meeting the 
highest standards. 
 
It will be your great honor to protect the communities where you were 
born from brutality, corruption, and injustice. You know from your own 
experience how much ordinary Haitians suffered when the security forces 
were nothing more than thugs in uniform. 
 
Now you are the police. It is up to you to ensure that the institution 
you have joined never again abuses its authority, and that terror never 
again haunts the lives of  your families and your nation. 
 
You will also have the opportunity and the responsibility to promote 
respect for the law and its evenhanded application to the government's 
supporters and opponents alike. And you will have the chance to promote 
respect for the dignity and the rights of the people you serve. 
 
Today's graduating cadets will be deployed to Cap Haitien and here in 
Port-au-Prince. In the coming months, other graduates will be sent to 
cities and towns throughout the country. 
 
I know that the Haitian Government is sparing no effort to reform and to 
modernize the other vital elements of the justice system--the courts, 
the prosecutors, and the prisons. The United States and other donors 
will continue to do our part to help. But in the long run, it will be up 
to the Haitian Government and people to ensure that all institutions 
have the resources and support they need. 
 
The road ahead will not always be easy. But the ultimate reward will be 
great: a nation where freedom endures; a country where people are safe 
on the streets and in their homes; and a stable environment for economic 
growth and investment. Working together, the Haitian people and the 
international community have already made a real difference. I am 
confident that when you begin your service, you will ensure that our 
joint efforts will make a lasting difference as President Aristide said-
-to achieve honor and respect. Thank you very much.  (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4: 
 
Background Notes:  Haiti 
 
Official Name: Republic of Haiti 
 
PROFILE 
 
People 
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Haitian(s).  
Population (est.): 6.9 million.  
Annual growth rate: 1.8%.  
Ethnic groups: African descent 95%, African and European descent 5%.  
Religions: Roman Catholic 80%, Protestant 10%; voodoo practices 
widespread.  
Languages:  Creole (official), French (official).  
Education: Years compulsory--6. Attendance--primary school 45% of 
school-aged children; secondary 15%. Literacy--25%.  
Health: Infant mortality rate--101/1,000. Life expectancy--56 yrs.  
Work force (est.): 2.8 million.  
Agriculture--67%. Industry and commerce--20%. Services--13%.  
 
Geography 
Area: 27,750 sq. km. (10,714 sq. mi.); about the size of Maryland.  
Cities: Port-au-Prince (1993 est. pop. 1.5 million). Other cities--Cap 
Haitien (65,000).  
Terrain: Mountainous; rest is plain.  
Climate: Warm, semiarid; high humidity in many coastal areas. 
 
Government 
Type: Elected government.  
Independence: 1804.  
Constitution: 1987.  
Branches: Executive--President. Legislative--Senate (27 seats) Chamber 
of Deputies (83 seats). Judicial--Court of Cassation. 
Administrative subdivisions: Nine departments. 
Political parties: Numerous. 
Suffrage: Universal at 18. 
 
Economy 
GNP (1994 est): $1.38 billion.  
GNP growth rate (1994): -10%.  
Per capita GNP (est.): $204. 
Natural resources: Bauxite, copper, calcium carbonate, gold, marble. 
Agriculture (20% of GNP): Products--coffee, sugarcane, rice, corn, 
cacao, sorghum, pulses, fruits. 
Industry (30% of GNP): Types--textiles, light industrial products; 
processing coffee, cacao, mangoes, and other agricultural products. 
Services (50% of GNP): Types--commerce, government, tourism. 
Trade (1994 totals unavailable): Oct. 1994-March 1995: Exports to U.S.:  
$38 million: light manufactured products, coffee, cocoa, mangoes, 
essential oils. 
Major market--U.S. (historically about 75%). Imports from U.S.: $258 
million: consumer durables, foodstuffs, industrial equipment, petroleum 
products, construction materials. Major market-- U.S. (historically 
about 60%). 
Official exchange rate (fixed in Constitution): 5 gourdes=U.S.$1. A free 
foreign exchange market exists in which the U.S. dollar traded in early 
1995 for approximately 14 gourdes. 
 
 
PEOPLE 
 
Haiti is one of the world's most densely populated countries, with 
approximately 250 people per square kilometer (650 per sq. mi.). About 
95% of Haitians are of African descent; the rest of the population is 
mostly of mixed African-Caucasian ancestry. A few are of European or 
Levantine stock. About 70% of the people live in rural areas. 
 
French is one of two official languages, but it is spoken by only about 
10% of the people. All Haitians speak Creole, the country's other 
official language. English is increasingly spoken among the young and in 
the business sector. 
 
The state religion is Roman Catholicism, which most of the population 
professes. Some have been converted to Protestantism by missionaries 
active throughout the country. Haitians, however, tend to see no 
conflict with voodoo traditions of African origin co-existing with 
Christian faiths. 
 
Although public education is free, less than half of Haitian school-aged 
children attend school. Private and religious education provide perhaps 
75% of programs offered. Though Haitians place a high value on 
education, most families cannot afford to send their children to 
secondary school.  
 
Recent large-scale emigration to the U.S., and secondarily to Canada and 
Caribbean neighbors, has created what Haitians refer to as the "Tenth 
Department."  About one out of every six Haitians lives abroad. 
 
