US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH 
VOLUME 6, NUMBER 20, MAY 15, 1995 
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE 
 
1.  The United States and Russia: Facing Common Challenges -- President 
Clinton  
2.  Non-proliferation and Economic Reform in Russia 
3.  The U.S. and Ukraine: Sharing a Common Vision of Freedom and 
Prosperity -- President Clinton 
4.  President Clinton Honors Those Who Died at Babi Yar -- President 
Clinton 
5.  Extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty -- President 
Clinton  
6.  Treaty Actions 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1 
 
The United States and Russia:  Facing Common Challenges 
President Clinton 
Remarks to students at Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia, May 10, 
1995 
 
Thank you very much Rector Sadovnichy, Mrs. Sadovnichy. To the faculty, 
and most of all, to the students of Moscow State University: I am deeply 
honored to be here and to be here just a few years after my predecessor, 
President Reagan, also spoke to the students. 
 
I can think of no better place than a great seat of learning like Moscow 
State University to speak about the past and future of Russia. In this 
spirit, Mikhail Lomonosov lives on, for just as he modernized your 
ancient language for the Russian people two centuries ago, today, you 
must take the lead in shaping a new language--a language of democracy 
that will help all of Russia to chart a new course for your ancient 
land. Here, you openly debate the pressing issues of the day and, though 
you can only hear echoes of your nation's history, you are living it and 
making it as you ponder and prepare for what is yet to come. 
 
Yesterday, all of Russia and much of the entire world paused to remember 
the end of World War II and the terrible, almost unimaginable price the 
people of the Soviet Union paid for survival and for victory. Because 
our alliance with you was shattered at the war's end by the onset of the 
Cold War, Americans never fully appreciated, until yesterday, the true 
extent of your sacrifice and its contribution to our common victory. The 
Russian people were denied the full promise of that victory in World War 
II--a victory that bought the West five decades of freedom and 
prosperity. 
 
Now the Cold War is over. Democracy has triumphed through decades of 
Western resolve, but that victory was also yours--through the 
determination of the people of Russia, the other former Soviet 
republics, and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to be free 
and to move into the 21st century as a part of, not apart from, the 
global movement toward greater democracy, prosperity, and common 
security. 
 
Your decision for democracy and cooperation has given us the opportunity 
to work together to fulfill the promise of our common victory over 
forces of fascism 50 years ago. I know that it was not an easy decision 
to   make and that it is not always an easy decision to stay with. I 
know that you in Russia will have to chart your own democratic course 
based on your own traditions and culture, as well as on the common 
challenges we face. 
 
We Americans have now spent over 200 years setting our own course. Along 
the way, we have endured deep divisions and one civil war. We have made 
mistakes at home and in our relations with other people. At times, we 
have fallen short of our own ideals. Our system can sometimes seem 
unnecessarily burdened by divisions and constraint. But as Winston 
Churchill once said, "Democracy is the worst system of government, 
except for all the others." It has produced more prosperity, more 
security, and more opportunity for self-fulfillment than all of its 
competitors in the entire world in the last 200 years. 
 
The United States supports the forces of democracy and reform here in 
Russia because it is in our national interest to do so. I have worked 
hard to make this post-Cold War world a safer and more hopeful place for 
the American people. As President, that is my job. That is every 
president's job. But I have had the opportunity, unlike my recent 
predecessors, to work with Russia instead of being in opposition to 
Russia, and I want to keep it that way. 
 
I am proud that, for the first time since the dawn of the nuclear age, 
no Russian missiles are pointed at the children of America. Now that I 
am here, I might paraphrase what your Foreign Minister told me in 
Washington last month--I am also proud that no American missiles are 
pointed at you or me for the first time since the dawn of the nuclear 
age. 
 
Both our nations are destroying thousands of nuclear weapons at a faster 
rate than our treaties require. We have removed the last nuclear weapons 
from Kazakhstan and Ukraine, and Belarus will soon follow. We are 
cooperating with you to prevent nuclear weapons and bomb-making 
materials from falling into the hands of terrorists and smugglers. We 
are working together to extend indefinitely the nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty--the cornerstone of our efforts to stop the spread 
of nuclear weapons. 
 
Your progress on the economic front is also important. I have seen 
reports that more than 60% of your economy is now in private hands. 
Inflation is dropping, and your government is taking sensible steps to 
control its budget deficit. Managers work to satisfy customers and to 
make profits. Employees, more and more, search for the best jobs at the 
highest wages. And every day, despite hardship and uncertainty, more and 
more Russian people are able to make decisions in free markets rather 
than having their choices dictated to them. 
 
We have supported these reforms. They are good for you, but they are 
also good for the United States and for the rest of the world, for they 
bring us together and move us forward. 
 
I know there are severe problems. There are severe problems in your 
transition to a market economy. I know, too, that anywhere free markets 
exist, they do not solve all social problems. They require policies that 
can ensure economic fairness and basic human decency to those who need 
and deserve help. 
 
Finally, I know that all democracies, the United States included, face 
new challenges--from the emergence of the global economy and the 
information age, as well as from the threats posed by the proliferation 
of weapons of mass destruction, by organized crime, and by terrorism. 
 
But the answer is not to back away from democracy or to go back to 
isolation. The answer is not to go back to defining your national 
interest in terms that make others less secure. The answer is to stay on 
this course, to reap the full benefits of democracy, and to work on 
these problems with those of us who have a stake in your success, 
because your success makes us safer and more prosperous as well. 
 
That success, I believe, depends upon three things: 
 
First, continuing to strengthen your democracy;  
 
Second, improving your economy and reducing social and economic 
problems; and  
 
Third, establishing your role in the world in a way that enhances your 
economic and national security interest--not at the expense of your 
friends and neighbors, but in cooperation with them. 
 
Building Democracy 
 
First, the work of building democracy never ends. The democratic system 
can never be perfected, because human beings are not perfect. In America 
today, we are engaged in a renewed debate over which decision should be 
made by our national government and which ones should be made locally or 
by private citizens on their own, unimpeded by government. 
 
We argue today over the proper roles of the different branches of 
government, and we argue over how we can be strengthened, not weakened, 
by the great diversity in our society. These are enduring challenges 
that all democracies face. 
 
But no element among them is more fundamental than the holding of free 
elections. In our meetings today, President Yeltsin once again pledged 
to keep on schedule both a new round of parliamentary elections in 
December and the presidential election next June. He has shown that he 
understands what has often been said about a new democracy; the second 
elections are even more important than the first, for the second 
elections establish a pattern of peaceful transition of power. 
 