 
HISTORY 
 
The Spaniards used Hispaniola (of which Haiti is the western part and 
the Dominican Republic is the eastern) as a "jumping-off point" to 
explore the rest   of the Western Hemisphere. French buccaneers later 
used the western third of the island as a point from which to harass 
English and Spanish ships. In 1697, Spain ceded the western third of 
Hispaniola to France. As piracy was gradually suppressed, some French 
adventurers became planters, making Saint-Domingue--as the French 
portion of the island was then called--one of the richest colonies of 
the 18th-century French empire. 
 
During this period, African slaves were brought to work the sugarcane  
and coffee plantations. In 1791, the slave population--led by Toussaint 
L'Ouverture, Jean Jacques Dessalines, and Henri Christophe--revolted and 
gained control of the northern part of Saint-Domingue. 
 
In 1804, local forces defeated an army deployed by Napoleon Bonaparte, 
established independence from France, and renamed the area Haiti. The 
defeat of the French in Haiti is widely credited with contributing to 
Napoleon's decision to sell the Louisiana territory to the United States 
in 1804. Haiti is the world's oldest black republic and, after the 
United States, the second-oldest republic in the Western Hemisphere. 
Haiti actively espoused and assisted    the independence movements of 
Latin American countries. Haitians had already fought beside American 
troops during the American Revolution, at the battle of Savannah. 
 
Two separate regimes (north and south) emerged after independence but 
were unified in 1820. Two years later, Haiti conquered Santo Domingo, 
the eastern, Spanish-speaking portion of Hispaniola. In 1844, however, 
Santo Domingo broke away from Haiti and became the Dominican Republic. 
 
With 22 changes of government from 1843 until 1915, Haiti experienced 
numerous periods of intense political and economic disorder. In 1915, 
the United States intervened militarily during an especially unstable 
period. U.S. military forces were withdrawn in 1934 at the request of 
the elected Government of Haiti. 
 
In 1957, Francois Duvalier was elected president following a year of 
political turmoil during which six different governments held power. He 
became president for life in 1964 and maintained absolute political 
control until his death in 1971. During Duvalier's rule, a small black 
middle class emerged, but Haiti suffered from domestic political 
tension, severe corruption, severe repression, and economic stagnation. 
The United States suspended all economic and military assistance to the 
government of Francois Duvalier in 1963; aid was resumed only in 1973. 
 
Duvalier's son, Jean-Claude, assumed the presidency and continued many 
of his father's policies. Although the country experienced a true period 
of economic recovery and investment, Jean-Claude Duvalier ultimately 
failed to provide the leadership necessary for Haiti's sustained 
development. As a result, the country stagnated politically and 
economically, and public discontent mounted. On February 7, 1986, after 
months of tension and civil disorder, Duvalier fled Haiti for France. 
 
A military regime--the National Governing Council (CNG)--led by General 
Henri Namphy inherited power following the flight of Jean-Claude 
Duvalier. In late 1986, the CNG organized local and Constituent Assembly 
elections. In March 1987, a national referendum approved a new and 
thoroughly democratic constitution.   But the CNG canceled general 
elections scheduled for November 1987 amid popular discontent and regime 
repression. 
 
In January 1988, in elections marred by the refusal of most major 
candidates to participate and by low voter turnout, Leslie Manigat was 
elected President. Manigat, a moderate conservative, was toppled by the 
military after only four months in power, and General Namphy again took 
control. Namphy was in turn overthrown by elements of the military in 
September 1988, and another military regime, headed by General Prosper 
Avril, took power. Avril permitted the formation of an Electoral 
Commission to prepare for long-awaited elections, but Avril's 
increasingly authoritarian leadership eroded public confidence in his 
commitment to democracy. On March 12, 1990, faced with escalating civil 
unrest, Avril resigned in favor of Supreme Court Justice Ertha Pascal 
Trouillot, who became provisional president. 
 
In elections held in December 1990, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a Roman 
Catholic priest and long-time opponent of Haiti's former dictatorship, 
was elected President by an overwhelming majority. The election was 
witnessed by international observers from the U.S., UN, and OAS and was 
declared to be Haiti's first free and honest election. Voters also 
elected members of parliament and mayors of Haiti's major towns. 
Aristide was inaugurated on February 7, 1991. But on September 30, 1991, 
Aristide was overthrown by dissatisfied elements of the military and 
left the country first for Venezuela, then for the U.S. 
 
From October 1991 to June 1992, an unconstitutional de facto regime, led 
by Joseph Nerette as President and Jean-Jacques Honorat as Prime 
Minister, governed with the support of a parliamentary majority and the 
armed forces. In June 1992, both Nerette and Honorat resigned, and 
parliament, with the support of the armed forces, approved Marc Bazin as 
Prime Minister to head a new de facto government. No replacement was 
named for Nerette as President. Bazin's mandate was to negotiate a 
solution with President Aristide, in exile in the U.S., and to end the 
economic embargo and diplomatic isolation of Haiti imposed after 
Aristide's ouster. In June 1993, Bazin resigned and the UN imposed an 
oil and arms embargo, which brought the Haitian military to the 
negotiating table. 
 
President Aristide and the then head of the Haitian Armed Forces, 
General Raoul Cedras, signed the UN-brokered Governors Island agreement 
on July 3, 1993, establishing a 10-step process for the restoration of 
constitutional government and the return of President Aristide by 
October 30, 1993. As part of this process, Robert Malval was sworn in as 
Prime Minister on August 30, 1993. The military derailed the process and 
the UN reimposed economic sanctions. Prime Minister Malval resigned on 
December 15, 1993, but remained as acting Prime Minister for 11 more 
months. 
 
In May 1994, the military installed a third de facto regime, 
illegitimately selecting Supreme Court Justice Emile Jonassaint to be 
provisional president. The UN and the U.S. reacted to this 
extraconstitutional move by tightening economic sanctions and their 
enforcement in May 1994 (UN Res. 917). By the end of July 1994, the 
international community suspended all commercial air passenger flights 
with Haiti, and Haiti's military restricted travel across the land 
border with the Dominican Republic. On July 31, 1994, the UN adopted a 
resolution (940) authorizing member states to use all necessary means to 
facilitate the departure of Haiti's military leadership and restore 
constitutional rule, including the return of President Aristide.  
 
In August 1994, Haiti had parallel governments, the illegitimate 
military-backed Jonassaint regime that controlled the government 
apparatus in Haiti, and the constitutional government, whose members--
like President Aristide--were in exile or who--like acting Prime 
Minister Malval--were blocked from carrying out their duties.  
 
Parliament, with a parallel leadership in the Senate that mirrored the 
dual governments, was unable to function effectively. The political and 
human rights climate continued to deteriorate as the military and the de 
facto government maintained repression and terror, sanctioning 
widespread assassination, killing, torture, beating, mutilation, and 
rape in open defiance of the international community's condemnation. 
 
With UN authority to use all necessary means to facilitate the departure 
of Haiti's military leadership and restore the constitutional 
government, including President Aristide, President Clinton dispatched 
former President Jimmy Carter, Chairman of the Senate Armed Services 
Committee Sam Nunn, and former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 
Colin Powell to Haiti on September 16, 1994, to meet with the de facto 
Haitian leadership. The purpose of their trip was to discuss the 
departure of the de facto leaders within the framework of goals 
established by President Clinton and the UN Security Council. 
 
Facing imminent military intervention by the United States and a 
coalition of multinational forces, the regime leaders agreed to step 
down from power by October 15. The agreement signed by former President 
Carter and the military-installed Haitian President Jonassaint included 
the following: the Haitian military and police agreed to work in close 
cooperation with the U.S. military mission to achieve a smooth 
transition to the return of President Aristide and constitutional 
government to Haiti. The regime consented to retirement by Generals 
Cedras and Biamby and Lt. Col. Francois in accordance with UN 
Resolutions 917 and 940 when a general amnesty would be voted into law 
by the Haitian Parliament, or by October 15, 1994, whichever came first. 
 
The de facto authorities also agreed to work with the Haitian Parliament 
to expedite this action and accept that their successors would be named 
according to the Haitian constitution and existing military law. The 
agreement also guaranteed that the economic embargo and economic 
sanctions would be lifted without delay in accordance with relevant UN 
resolutions, and that forthcoming legislative elections would be held in 
a free and democratic manner. 
 
On September 19, U.S. forces began a remarkably peaceful deployment to 
Port-au-Prince and other points throughout the country to establish a 
safe and secure environment for the legitimate government to take up its 
responsibilities. During the next several weeks, about 20,000 U.S. 
troops and a battalion of nearly 300 from CARICOM nations, under the 
command of U.S.   Gen. Henry Shelton, were deployed to accomplish this 
mission.  
 
The transition period leading up to President Aristide's return on 
October 15 included the return of his cabinet members to their 
ministries, the convening of both houses of Parliament for  a special 
session, the reinstallation of Port-au-Prince Mayor Evans Paul, and the 
departure from Haiti of Cedras, Biamby, and Francois. The military's 
heavy weapons were seized and destroyed by the Multinational Force 
(MNF), the militant anti-Aristide group FRAPH was effectively broken up, 
and numerous arms caches around Haiti were confiscated. 
 
 
POLITICAL CONDITIONS 
 
Within a month of Aristide's return, his nominee for Prime Minister--
Smarck Michel--and a new cabinet were sworn in. The formation of a new 
government whose composition is aimed at a consensus of Haiti's major 
political, economic, and social forces should accelerate democratic and 
structural change in the Haitian Government. Elections for Haiti's next 
president should take place by December 1995. Aristide is 
constitutionally barred from seeking re-election. 
 
Among the accomplishments of Haiti's Parliament between its reconvening 
on September 28, 1994, and its adjournment on February 4, 1995, were 
passage of an amnesty; adoption of a law which created a new civilian 
police force separate from the military; a ban on paramilitary 
organizations; passage of a budget for the central government; and 
approval of an electoral law authorizing legislative and local 
elections, the first round of which is scheduled to take place on June 
25, 1995. If necessary, run-off elections are scheduled to take place on 
July 23, 1995. 
 
International Support 
 
Twenty-nine countries committed to participate along with the U.S. in 
the MNF with military troops and/or police monitors. These countries 
are: Argentina, Australia, Bangladesh, Belgium, Benin, Bolivia, Costa 
Rica, Denmark, Israel, Jordan, Nepal, the Netherlands, Norway, Panama, 
the Philippines, Poland, and the U.K., in addition to 12 of the 13 
members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM): Antigua and Barbuda, The 
Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St. Kitts 
and Nevis,  St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, and Trinidad and 
Tobago. 
 