Therefore, I urge all Russians who have the right to vote to exercise 
that vote this year and next year. Many people sacrificed so that you 
could have this power. I address that plea especially to the young 
people in this room and throughout your great nation. 

Your future is fully before you, and these elections will shape that 
future. Do not fall into the trap that I hear even in my own country of 
believing that your vote does not count. It does count. It will count if 
you cast it. If    you do not count--cast it, that will count for 
something, too. So I urge you to exercise the vote. 
 
But the heart of a democracy does not lie in the ballot box alone. That 
is why it is also important that your generation continues to demand and 
support a free and independent press. Again, this can be a difficult, 
even dangerous process, as the people in your press know all too well. 
 
Dmitri Kholodov and Vladislav Listyev were murdered in pursuit of the 
truth--victims of their vigorous belief in the public's right to know. 
You must not allow those assassins who targeted them to steal from your 
people one of the essential freedoms of democracy--the freedom of the 
press. 
 
There is another challenge--a challenge of building tolerance, for 
tolerance, too, lies at the heart of any democracy. Few nations on earth 
can rival Russia's vast human and natural resources or her diversity. 
Within your borders live more than 100 different ethnic groups. Scores 
of literary, cultural, and artistic traditions thrive among your people, 
and in the last few years, millions have returned to their faiths, 
seeking refuge in their stability and finding hope in their teachings. 
These are vital signs of democracy taking root. 
 
Given your nation's great diversity, it would have been easy along this 
path to surrender to the cries of extremists, who, in the name of 
patriotism, have tried to rally support by stirring up fear among 
different people. But you have embraced, instead, the cause of 
tolerance. The vast majority of Russians have rejected those poisonous 
arguments and bolster your young, fragile democracy. 
 
When Americans and others in the West look back on the events of the 
last four years, we are struck by the remarkably peaceful nature of your 
revolutionary transition. Your accomplishment to go through a massive 
social and political upheaval and the breakup of an empire with so 
little brutality and bloodshed has few precedents in history. Your 
restraint was a critical factor in paving the way for Russia to take its 
place in the global community, a modern state at peace with itself and 
its neighbors. 
 
Now it is against this backdrop, this great achievement, that we 
Americans have viewed the tragedy in Chechnya. As I told President 
Yeltsin earlier today, this terrible tragedy must be brought to a rapid 
and peaceful conclusion. Continued fighting in that region can only 
spill more blood and further erode support for Russia among her 
neighbors around the world. 
 
Holding free elections, ensuring a free and independent press, promoting 
tolerance of diversity--these are some of the difficult tasks of 
building a democracy. They are all important. 
 
Economic Reforms 
 
But these efforts also depend upon your economic reforms. Your efforts 
on the political front will benefit from efforts on the economic front 
that generate prosperity and give people a greater stake in a democratic 
future. 
 
To too many people in this country, I know that economic reform has come 
to mean hardship, uncertainty, crime, and corruption. Profitable 
enterprises, once owned by the state, have been moved into private 
hands, sometimes under allegedly questionable circumstances. The demands 
of extortionists have stopped some would-be entrepreneurs from even 
going into business. When the heavy hand of totalitarianism was lifted 
from your society, many structures necessary for a free market to take 
shape were not there, and organized crime was able to move into the 
vacuum. 
 
These are real and urgent concerns. They demand an all-out battle to 
create a market based on law, not lawlessness; a market that rewards 
merit, not malice. Economic reform must not be an excuse for the 
privileged and the strong to prey upon the weak. 
 
To help your government break the power of those criminals, our Federal 
Bureau of Investigation has opened an office here in Moscow, and we are 
cooperating with your government's attempts to strengthen the integrity 
of your markets. 
 
Pressures in the market economy are also leaving some people behind--
people whose needs are not being met and who are not able to compete and 
win, while some of the richest are said to pay no taxes at all. Those 
Russians who lose their jobs or who live in poverty deserve an economic 
and social safety net that is strong enough to break their fall and keep 
them going until they can get back on their feet. 
 
Finally, market economies require discipline. Cutting inflation helps 
families struggling to become members of the new Russian middle class so 
they need not fear the future. Continuing your country's recent record 
of more realistic budgets is vital to achieving long-term economic 
stability. 
 
I say this from experience. From the beginning of my Administration I 
have pursued these goals because, even though they require some 
sacrifices in the short-term, they promise lasting economic growth that 
will benefit all of our people and yours as well. The transition to a 
more honest and open market economy requires time. New problems will 
appear as your economy gains ground. But in the midst of the pain, I 
would urge you also to see the promise. Countries that were in economic 
ruin at the end of World War II today rank among the world's most 
dynamic nations, because they have made a market economy and democracy 
work. 
 
Russian Security 
 
Finally, Russia's success at political and economic reform at home 
requires an approach to the world that reinforces your progress and 
enhances your security. Russia and the United States must work together 
in this regard. We must work for our common security. 
 
More than anything else, that is what my meeting with President Yeltsin 
today was all about, and we made progress in many areas. I would like to 
report them to you.  
 
First, Russia agreed to implement its Partnership for Peace with NATO, 
and I agreed now to press NATO to begin talks on a special relationship 
with Russia. 
 
The United States has made it clear that we favor a strong, 
continuingNATO and that any admission of new members be based on the 
principles   we have articulated, along with our partners. It must be 
gradual and deliberate and open and consistent   with the security 
interests of all of our partners for peace, including Russia. 
 
My goal since I became President has been to use the fact that the Cold 
War is over to unify Europe for the first time in its history, and that 
is what we must all be working for. President Yeltsin's decision to join 
the Partnership for Peace will support that move toward security and 
unity. 
 
Second, the United States strongly believes that there should be no 
future nuclear cooperation with Iran. We believe that is in Russia's 
interest. Today, President Yeltsin said that Russia would not sell 
enrichment technology or training to Iran because that could clearly be 
used to develop a nuclear capacity. That should be more important to you 
than to us, because you are closer to Iran than we are. 
 
I gave President Yeltsin some intelligence that the U.S. Government has 
that we believe supports the proposition that no nuclear cooperation in 
the future--not even the light-water reactors--should proceed, and the 
two of us agreed to ask the special commission headed by Prime Minister 
Chernomyrdin and Vice President Gore to look into this matter further. 
 