On January 30, 1995, the UN Security Council determined that the MNF had 
succeeded in establishing a secure and stable environment in Haiti, 
paving the way for the deployment of the UN Mission in Haiti (UNMIH) on 
March 31, 1995. UNMIH consists of about 6,000 peacekeepers, including 
some 2,500 U.S. troops and about 900 civilian police. UNMIH's mission is 
to help the Haitian Government sustain a secure and stable environment, 
in particular an environment conducive to the conduct of free and fair 
elections; protect Haitian Government personnel and facilities, as well 
as the staffs of human rights and humanitarian organizations; and, as 
required, assist the Haitian Government with the professionalization of 
the Haitian security forces. UNMIH works in concert with the UN 
Secretary General's Special Representative on Haiti. Experts from the 
U.S., Canada, France, and Norway are working with the legitimate 
government to assist in training a new civilian police force. 
 
Principal Government Officials 
 
President--Jean-Bertrand Aristide 
Prime Minister--Smarck Michel 
Minister of Foreign Affairs--Claudette Werleigh 
Ambassador to the U.S.--Jean Casimir 
 
The embassy of Haiti is located at 2311 Massachusetts Ave., NW, 
Washington, DC 20008 (tel. 202-332-4090). 
 
 
ECONOMY 
 
Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere and one of the 
poorest in the world. A comparison of social and economic indicators 
reveals that in the 1980s, Haiti was falling behind even other low-
income developing countries. Haiti's relatively dismal economic 
performance is in part the result of a severe shortage of cultivable 
land, continued reliance on traditional technologies, declining GDP, 
rising prices, under- and unemployment rates estimated to be as high as 
60%, and emigration of large numbers of skilled workers. Weak 
development management capability and an acute scarcity of financial 
resources further constrain growth. 
 
The consequences of the 1991 coup and the irresponsible policies of the 
de facto authorities greatly accelerated the economic decline begun in 
the early 1980s. After the 1991 coup, the OAS adopted voluntary trade 
sanctions against Haiti aimed at restoring constitutional rule to the 
country and resulting in commercial restrictions between Haiti and the 
U.S., its largest trading partner. The international sanctions 
culminated in a May 1994 UN embargo of all goods entering Haiti except 
humanitarian supplies, such as food and medicines. By May 1994, the 
Port-au-Prince industrial park, which employed some 35,000 workers in 
the late 1980s, was largely inactive. The assembly sector, heavily 
dependent on the United States as its main market for exports, employed 
more than 50,000 people in the early 1980s, but has effectively ground 
to a halt following successively tighter economic sanctions. Employment 
in the assembly sector is growing slowly as domestic firms resume or 
expand production and foreign firms reopen operations. Activity in this 
important sector, however, remains far below earlier levels. 
 
New investment and commercial bank lending virtually disappeared, as 
businesses waited for political change and an end to the embargo. Many 
businesses remain uncertain about the course of political/economic 
developments and have not begun to invest at previous levels. The 
physical infrastructure will require large investments of capital in the 
near future to restore the country to its pre-coup status. International 
agencies and bilateral donors have committed substantial sums to assist 
Haiti to restore and improve infrastructure essential for economic 
growth. 
 
A previously adopted UN resolution lifted UN-sponsored sanctions the day 
after President Aristide's return to Haiti. As political stability 
increases in Haiti, tourism, the assembly industry, and light 
manufacturing hold promise as potential sources of foreign exchange. 
Remittances from relatives abroad (primarily in the U.S.) serve as a 
significant means of support for many Haitian households. 
 
 
FOREIGN RELATIONS 
 
Haiti is one of the original members of the United Nations and several 
of its specialized and related agencies and the Organization of American 
States (OAS). The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the UN 
Development Program (UNDP), and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) 
maintained resident representatives in Haiti prior to the 1991 coup. 
Both the IDB and the UNDP contributed economic assistance to Haiti in 
the past, as did the European Union, under the terms of the Lome Accords 
to which Haiti became a full member in December 1989. Most assistance 
was suspended following the 1991 coup. Other donors include the United 
States (the largest single country donor), Canada, France, Germany, and 
Japan. At a consultative group meeting of international donors on 
January 31,    1995, nearly $1 billion was pledged for Haiti's 
reconstruction. 
 
Haiti maintains diplomatic relations with most countries in Latin 
America and Europe, although many of these countries do not maintain 
embassies in Haiti.  
 
 
U.S.-HAITIAN RELATIONS 
 
U.S. policy toward Haiti is designed to foster democracy, promote the 
observance of fundamental human rights, and help alleviate poverty in 
the hemisphere's poorest country. The U.S. has taken a leading role in 
organizing international efforts at the UN, the OAS, with CARICOM, and 
individual countries to achieve this objective. 
 
President Clinton's decision to dispatch U.S. forces to Haiti was based 
on the need to "protect our interests, to stop the brutal atrocities 
that threaten tens of thousands of Haitians; to secure our borders and 
to preserve stability and promote democracy in our hemisphere; and to 
uphold the reliability of the commitments we make and the commitments 
others make to us." 
 
After September 19, 1994, the U.S. lifted most of its unilateral 
financial,  visa, and travel sanctions against Haiti and completed this 
process following   the return of President Aristide on October 15, 
1994. The U.S. has been the largest single country donor to contribute 
economic aid to Haiti since 1973, when the U.S. Agency for International 
Development (USAID) resumed its assistance programs. The overall goal of 
the USAID program is to establish conditions necessary for the majority 
of Haitians to improve the quality of their lives. The USAID program has 
three basic objectives: 
 
-- Strengthening governance and responsiveness in public sector 
institutions and strengthening private sector participation in an 
emerging civil society; 
 
-- Supporting sustainable private sector economic growth; and 
 
-- Protecting and developing the human resource base. 
 