On the outstanding issues of arm sales to Iran, we reached an agreement 
with Russia which will now permit Russia--your country--to be one of the 
founding members of the so-called post-COCOM regime, an agreement among 
nations to limit the sales of all dangerous weapons around the world in 
ways that will increase your security and ours. 
 
Third, we agreed to immediately work to see if we could get our 
respective parliamentary bodies to ratify the START II Treaty this year 
so that we could continue to reduce our nuclear arsenals and, after 
START II is ratified, to consider further reductions in the nuclear 
arsenals of the United States and Russia to make your future safer. We 
also agreed to a statement of principles on one of the most difficult 
issues in our security relationship-- how we define so-called theater 
missile defenses in the context of our Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty 
designed, again, to make us both safer. 
 
Next, we agreed to begin visits to our biological weapons installations 
this August as part of our continued commitment to reduce the threat of 
biological and chemical weapons proliferation throughout the world.  If 
you consider what recently happened--the terrible incident in the subway 
in Japan--our future security and your future security is threatened not 
only by nuclear weapons, but by the potential of biological and chemical 
weapons falling into the wrong hands as well. 
 
Finally, in the wake of all those incidents--the problems in Russia with 
organized crime and the awful tragedy that we had in our country in 
Oklahoma City--the United States and Russia agreed that we must work 
much harder in sharing information, sharing technology, and sharing 
research in the areas of combating terrorism and organized crime. 
 
This meeting was a success, because every one of those decisions will 
give you and your counterparts in the United States a safer future, and 
we need to do more of this kind of work together. 
 
As we close the door on this 20th century--the bloodiest century in the 
history of the world--I am convinced that the next century and your most 
productive years will be the most exciting time--the time most full of 
possibility in all history. The global economy, the explosion of 
information, the incredible advances in technology, the ability of 
people to move rapidly across large spaces--all of these trends are 
bringing us into a more integrated world. But we must all realize that 
these forces of integration have a dark underside. 
 
In the 21st century, we will face new and different security threats.In 
the 21st century, I predict to you that there will be no world war to 
write about between nations fighting over territory. I predict to you 
that there will not be a new, great colossus killing tens of millions of 
its own citizens to maintain control. 
 
I believe the battles of the 21st century will be against the organized 
forces of destruction that can cross national lines or threaten us from 
within our borders. We see these forces in the bombing of the World 
Trade Center, in the terrible tragedy in Oklahoma City, and in the 
United States. We see it in the bombings in the streets in Israel, 
designed to kill the peace process in the Middle East. We see it in the 
terrible gas attack in the Tokyo subway. We see it in the problems that 
you and so many other nations have with organized crime. 
 
The more open and flexible our societies are, the more our people are 
able to move freely without restraint, the greater we are exposed to 
those kinds of threats. And so, we must become more and more vigilant. 
We must work together to defeat these new security threats, for in this 
new century, the world wants and needs strong democratic countries where 
people are truly free and secure. This world needs a strong and 
democratic Russia to help meet these challenges. 
 
It is in that context that I have pledged to President Yeltsin that we 
will continue to work on all the issues between us. It is in that 
context that I urged the President to have no future nuclear cooperation 
with Iran. 
 
Think about the future we have together. We have already witnessed what 
Russia can do on the world's stage when it is completely engaged and 
committed to democracy. From the Near East to as far away as El 
Salvador, America and the world have been made more secure by Russian 
leadership and cooperation. As Russia takes her rightful place, we 
believe that the trends toward democracy and economic freedom and 
tolerance must and will continue. 
 
Yesterday, your nation looked back at 50 years and paid homage to the 
heroes of World War II. Today, let us look ahead 50 years to the next 
century when your children and your grandchildren will recall those who 
stood against the coups, who voted in the free elections, who claimed 
their basic human rights and liberties which had been so long denied; 
those who made Russia a full partner in the global march toward freedom 
and prosperity and security. They will look back, and they will be 
grateful. 
 
I know there are some in this country who do not favor this course and, 
believe me, there are some people in my country who do not believe that 
you will follow this course. They predict that, instead, you will repeat 
the patterns of the past. Well, of course, the outcome is not assured--
nothing in human affairs is certain. But I believe those negative voices 
are mistaken. 
 
All sensible people understand the enormous challenges you face, but if 
there is one constant element in your history, it is the strength and 
resilience of the Russian people. You have survived in this century 
devastating losses and two World Wars that would have broken weaker 
spirits. You succeeded in bringing an end to a communist system and to a 
Cold War that had dominated human affairs for decades. You have ushered 
in a new era of freedom, and you can go the rest of the way. In the 
future, your progress may well be measured not by glorious victories, 
but by gradual improvements. Therefore, in your efforts, you will need 
time and patience--two virtues that Leo Tolstoy called the strongest of 
all warriors. 
 
You must know in this endeavor that you will not be alone, for Russians 
and Americans share this bond. We both must learn from our past, and we 
both must find the courage to change to make the future that our 
children deserve. For the sake of your generation and generations to 
come, I believe we will all rise to the challenge. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2 
 
Non-Proliferation and Economic  Reform in Russia 
Texts of joint statements and fact sheet released by the White House, 
Office of the Press Secretary, Moscow, Russia, May 10, 1995. 

Joint Statement on the Transparency and Irreversibility of the Process 
of Reducing Nuclear Weapons 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation, 
 
After examining the exchange of views which took place during the 
December 1994 meeting of the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission in regard to 
the aggregate stockpiles of nuclear warheads, stocks of fissile 
materials, and their safety and security, as well as a discussion of the 
Joint Working Group on Nuclear Safeguards, Transparency and 
Irreversibility of further measures to improve confidence in and 
increase the transparency and irreversibility of the process of reducing 
nuclear weapons, 
 
Reaffirm the commitment of the United States of America and the Russian 
Federation to the goal of nuclear disarmament and their desire to pursue 
further measures to improved confidence in and increase the transparency 
and irreversibility of the process of nuclear arms reduction, as they 
agreed in January and September 1994; 
 
Reaffirm the desire of the United States of America and the Russian 
Federation to exchange detailed information on aggregate stockpiles of 
nuclear warheads, on stocks of fissile materials and on their safety and 
security and to develop a process for exchange of this information on a 
regular basis; and 
 
Express the desire of the United States of America and the Russian 
Federation to establish as soon as possible concrete arrangements for 
enhancing transparency and irreversibility of the process of nuclear 
arms reduction. 
 
Taking into account the proposal by President B.N. Yeltsin for a treaty 
on nuclear safety and strategic stability among the five nuclear powers, 
they declare that:  
 
--Fissile materials removed from nuclear weapons being eliminated and 
excess to national security requirements will not be used to manufacture 
nuclear weapons; 
 
--No newly produced fissile materials will be used in nuclear weapons; 
and 
 
--Fissile materials from or within civil nuclear programs will not be 
used to manufacture nuclear weapons. 
 
The United States of America and the Russian Federation will negotiate 
agreements to increase the transparency and irreversibility of nuclear 
arms reduction that, inter alia, establish: 
 
--An exchange on a regular basis of detailed information on aggregate 
stockpiles of nuclear warheads, on stocks of fissile materials and on 
their safety and security; 
 
--A cooperative arrangement for reciprocal monitoring at storage 
facilities of fissile materials removed from nuclear warheads and 
declared to be excess to national security requirements to help confirm 
the irreversi- bility of the process of reducing nuclear weapons, 
recognizing that progress in this area is linked to progress in 
implementing the joint U.S.-Russian program for the fissile material 
storage facility at Mayak; and 
 
--Other cooperative measures, as necessary to enhance confidence in the 
reciprocal declarations on fissile material stockpiles. 
 
The United States of America and the Russian Federation will strive to 
conclude as soon as possible agreements which are based on these 
principles. 
 
The United States of America and the Russian Federation will also 
examine and seek to define further measures to increase the transparency 
and irreversibility of the process of reducing nuclear weapons, 
including intergovernmental arrangements to extend cooperation to 
further phases of the process of eliminating nuclear weapons declared 
excess to national security requirements as a result of nuclear arms 
reduction. 
 
The Presidents urged progress in implementing current agreements 
affecting the irreversibility of the process of reducing nuclear weapons 
such as the June 23, 1994, agreement concerning the shutdown of 
plutonium production reactors and the cessation of use of newly produced 
plutonium for nuclear weapons, in all its interrelated provisions, 
including, inter alia, cooperation in creation of alternative energy 
sources, shutdown of plutonium production reactors mentioned above, and 
development of respective compliance procedures. 
 
The United States of America and the Russian Federation will seek to 
conclude in the shortest possible time an agreement for cooperation 
between their governments enabling the exchange of information as 
necessary to implement the arrangements called for above, by providing 
for the protection of that information. No information will be exchanged 
until the respective arrangement enters into force. 
 
Joint Statement on Nonproliferation 
 
The President of the United States of America, William J. Clinton, and 
the President of the Russian Federation, B.N. Yeltsin, at their meeting 
in Moscow May 9-10, 1995, expressed the strong view that the 
Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) Review and Extension Conference underway 
in New York should decide to make the Treaty permanent. The two leaders 
pledged that the United States and Russia will continue to work to 
ensure the full implementation of the Treaty. In particular, they 
reaffirmed the commitments by the United States of America and the 
Russian Federation, under Article VI of the NPT, to pursue negotiations 
in good faith on effective measures relating to nuclear disarmament, 
which remains their ultimate goal. 
 
The two Presidents also reaffirmed that the United States and the 
Russian Federation will continue to work together closely to promote 
broad nonproliferation goals. They agreed that, in the newly-established 
bilateral working group on nonproliferation, the two sides would consult 
in a timely manner on issues of mutual concern, including how best to 
fulfill their responsibility to cooperate with other NPT parties in the 
peaceful uses of nuclear energy, while at the same time fulfilling their 
responsibility to avoid risks of proliferation. The leaders recognized 
the importance of a responsible approach to the transfer of nuclear-
related material, equipment, and technology and to nuclear-related 
training. In this connection, they reaffirmed their commitments to the 
NPT and to the Nuclear Suppliers Group Guidelines, and in particular to 
the principles that nuclear transfers should take place only under full-
scope International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards and only when 
a supplier is satisfied that such transfers to any non-nuclear weapon 
state would not contribute to the proliferation of nuclear weapons. 
 
The leaders directed the working group on nonproliferation to prepare 
assessments of proliferation threats in various regions of the world, to 
consider practical means of addressing those threats, to assess evidence 
regarding possible noncompliance with nonproliferation commitments, and 
to report to them periodically on its progress. 
 
The two Presidents strongly supported the concrete progress recently 
made in their two countries' cooperation in ensuring the security of 
nuclear weapons and nuclear materials that can be used in such weapons. 
They reiterated their call for broad and expanded cooperation on a 
bilateral and multilateral basis, consistent with their international 
obligations, to strengthen national and international regimes of 
control, accounting, and physical protection of nuclear materials, and 
to prevent illegal traffic in nuclear materials. They directed all 
relevant agencies and organizations in their respective countries to 
facilitate in a coordinated manner, effective cooperation to this end. 
 
They directed that the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission prepare a joint 
report on steps that have been accomplished and additional steps that 
should be taken to ensure the security of nuclear materials. 
 
The leaders reaffirmed their strong support for the IAEA and reiterated 
their view that its safeguards program plays a fundamental role in the 
global nuclear nonproliferation regime. They stressed the importance of 
enhancing the IAEA's ability to detect diversions of nuclear material 
and to provide increased assurance of the absence  of undeclared nuclear 
activities, in particular through the effort currently underway to 
strengthen the effectiveness and improve the efficiency of the 
safeguards system. 
 
The Presidents agreed that the formal participation of the Russian 
Federation in the multilateral nonproliferation export control regimes 
would significantly strengthen those regimes as well as broaden the 
basis for cooperation between the two countries on nonproliferation. 
They agreed to direct officials in their respective governments to 
address expeditiously the issues affecting Russian membership in the 
various regimes, with a view  to ensuring active U.S. support for 
Russian admission to each of the regimes at the earliest possible date. 

 
Joint Statement 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation, taking into account the threat posed by worldwide 
proliferation of missiles and missile technology and the necessity of 
counteracting this threat, agreed on the following basic principles to 
serve as a basis for further discussions in order to reach agreement in 
the field of demarcation between ABM systems and theater missile defense 
systems. 
 
The United States and Russia are each committed to the ABM Treaty, a 
cornerstone of strategic stability. 
 
Both sides must have the option to establish and to deploy effective 
theater missile defense systems. Such activity must not lead to 
violation or circumvention of the ABM Treaty. 
 