Since the 1991 coup, U.S. development assistance has been largely 
channeled through nongovernmental organizations, due to lack of a 
constitutional government counterpart. During this period, the USAID 
program has been guided by two principles: preventing the deterioration 
of humanitarian conditions and restoring constitutional democracy. Over 
the next 12-18 months, USAID has committed about $200 million for 
Haiti's economic recovery, as well as humanitarian and democratic 
governance programs. The economic recovery funding ($87 million) 
includes $24.5 million for payments of its arrears to international 
financial institutions and $45 million for balance-of-payments and 
budget support. The international community is expected to provide about 
$700 million in the next year. 
 
U.S. humanitarian aid programs have included funds to promote and 
protect human rights by providing medical care to victims of abuses, 
including rape and beatings, assisting families in hiding, and 
establishing small-scale safe havens. Led by the U.S., the international 
community feeds about 1.3 million people each day. More than 2 million 
people (one-third of the population) have access to basic health care 
services financed by USAID.  
 
USAID funding of $40 million for democratic governance, plus 
contributions from other donors, will focus on several areas of need for 
sustaining democracy, including: the restoration    of government 
operations, elections, formation of an independent system of justice 
with the establishment of a police force separate from the military, 
reintegration of Haitian soldiers into civilian life, and expansion of 
the capacities of local government. In the long run, these may be the 
most critical steps, and they are essential in transforming the 
relationship of the Haitian citizen to the Haitian state. 
 
Principal U.S. Officials 
 
Ambassador--William Lacy Swing 
Deputy Chief of Mission--Vicki Huddleston 
 
The U.S. embassy in Haiti is located on Harry Truman Blvd., Port-au-
Prince (tel. 22-0200). (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 5: 
 
Celebrating a New Future for Armenia   
Deputy Secretary Talbott 
Remarks on the occasion of the opening of the Armenian Embassy, 
Washington, DC, May 25, 1995 
 
Foreign Minister Papazian, Ambassador Shugarian, Mr. Martirossian: On 
behalf of President Clinton and Secretary Christopher, I am glad to 
represent the United States Government at the opening of your embassy.  
 
I regard it as an honor to serve my country during a critical and 
promising time for U.S.-Armenian relations. Just over two years ago--in 
May 1993--I presided over the swearing-in of Harry Gilmore, the first 
American Ambassador to Armenia. Since then, I've made two official 
visits to Yerevan. I eagerly accepted Ambassador Shugarian's invitation 
to be with you this evening because it gives me a chance, once again, to 
be part of my country's determination to celebrate--and whenever 
possible to ensure and advance--your country's freedom.  
 
In this respect, I'm in very good company. Both qualitatively and 
quantitatively--that is, in its size and in its level of distinction--
the group gathered here this evening is a tribute to the special 
relationship that has long existed between Armenia and the United 
States.  
 
Our two countries share many things, including the hope for a peaceful, 
prosperous, and secure future for Armenia. I'd like to think that we are 
one step closer to that future with the opening of this new embassy. 
This is an event of more than symbolic importance. It has practical 
meaning. It represents the fulfillment of a dream that, until just 
several years ago, few of us expected to come true in our lifetimes: 
Armenia's reemergence after seven decades as a sovereign state, governed 
from Yerevan and from nowhere else. So U.S.-Armenian relations are based 
on gratification over current events and on high hopes for the future. 
But our relationship is also grounded in a keen awareness of the 
tragedies of the past and, in particular, the horrors of this century, 
which we must never forget. We must keep both these thoughts in mind--
celebratory and somber--as we look to the future. American policy toward 
Armenia is based on two basic principles: 
 
First, we are committed to doing everything we can to preserve and 
bolster Armenia's new-found, hard-won, and richly deserved independence.  
 
Second, we are committed to doing everything we can to encourage 
Armenia's integration into the international community of market 
democracies. 
 
Independence and integration: Those are the two watchwords of our 
policy. To those ends, we have provided Armenia with $450 million in 
humanitarian and technical aid--more than $105 million in the current 
fiscal year alone. That's more assistance per capita than we give to any 
of the other New Independent States of the former Soviet Union, and it 
is the third-largest per capita rate in the world, behind only Egypt and 
Israel. The purpose of our aid is to provide the Armenian people with 
the resources they need to deal with short-term humanitarian needs, to 
overcome the economic and political burdens of all those years under 
communism, and to build new institutions based on the principles of 
democracy and the free market.  
 
There is, as you know, a brutal  budget battle going on right now on 
Capitol Hill. But this week, President Clinton and Secretary Christopher 
once again reaffirmed their commitment to continue to fund our 
assistance programs for Armenia and the other states of the former 
U.S.S.R. If necessary, the President has indicated that he is prepared 
to wield his veto pen to win this fight and to protect the resources 
necessary to advance our interests and to support our friends in the 
world.  
 
At the same time, we recognize that Armenia's political and economic 
reform programs will not be sufficient all by themselves. Those reforms 
will succeed only if they are accompanied by a peaceful resolution to 
the terrible conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. The current cease-fire, which 
has held for more than a year, is grounds for hope. The Armenian 
Government's decision to release all of its prisoners of war is a 
significant step toward peace. In order to spur further progress, 
President Clinton plans to nominate a special negotiator for Nagorno-
Karabakh at the rank of ambassador, and the United States strongly 
supports the efforts of the OSCE's Minsk group to help negotiate a 
political settlement. 
 