Theater missile defense systems may be deployed by each side which (1) 
will not pose a realistic threat to the strategic nuclear force of the 
other side and (2) will not be tested to give such systems that 
capability. 
 
Theater missile defense systems will not be deployed by the sides for 
use against each other. 
 
The scale of deployment--in number and geographic scope--of theater 
missile defense systems by either side will be consistent with theater 
ballistic missile programs confronting that side. 
 
In the spirit of partnership, the Presidents undertook to promote 
reciprocal openness in activities of the sides in theater missile 
defense systems and in the exchange of corresponding information. 
 
The Presidents confirmed the interest of the sides in the development 
and fielding of effective theater missile defense systems on a 
cooperative basis. The sides will make every effort toward the goal of 
broadening bilateral cooperation in the area of defense against 
ballistic missiles. They will consider expanding cooperative efforts in 
theater missile defense technology and exercises, study ways of sharing 
data obtained through early warning systems, discuss theater missile 
defense architecture concepts, and seek opportunities for joint research 
and development in theater missile defense. 
 
The Presidents undertook to continue a broad exchange of views and 
consultations on the question of theater missile defense at various 
levels. 

 
Joint Statement on Economic Reform, Trade, and Investment 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation welcomed the significant progress made in Russian 
economic reforms and bilateral trade and investment since their last 
meeting in Washington in September 1994. They underlined their support 
for full and early realization of the bilateral economic partnership 
described in their September 1994 Washington Summit Joint Statement on 
"Partnership for Economic Progress." 
 
Economic Reform 
  
The President of the Russian Federation reaffirmed Russia's 
determination to implement firmly its 1995 economic reform program, 
including reduction of government deficits and other anti-inflationary 
measures, privatization, comprehensive tax reform, strengthening of the 
free market and integration into the world economy. The President of the 
United States of America welcomed these policies and pledged continued 
strong U.S. support for their complete implementation. 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation commended the deepening interaction between Russia 
and the leading industrial countries and the formation of the 
"Political-8," and expressed their hope for fruitful cooperation during 
the forthcoming Halifax Summit in June 1995. 
 
Trade 
  
The President of the United States of America expressed strong U.S. 
support for Russian accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), and 
both Presidents agreed to cooperate on accomplishing this objective. 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation welcomed the doubling of bilateral trade between 1992 
and 1994 to a level of $5.8 billion. They pledged that as trade 
continues to expand both countries would work together to resolve trade 
frictions which arise in a mature trade relationship. They also agreed 
that bilateral trade and foreign and domestic investment would benefit 
from stricter enforcement of intellectual property rights and they 
agreed that both governments would engage in broader cooperation in this 
area. The President of the United States of America reiterated his 
government's recognition that Russia is an economy in transition to a 
free market. 
 
Investment 
  
The President of the Russian Federation informed the President of the 
United States of America that his government has issued a decree 
permitting full implementation of the Oil and Gas Framework Agreement, 
under which the U.S. Export-Import Bank can proceed with $1.3 billion in 
approved loans and authorize $700 million in requested loans for the 
important oil and gas sector. The two Presidents also undertook to 
accelerate implementation of the $750 million Eximbank-Gazprom financing 
facility. 
 
The President of the Russian Federation noted the importance of the IL-
96M project to civil aviation cooperation between the two countries and 
the President of the United States of America confirmed that the U.S. 
Export-Import Bank is reviewing a financing application for this 
project. 
 
The two Presidents welcomed progress made in negotiations between 
American and Russian companies on production sharing agreements and look 
forward to the signing of these agreements within the next few months, 
as well as the passage of the Law on Production Sharing and the 
ratification of the Bilateral Investment Treaty. 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation welcomed the commitments of the Overseas Private 
Investment Corporation of over $2 billion in loan guarantees, insurance 
and investment funds, and of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency of 
over $35 million for feasibility studies on 87 separate projects in the 
Russian Federation. They looked forward to the opening in Moscow in June 
of a new Russian Business Information Service for trade with America, 
with assistance from the U.S. Government. 
 
Future Mandate  
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation commended the achievements of the Joint Commission 
for Technological and Economic Cooperation (the Gore-Chernomyrdin 
Commission) and, stressing their commitment to a strategic economic 
partnership, requested recommendations from the Joint Commission on 
further moves to strengthen and expand bilateral trade and investment 
and market access, and cooperation in the areas of energy, space, 
science and technology, health and agriculture and conversion of defense 
production facilities. 
 
Noting the importance of regional development, the two Presidents 
announced the inaugural meeting in Seattle this June of the working 
group between the private and public sector leaders of the Russian Far 
East and the U.S. west coast, based on the initiative of the President 
of the Russian Federation in Seattle in September 1994. 
 
The President of the United States of America and the President of the 
Russian Federation noted that a strong basis for economic, commercial 
and technological cooperation between the two countries has been 
created, which is aimed at supporting the transformation of the Russian 
economy and Russia's full integration into the world economy. The two 
Presidents expressed strong support for these historic goals. 

 
Joint Statement on European Security 
 
Presidents Clinton and Yeltsin conducted a thorough review of progress 
toward their shared goal of a stable, secure, integrated and undivided 
democratic Europe. They agreed that the end of military confrontation, 
ideological conflict, and division of the Euro-Atlantic region into 
opposing blocs has created an historic opportunity for all of its 
peoples. They emphasized their determination to cooperate closely to 
ensure that in the future, all peoples of the Euro-Atlantic region shall 
enjoy the benefits of a stable, just and peaceful order. 
 
The Presidents note that the task of strengthening Euro-Atlantic 
security now requires dealing with challenges very different from those 
of the Cold War era. Aggressive nationalism, proliferation of weapons of 
mass destruction, unresolved territorial disputes, and violations in the 
area of human rights present serious threats to stability, peace and 
prosperity. The Presidents agree that the effort to deal with these 
challenges must be based on respect for the principles and commitments 
of the OSCE, particularly concerning democracy, political pluralism, 
respect for human rights and civil liberties, free market economies and 
strict respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and self-
determination. 
 
The Presidents reviewed prospects for Euro-Atlantic structures in 
response to the opportunities and challenges posed by the new era. They 
agreed that the central element of a lasting peace must be the 
integration of all of Europe into a series of mutually supporting 
institutions and relationships which ensure that there will be no return 
to division or confrontation. The evolution of European structures 
should be directed toward the overall goal of integration. President 
Clinton stressed that the process should be transparent, inclusive and 
based on an integral relationship between the security of Europe and 
that of North America. 
 
The Presidents note the historic task of working closely together toward 
fuller participation of democratic Russia and the United States of 
America in the range of worldwide political, economic, and security 
institutions of the 21st Century. It was in this spirit that the two 
Presidents reviewed steps in the evolution of the Euro-Atlantic security 
system through the further development of relevant organizations and 
bilateral and regional cooperation. This includes the decision of Russia 
to proceed with its individual Partnership Program for the Partnership 
for Peace and with the document on a broad, enhanced Russia-NATO 
dialogue and cooperation. 
 
President Clinton supported Russia's efforts to develop further its 
partnership and cooperation with the EU. He stressed U.S. support for 
Russia's participation in the WTO, GATT and other institutions important 
to European and global economic and security architecture, as 
appropriate. 
 
The Presidents agree that the OSCE's commitments in the areas of human 
rights, economics, and security provide a foundation for their effort to 
build a stable and integrated Europe. In this regard, special attention 
should be devoted to strengthening the peacekeeping capabilities of the 
OSCE and to its potential in the sphere of preventive diplomacy and the 
peaceful settlement of disputes. 
 
The Presidents recalled the decision of the December 1994 OSCE Summit  
in Budapest to develop a model for ensuring comprehensive security for 
Europe in the 21st Century. The United States and Russia believe that 
such a model should aim to build an undivided Europe, a common space of 
security and stability, and a system that ensures the widest cooperation 
and coordination among all countries of the Euro-Atlantic region. In 
this system, all states will have, as stated in Budapest, the inherent 
right of all states freely to choose or change their security 
arrangements, including treaties of alliance, as they evolve. 

 
Fact Sheet: COCOM Successor Regime 
 
President Clinton and President Yeltsin at their May 10 meeting issued a 
joint statement reaffirming U.S. support for Russia's participation in 
discussions to establish a successor regime to COCOM and reaffirming 
Russia's decision to close out its arms sales to Iran. They have 
resolved the outstanding issues and asked Vice President Gore and Prime 
Minister Chernomyrdin to record the details in an agreed document to be 
completed as soon as possible, and no later than their upcoming meeting 
in June. Upon completion of this agreement, the U.S. will welcome 
Russia's participation as a founding member of the post-COCOM regime. 
 
Since the Vancouver summit, the United States has worked to end all 
vestiges of the Cold War and bring Russia into Western security 
institutions. Russia's participation in the successor regime to COCOM, 
which is a new multilateral arrangement to promote security through 
responsible trade in arms and sensitive dual-use goods and technology, 
will be critical to its success, as Russia is one of the major suppliers 
of these arms worldwide. 
 
President Yeltsin reaffirmed that Russia's decision to forego any new 
contracts is comprehensive, covering not only arms but also associated 
items. As noted by President Yeltsin last September, Russia will retain 
the right to complete its existing contracts with Iran. The United 
States has worked with Russia to ensure that these contracts will be 
ended within a few years and will not provide Iran with new 
capabilities, do not alter the military balance in the region, and do 
not compromise the ability of the U.S. and it allies to protect their 
mutual interests. (###) 
 

 
ARTICLE 3 
 
The U.S. and Ukraine: Sharing a Common Vision of Freedom and Prosperity 
President Clinton 
Address at Schevchenko University, Kiev, Ukraine, May 12, 1995 
[introductory remarks deleted] 
 
I am deeply honored to be the first American President to appear before 
the people of a free and independent Ukraine. 
 
Today, we celebrat  the alliance of our peoples who defeated fascism 50 
years ago. We shared victory then, but the cost to your people of that 
victory was almost unimaginable. More than 5 million Ukrainians died in 
the conflict. I am pleased that now, after all these years, we can pay 
tribute to the extraordinary sacrifice here in the Ukrainian homeland. 
 
It is fitting that we are meeting at this institution, named for Taras 
Schevchenko. More than 30 years ago, America recognized his passion for 
freedom by erecting a statue of Schevchenko in the heart of our nation's 
capital. Now, at last, America also honors this great champion of 
liberty in the heart of Ukraine's capital.  
 
I am also glad that we are meeting here at this university, because so 
much of your nation's future depends upon this place of learning and 
others like it throughout your land. Here, the knowledge that Ukraine 
needs to build itself will be found. Here, the dreams of a new Ukraine 
will be dreamed. 
 
I would like to say a special word to the students and scholars here. I 
know the times are difficult now, and I commend you for taking the hard 
road, for putting the needs of your future and your nation above 
immediate personal concerns. Your efforts will be repaid, for your 
independent country has a better chance to create freedom and prosperity 
than it has had in centuries--and to do it in a way that is uniquely 
your own as one of Europe's oldest people forging one of its newest 
democracies. 
 
Ukraine is rising to the historic challenge of its reemergence as a 
nation on the world's stage. Already your nation can claim 
responsibility for a major contribution to global peace. Your wise 
decision to eliminate nuclear weapons on your territory has earned your 
nation respect and gratitude everywhere in the world.  
 
Your accession to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty has sent an 
unmistakable message for peace and against weapons of mass destruction. 
Without those farsighted acts, the historic vote yesterday by the 
world's nations--to extend the Non-Proliferation Treaty indefinitely and 
unconditionally--would not have been possible. This will make the people 
of the world for generations to come safer and more secure. 
 
For 25 years, this treaty has been the cornerstone of the world's 
efforts to reduce the dangers of nuclear weapons. I am proud of the 
leadership of the United States in securing the extension of the treaty. 
But I am also proud of the role that Ukraine played, and you should be 
proud as well. In the short period of your independence, you have helped 
make the world a safer, more hopeful place, and I thank you for that. 
Thank you. 
 
A few moments ago, Rector Skopenko quoted Taras Schevchenko's question: 
When will we receive our Washington with a new and righteous law? The 
answer is now, because so many Ukrainians are striving to build a nation 
ruled by law and governed by the will of the people. 
 
Holding free, fair, and frequent elections; protecting the rights of 
minorities; building bridges to other democracies: These mark the way to 
a "new birth of freedom," in the phrase of our great President, Abraham 
Lincoln. 
 
Already you have held a landmark election that produced the first 
transfer of power from one democratic government to another of any of 
the nations that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. You 
have put tolerance at the heart of your law and law at the heart of your 
state. You have claimed your place in the ranks of the world's great 
democracies, as demonstrated by the sight of your flag flying next to 
the American flag at the White House during President Kuchma's historic 
visit last November. 
 