The road ahead will not be easy for the Armenian people; they have the 
legacy of a Soviet past to overcome, and they live in one of the world's 
toughest neighborhoods. But we all should be heartened by the 
significant progress that Armenia has made over the past four years, 
particularly on the economic front. Armenia's far-reaching market 
reforms are already having an effect--it was one of the only New 
Independent States to achieve positive economic growth last year.  
 
We're particularly enthusiastic about the Armenian agriculture sector, 
85% of which is now in the hands of private owners. Here is one of the 
many areas in which Armenians can and do look to their diaspora for 
inspiration, for advice, for investment, and for encouragement of all 
kinds. We all know, for instance, that the Armenian-American farmers 
around Fresno, California have been producing bumper crop after bumper 
crop for more than a century. Now, these Armenian-Americans are ready 
and willing to do all they can to help their ancestral homeland. The 
same is true of the Armenian-American communities in Boston, New York, 
Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, and in many other towns and cities across 
the United States. 
 
While that kind of help matters profoundly--and while our Administration 
is determined to do everything we can to make sure it continues--in the 
final analysis, of course, it is the Armenian people themselves who will 
ensure their own success. And we are confident that they will succeed. 
Let us not forget that the area around Yerevan is said to be the 
location where the Garden of Eden once stood--and we all hope that 
Armenia will blossom once again, both literally and figuratively, in the 
not-too-distant future. (###) 
 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 6: 
 
U.S. Commitment to Restoring Justice in Rwanda 
John Shattuck, Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and 
Labor 
Opening remarks at a State Department press briefing,  Washington, DC, 
May 25, 1995 
 
Thank you very much. This is a briefing on the subject of Rwanda, and 
I'm very pleased to be able to make it. Last week, I made my third trip 
to Rwanda. Assistant Secretary Moose had been there just a few weeks 
before, and Chief of Staff of USAID, Dick McCall, earlier than that. My 
trip, to state in very concrete terms, was about our commitment to see 
justice done so that those who are responsible for genocide and crimes 
against humanity are punished. We are making this commitment because we 
are convinced that peace and reconciliation will come to Rwanda only if 
justice comes first. 
 
At a 20-nation international conference of the Rwanda Operational 
Support Group that we helped organize in Kigali on May 19, I outlined an 
extensive new package of U.S. support for justice in Rwanda, and other 
countries also pledged their support. 
Summarizing that briefly: 
 
First is a $3-million U.S. cash contribution to the Rwanda War Crimes 
Tribunal; 
 
Second is a commitment of U.S. prosecutors and investigators to help 
staff that Tribunal; 
 
Third, the United States plans to contribute $4 million for the 
administration of justice in Rwanda, pending the outcome of 
congressional consultations;  
 
Fourth, we are making arrangements for an additional $1 million 
contribution to the UN Human Rights Field Office in Rwanda; and 
 
Fifth, we are pledging to supply the War Crimes Tribunal with all U.S. 
intelligence and other information concerning genocide and crimes 
against humanity in Rwanda that might be relevant for prosecution of the 
criminal leaders who will be the targets of the Tribunal's work. 
 
This package of additional assistance substantially amplifies the 
assistance we have already given. To date, we have contributed $274 
million for humanitarian programs in Rwanda, $4 million to rebuild 
Rwandan Government ministries, $2.5 million to pay Rwanda's World Bank 
arrears, and $860,000 for the Human Rights Field Office in Rwanda. In 
addition, we have a large Defense Department demining team in Rwanda 
today, and we have provided five separate shipments of vehicles, 
commodities, and rehabilitation assistance. 
 
During my trip to Kigali last week, I met with leaders of the Rwandan 
Government, including President Bizimungu, Vice President Kagame, Prime 
Minister Twagiramungu, and Justice Minister Nkubito. I also visited the 
Kigali prison which has a capacity of 2,000, but now holds nearly 10,000 
prisoners. I met with representatives of the International Committee for 
the Red Cross to discuss urgent measures to address inhumane prison 
conditions and overcrowding. In addition, I held meetings with the UN 
Secretary General's representative, Shariyah Khan, and with 
representatives of the UN Human Rights Field Office. 
 
In my meetings, I emphasized the urgency of action by the Rwandan 
Government with U.S. and other international support in three specific 
areas of justice. 
 
First, the procedures and criteria for legal arrest must be made clear 
and transparent, and arresting officials must be accountable to civilian 
prosecutors and the Ministry of Justice; 
 
Second, prison overcrowding must be reduced through measures proposed by 
the ICRC and through a review of prisoners' cases; and 
 
Third, magistrates and courts must be appointed and trained and cases 
tried, perhaps through the use of foreign magistrates or by the Rwandan 
Government on an emergency basis. 
 
The government agreed to work with us in all these areas to rebuild the 
shattered justice system. In my meetings, I commented favorably on the 
government's appointment of an independent international commission of 
inquiry into the killings at the displaced persons camp at Kibeho last 
month, and I received the government's commitment to prosecute soldiers 
and officials who commit crimes. These are important steps in the 
ongoing effort to end impunity and restore justice in Rwanda so that the 
cloud of collective guilt, mistrust, and fear that now hangs heavily 
over the land can be dissipated and the process of national 
reconciliation can finally begin. 
 
Based on the events of last week, we are hopeful that Rwanda may at last 
have turned a corner in its painful quest for justice, and we are 
committed to do all we can to make sure that this happens. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 7: 
 
U.S. Renews MFN Trade Status for China 
 
Statement by White House Press Secretary Mike McCurry, Washington, DC, 
June 2, 1995. 
 
The President announced today that he has renewed most-favored-nation 
trade status for China this year. Last year, the President delinked 
China's MFN trade status from overall human rights considerations. He 
did so because he concluded that broad engagement with China, including 
on human rights issues, offers the best prospect for progress in all 
areas of concern to us. 
 
Under the criteria set forth in the Trade Act of 1974, as amended--and 
in particular, the Jackson-Vanik amendment concerning freedom of 
emigration--the sole statutory requirement for MFN renewal is a 
Presidential determination that renewal will substantially promote 
freedom of emigration in China. The President will today transmit to 
Congress a determination to this effect. China continues to allow free 
emigration and open travel overseas, including travel for students. 
 
Although we are renewing MFN, we find China's record on human rights 
unacceptable. China continues to deny its citizens freedom of speech, 
association, and religion and fails to guarantee humane treatment of 
prisoners. Extra-judicial arrest and detention remain common practices. 
 
We maintain a vigorous approach to human rights issues in China, 
including raising these issues directly with the Chinese Government, 
pressing for attention to China's human rights practices in multilateral 
institutions, expanding international broadcasting, working with 
American non-governmental organizations, and developing voluntary 
business principles for use by the private sector. This mix of policies 
is aimed at keeping the spotlight on their deficiencies and seeking 
progress in both the short and the long term. 
 
We believe that renewal of MFN will promote a range of U.S. interests in 
China, including human rights. We remain convinced that the broadest 
possible engagement with China offers the best opportunity over the long 
term to ensure that China abides by internationally accepted norms. MFN 
status for China will enable us to continue to engage China in the 
comprehensive and constructive manner necessary to move forward on the 
full range of bilateral, regional, and global issues.(###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 8: 
 
Greek Enforcement of UN Sanctions Against Serbia 
 
Statement by Acting Department Spokesman Christine Shelly, Washington, 
DC, June 5, 1995. 
 
On June 2, the Department submitted to the Congress a report on 
enforcement by Greece of UN sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro 
consistent with Title III of the Foreign Operations Act of FY 1995. Ten 
percent of FY 1995 foreign military financing for Greece, about $24 
million, was withheld pending receipt of this report. Greece has since 
rejected the conditional funds.  
 
The report states that although we cannot confirm allegations of 
complicity by the Greek Government in the evasion of UN sanctions, there 
are areas of concern regarding Greek enforcement of the sanctions. These 
include the activities of the Serbian Consulate in Thessaloniki, the 
presence of Serbian front companies in Greece, the diversion of Greek 
goods to Serbia through third countries, and the desirability of more 
aggressive enforcement of sanctions by Greek authorities. 
 
The report also summarizes what is required of states by various UN 
resolutions and outlines the Greek view of sanctions as an instrument to 
help resolve the conflict in former Yugoslavia.  (###) 
 
 
[BOX] 
 
Single copies of the Report on Greek Enforcement of Sanctions Against 
Serbia are available from the Public Information Division, Bureau of 
Public Affairs, Room 5827, Department of State, Washington, DC 20520-
6811. 
 
Electronic distribution of the full report is available on the 
Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) on the Internet 
via:  
  
1. GOPHER: dosfan.lib.uic.edu 
2. URL: gopher://dosfan. lib.uic. edu/ 
3. WWW: http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/dosfan.html 
 
The report can be found under Geographic Areas in the Bureau of 
European/Canadian Affairs.  
 
On the Federal Bulletin Board (202-512-1387), the report can be found in 
the Department of State Library in Geographic Areas, European/Canadian 
Affairs. (###) 
 
[End box]
 
 
 
ARTICLE 9: 
 
U.S.-Egypt Partnership for Economic Growth and Development 
 
Text of joint communique issued at the inaugural meeting of the U.S.-
Egyptian Sub-Committee on Economic Policy, Trade, Investment, and 
External Finance, Washington, DC, June 2, 1995. 
 
Government officials from the United States and Egypt convened June 1 in 
Washington for the inaugural meeting of the U.S.-Egyptian Sub-Committee 
on Economic Policy, Trade, Investment, and External Finance. Under 
Secretary of State for Economic, Business, and Agricultural Affairs, 
Joan Spero, and Under Secretary of Treasury for International Affairs, 
Lawrence Summers, co-chaired the U.S. side. Egyptian Minister of State 
for International Cooperation, Dr. Youssef Boutros-Ghali, and Egyptian 
Minister for Economy and Foreign Trade, Mahmoud Mohamed Mahmoud, co-
chaired the Egyptian side. The members of the Sub-Committee discussed 
policies aimed at spurring economic growth and job creation in Egypt, 
especially in the private sector, and at expanding private sector links 
between the two countries for mutual benefit. The members praised the 
progress achieved to date in the Egyptian economic reform program and 
welcomed the prospects for higher levels of growth. The Sub-Committee 
also reviewed possible areas for expanded technical cooperation. They 
agreed to meet again in the fall. 
 
This Sub-Committee is one of three Sub-Committees created in Cairo in 
March by Vice President Gore, acting on behalf of President Clinton, and 
Egyptian President Mubarak to carry on a government-to-government 
dialogue on economic issues. The other two Sub-Committees, one on 
Technology & Human Resource Development and the other on Sustainable 
Development & the Environment, are also expected to hold their inaugural 
meetings within the next several weeks. The three Sub-Committees will 
report on their discussions to the full Joint Committee, which is 
expected to meet this fall in Cairo. 
 