You have earned the admiration of the free world by setting on a course 
of economic reform and staying on that course despite the pain of 
adjustment. President Kuchma's decision to launch ambitious economic 
reforms and to press ahead with them was truly bold. We know that after 
so many decades of a command-and-control economy, reform carries real 
human cost in the short term--in lost jobs, lower wages, and lost 
personal security. 
 
But your efforts will not be in vain, because the course is right, even 
if the path is difficult. The toil is bitter, but the harvest is sweet, 
as the old Proverb says. In time, your transformation will deliver 
better, more prosperous lives and the chance for you and your children 
to realize your God-given potential. You and your children will reap the 
harvest of today's sacrifices. 
 
In the pursuit of peace and prosperity, you have been well-served by 
President Kuchma and his government's bold and farsighted leadership. 
You should know this: As you build your future, the United States will 
stand with you. 
 
For America, support for an independent Ukraine secure in its recognized 
borders is not only a matter of sympathy, it is a matter of our national 
interest as well. We look to the day when a democratic and prosperous 
Ukraine is America's full political and economic partner in a bulwark of 
stability in Europe.  
 
Fifty years ago, Americans and Ukrainians engaged in a common struggle 
against fascism, and, together, we won. When U.S. troops met a Soviet 
force at the Elbe for the first time and made that legendary handshake 
across a liberated Europe, the unit they met was the First Ukrainian 
Army.  
 
Cruel events made that embrace brief. During the decades of East-West 
separation, it was left to a million Ukrainian-Americans to keep alive 
the ties between our people. They fought hard to ensure that the hope 
for freedom for you never died out. Today, their dreams are being 
fulfilled by you. And on behalf of all Ukrainian-Americans, I rejoice in 
standing here with you.  
 
In the months and years ahead, our partnership will grow stronger. 
Together we will help design the architecture of security in an 
undivided Europe so that Ukraine's security is strengthened. 
 
We will increase defense contacts between our nations, consult with one 
another as NATO prepares to expand, and foster ties between Ukraine and 
the West. Ukraine has already taken a strong leadership role in forming 
the Partnership for Peace, which is uniting Europe's democracies in 
military cooperation and creating a more secure future. We will work 
with one another as Ukraine becomes a full partner in the new Europe, 
and we will deepen the friendship between our people in concrete 
economic ways. 
 
The United States has shown its support for Ukraine in deeds, not just 
words--in the commitment of more than $1 billion in assistance over 3 
1/2 years for political and economic reform; another $350 million to 
help eliminate nuclear weapons; in leading the world's financial 
institutions to commit $2.7 billion for Ukraine's future; and urging our 
partners in the G-7 to do even more. We will continue to work to assist 
you to build a brighter future. 
 
Our nations have established vigorous trade and investment ties, and a 
group of American and Ukrainian businesspeople are promoting these ties 
here in Ukraine this year and next year in their meeting in the United 
States. Together we will enter into exciting new ventures, such as 
commercial space launch cooperation. 
 
All these efforts will help to build a Ukraine that is sovereign and 
democratic, confident and successful--a Ukraine that will fulfill the 
hopes of your 52 million citizens and provide an essential anchor of 
stability and freedom in a part of the world still reeling from rapid 
change, still finding its way toward the 21st century.  
 
Of course, in the end it is you who will make your own future. The 
people of Ukraine have it in their power to fulfill their oldest wishes 
and shape a very new destiny. To live up to that promise, to make the 
most of your role in this global economy in the information age, your 
ability to learn and learn and learn will be essential. So I urge you to 
take to heart the words of Schevchenko: "Study my brothers, study and 
read, learn of foreign things, but don't forget that which is yours."  
 
Our two nations are bound together by a common vision of freedom and 
prosperity. Together we shall make that vision real. As the great poet 
of our democracy, Walt Whitman, wrote a century ago, "The strongest and 
sweetest songs yet remain to be sung." Those strong, sweet songs are of 
free people fulfilling their hopes and dreams; they are the songs of 
Ukraine's tomorrow.  
 
God bless America. Slava Ukrainiy. (###) 


 
ARTICLE 4 
 
President Clinton Honors Those Who Died at Babi Yar 
Remarks at the Menorah Memorial,Kiev, Ukraine, released  by the White 
House, Office of the Press Secretary,  May 12, 1995. 
 
Thank you, Rabbi. To the people of Ukraine, and especially to the 
veterans of World War II and the children who are here: Here on the edge 
of this wooded ravine, we bear witness eternally to the consequences of 
evil. Here at Babi Yar, almost 54 years ago, more than 30,000 men, 
women, and children were slaughtered in the first three days alone. They 
died for no other reason than the blood that ran through their veins. We 
remember their sacrifice, and we vow never to forget. 
 
In late September 1941, the Nazi occupying army deported the Jewish 
population of Kiev, together with their valuables and belongings. "We 
thought we were being sent on a journey," one survivor recalled. But, 
instead, they were being herded to the ravine, stripped, and shot down. 
By year's end, more than 100,000 Jews, 10,000 Ukrainian Nationalists, 
Soviet prisoners of war, and gypsies had been exterminated here. 
 
The writer, Anatoly Kuznietzov, was a child in Kiev during the war. He 
remembers the day the deportations began. "My grandfather stood in the 
middle of the courtyard straining to hear something. He raised his 
finger--'Do you know what?'-- he said with horror in his voice. 'They're 
not deporting them--they're shooting them.' " 
 
Years later, Kuznietzov brought the poet Yevgeny Yevtuschenko to Babi 
Yar. And that night, Yevtuschenko wrote one of his most celebrated 
poems:   
 
     Over Babi Yar there are no memorials.  
     The steep hillside, like a rough  
       inscription.  
     I am frightened.  
     Today I am as old as the Jewish race.  
     I seem to myself a Jew at this moment.  
 
These words speak to us across the generations--a reminder of the past, 
a warning for the future. 
 
In the quiet of this place, the victims of Babi Yar cry out to us still. 
Never forget, they tell us, that humanity is capable of the worst, just 
as it is capable of the best. 
 
Never forget that the forces of darkness cannot be defeated with silence 
or indifference. Never forget that we are all Jews and gypsies and 
Slavs. Never forget. May God bless this holy place. (###) 
 
 
 
ARTICLE 5 
 
Extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 
Statement by President Clinton released by the White House, Office of 
the Press Secretary, Kiev, Ukraine, May 11, 1995. 
 