This new partnership also includes a Presidents' Council of private 
sector executives to advise the two governments on ways to remove 
barriers to private sector growth and cooperation. This Presidents' 
Council, comprised of 15 senior business executives from each country 
chosen by their respective Presidents, held its first meeting on April 5 
in Washington. 
 
The underlying goals of this new partnership are to:  
 
--  promote economic growth and job creation; 
--  increase the role of the private sector in the Egyptian economy; and  
--  foster continued economic reform in Egypt, thereby multiplying the 
positive effect of U.S. assistance programs.  
 
This reflects the view that job creation and economic opportunities in 
the private sector are critical to Egypt's long-term economic stability 
and the well-being of the Egyptian people. 
 
The partnership represents a significant step forward in our efforts to 
build a more broad-based and mature economic relationship that widens 
the scope of trade, investment, and private sector cooperation while 
enhancing our continuing economic assistance program for the greater 
benefit of both the Egyptian and American private sectors.  (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 10: 
 
U.S.-Oman Support for Middle East Desalination Research Center 
 
Text of U.S.-Oman joint communique, Washington, DC, June 2, 1995. 
 
Oman's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Yusuf bin Alawi, met today 
with Vice President Gore, Acting Secretary Talbott and a number of other 
senior officials. The discussions covered a broad range of bilateral 
issues, including security matters, and focused as well on regional 
peace process issues. Minister Alawi reconfirmed Oman's longstanding 
commitment to assist actively in the quest for a comprehensive peace, 
and reiterated his government's willingness to take concrete actions to 
help achieve this goal. 
 
During these consultations, the United States and Oman made commitments 
of $3 million each to establish a Middle East Desalination Research 
Center in the Sultanate of Oman. The Center's activities will 
concentrate on applied research on water desalination and related 
fields, and will include training and electronic networking. It will 
draw on expertise in the Middle East and from outside the region. 
Desalination is already used extensively in the Middle East and will 
continue to be an important option for addressing water scarcity. 
 
The concept for a regional desalination research center emerged from the 
work of the Multilateral Working Group on Water Resources of the Middle 
East Peace Process. Oman offered to host such a center at the meeting of 
the group in Muscat in April, 1994. Since that time, Oman and the United 
States, along with a variety of other interested countries, have 
produced an action plan for establishing the center. 
 
The United States, as Gavelholder of the Water Resources Working Group, 
and Oman, as host of the center, together call on others to join them as 
founding members of the center and call upon them to make substantial 
financial contributions to assure a firm foundation for this new 
research institution. They will also encourage a strong private sector 
role in the work of the center. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 11: 
 
Human Rights Abuses by Turkish Military And the Situation in Cyprus 
 
Statement by Acting Department Spokesman Christine Shelly, Washington, 
DC, June 1, 1995. 
 
This morning, the Department submitted to the Congress a report on 
allegations of human rights abuses by the Turkish military and on the 
situation in Cyprus. 
 
The Foreign Operations Appropriations Act for FY 1995 withheld 10% of 
the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for Turkey pending submission of a 
report by the State Department. The report was to address alleged human 
rights abuses by Turkish security forces in the southeastern region of 
Turkey, and to address Cyprus. The 10% withholding amounted to $36.45 
million of a total of $364.5 million in loans approved for FY 1995. 
Although the Turkish Government stated that it would not accept 
conditional aid and refused the 10%, Congress has nonetheless requested 
that the report be submitted as required in the legislation. This report 
was prepared by the Department in consultation with the Department of 
Defense. 
 
The report reaffirms Turkey's continuing importance as a long-standing 
NATO ally which faces a major threat to its sovereignty and territorial 
integrity from the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). It also 
stresses that continued support for Turkey's security--both external and 
internal--serves major U.S. interests. 
 
Among the report's conclusions is that U.S.-origin equipment, which 
accounts for most major items in the Turkish military inventory, has 
been used in operations against the PKK, during which human rights 
abuses have occurred. It is highly likely that such equipment was used 
in support of the evacuation and/or destruction of villages in 
southeastern Turkey. However, the report assesses that there is no 
evidence that verifies reports of torture or "mystery killings" 
involving U.S. equipment. The report notes that the Turkish Government 
has recognized the need to improve its human rights situation and cites 
proposals which, if adopted and implemented, could lead to important and 
positive changes in the situation in the southeast. 
 
The report notes further that human rights and democracy will continue 
to be a prominent feature of the ongoing U.S.-Turkish high-level 
dialogue. We ascribe great importance to the Turkish Government's 
democratization initiative. Enhancement of democracy for all Turkey's 
citizens will significantly improve the human rights situation in 
Turkey. We urge its rapid passage. (###) 

 
[BOX] 
 
The Report to Congress on Human Rights Abuses by the Turkish Military 
and on the Situation in Cyprus is now available on the Department of 
State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) on the Internet and is accessible 
as follows:  
 
1. GOPHER: dosfan.lib.uic.edu 
2. URL: gopher://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ 
3. WWW: http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/dosfan.html 
 
The report can be found under Geographic Areas in the Bureau of 
European/Canadian Affairs. (###) 
 
[End box]

 
[END OF DISPATCH VOL 6, NO 24] 

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