Today, in New York, the nations of the world made history. The decision 
by consensus to extend indefinitely the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty 
without conditions is a critical step in making the American people--and 
people throughout the world--more safe and secure. It will build a 
better future for our children and the generations to come. 
 
Indefinite extension of the NPT  has been a central priority of my 
Administration--the primary item on the most ambitious arms control 
agenda since the dawn of the nuclear age. For 25 years, the NPT has been 
the cornerstone of global efforts to reduce the danger of nuclear 
weapons. Today's overwhelming consensus in favor of making the treaty 
permanent testifies to a deep and abiding international commitment to 
confront the danger posed by nuclear weapons. 
 
It is fitting that we should do this today. This week, all the world's 
people have joined together to commemorate the events of 50 years ago, 
when the allied forces defeated fascism but much of the world lay 
shattered by war and shrouded by the dawn of the atomic age. After five 
decades of Cold War competition and the specter of nuclear holocaust 
between East and West, the decision to make the Non-Proliferation Treaty 
permanent opens a new and more hopeful chapter in our history. 
 
The nuclear danger has not ended. The capability to build nuclear 
weapons cannot be unlearned, nor will evil ambition disappear. But the 
overwhelming consensus in favor of the treaty and its future attests to 
a deep and abiding international commitment to confront the nuclear 
danger by rejecting nuclear proliferation. This decision says to our 
children and all who follow: The community of nations will remain 
steadfast in opposing the dangerous spread of nuclear weapons. 
 
I am especially pleased to receive this news in Kiev, for Ukraine's 
adherence to the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons state and its action to 
bring START I into force were major contributions to the effort to 
achieve indefinite extension of the treaty. I want, once more, to thank 
President Kuchma for these important and positive steps.  
 
This moment also owes much to the progress made by the United States and 
Russia in reducing and dismantling strategic nuclear arsenals. As one of 
the three depositories of the NPT, Russia has worked closely with us and 
others to bring about the treaty's indefinite extension. 
 
This event is a victory for all. I want to express my appreciation to 
all of the countries who worked hard to achieve a successful outcome to 
the NPT Extension Conference, and who have made a decision that 
strengthens the security of every nation and of all people. (###)


 
ARTICLE 6 
 
Treaty Actions

Multilateral

Arbitration  
Convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral 
awards. Done at New York June 10, 1958. Entered into force June 7, 1959; 
for the U.S. Dec. 29, 1970. TIAS 6997; 21 UST 2517. 
Accession: Lithuania, Mar. 14, 1995. 
 
Chemical Weapons  
Convention on the prohibition of the development, production, 
stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction, with 
annexes.  Done at Paris  Jan. 13, 1993. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 103-212. 
Ratification: France, Mar. 2, 1995. 
 
Children  
Convention on the rights of the child. Adopted at New York Nov. 20, 
1989. Entered into force Sept. 2, 19901. 
Ratifications: Turkey, Apr. 4, 1995; Qatar, Apr. 3, 1995. 
Accessions:  Botswana, Mar. 14, 1995; Malaysia, Feb. 17, 1995; Solomon 
Islands, Apr. 10, 1995. 
 
Convention on the civil aspects of international child abduction. Done 
at The Hague Oct. 25, 1980. Entered into force Dec. 1, 1983; for the 
U.S. July 1, 1988. TIAS 11670. 
Ratification: Italy, Feb. 22, 1995. 
 
Convention on protection of children and cooperation in respect of 
inter-country adoption. Done at The Hague May 29, 19932. 
Ratifications: Cyprus, Feb. 20, 1995; Sri Lanka, Jan. 23, 1995. 
 
Genocide  
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide. 
Adopted by UN General Assembly at Paris Dec. 9, 1948. Entered into force 
Jan. 12, 1951; for the U.S. Feb. 23, 1989. 
Accession: Kuwait, Mar. 7, 1995. 
 
Law, Private International Statute of The Hague conference on private 
international law. Done at The Hague Oct. 9-31, 1951.  Entered into 
force July 15, 1955; for the U.S., Oct. 15, 1964. TIAS 5710; 15 UST 
2228. 
Acceptance: Malta, Jan. 30, 1995. 
 
Narcotic Drugs 
UN convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic 
substances, with annex and final act. Done at Vienna Dec. 20, 1988. 
Entered into force Nov. 11, 1990. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-4. 
Ratifications: Trinidad and Tobago, Feb. 17, 1995; Uruguay, Mar. 10, 
1995. 
Accession: Lesotho, Mar. 28, 1995. 
 
Patents  
Budapest treaty on the international recognition of the deposit of 
micro-organisms for the purposes of patent procedure, with regulations. 
Done at Budapest Apr. 28, 1977 and amended on Sept. 26, 1980. Entered 
into force Aug. 19, 1980. TIAS 9768; 32 UST 1241. 
Accession: China, People's Republic of, Apr. 1, 1995. 
 
Refugees  
Convention relating to the status of refugees, with schedule and annex. 
Signed at Geneva July 28, 1951. Entered into force Apr. 22, 19541. TIAS 
6577. 
Accessions: Namibia, Feb. 17, 1995; Solomon Islands, Feb. 28, 1995. 
 
Terrorism 
Convention on the safety of UN and associated personnel. Done at New 
York Dec. 9, 19942. Open for signature at UN Headquarters until Dec. 31, 
1995. 
Signatures: Brazil, Feb. 3, 1995; Germany, Feb. 1, 1995; Malta, Mar. 16, 
1995; Pakistan, Mar. 8, 1995; Philippines, Feb. 27, 1995; Poland, Mar. 
17, 1995; Senegal, Feb. 21, 1995; Sierra Leone, Feb. 13, 1995; Tunisia, 
Feb. 22, 1995. 
 

Bilateral

Grenada  
International express mail agreement. Signed at St. George's and 
Washington Jan. 4 and Apr. 4, 1995.  Entered into force May 1, 1995. 

Senegal  
Postal money order agreement. Signed at Dakar and Washington Jan. 31 and 
Mar. 20, 1995. Entered into force May 1, 1995. 
 
Suriname 
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical 
cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes and related agreement. 
Signed at Paramaribo Mar. 22, 1995. Entered into force Mar. 22, 1995. 
______ 
 
1 Not in force for the U.S. 
2 Not in force. (###) 
 
 
 
[END OF DISPATCH VOL. 6, NO. 20] 

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