US DEPARTMENT OF STATE
VOLUME 6, SUPPLEMENT NUMBER 2, MAY 1995
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

Summit of the Americas--Speeches in Miami; Declaration of Principles and 
Plan of Action

1. A New Era of Promise in the Americas--President Clinton
2. Summit of the Americas: Mission Accomplished--President Clinton
3. Charting a Course for the Americas--Secretary Christopher
4. Opportunities and Obligations of the Western Hemisphere--President 
Clinton
5. Summit of the Americas: Creating a Partnership for Prosperity--
President Clinton
6. The Promise of Freedom, Democracy, and Free Enterprise--President 
Clinton 
7. Declaration of Principles
8. Plan of Action

CONCAUSA Declaration and Action Plan

9. U.S., Central America Sign CONCAUSA Declaration --President Clinton, 
Vice President Gore, Costa Rican President Figueres, Guatemalan 
President De Leon Carpio 
10. CONCAUSA Declaration and Action Plan

Expanding the North American Free Trade Agreement

11. Chile Welcomed to NAFTA Partnership-- President Clinton, Canadian 
Prime Minister Chretien,  Chilean President Frei, Mexican President 
Zedillo

Fact Sheets

12. Summit of the Americas
13. The Organization of American States
14. The Inter-American Development Bank

ARTICLE 1:

A New Era of Promise in the Americas 
President Clinton
Remarks at final plenary session of the Summit of the Americas, Miami, 
Florida, December 11, 1994


First, let me thank all those who have spoken before:  I thank the Prime 
Minister and the Presidents, distinguished President of the Inter-
American Development Bank, Secretary General of the Organization of 
American States.  I thank especially President Aristide for his moving 
remarks.  And I thank all of you present here who have supported the 
multinational effort to restore democracy to Haiti.

We come here to begin a new era--an era of real promise.  When Vice 
President Gore and I asked the American people to give us a chance to 
serve, we relied upon two phrases that we said over and over again:  One 
was "put people first."  The other was "don't stop thinking about 
tomorrow."  In this meeting--for these days--we have put our people 
first, and we have thought about tomorrow.

We are bound together by geography, by history, by culture, but most 
important, now by shared values--a ferocious devotion to freedom, 
democracy, social justice; a determination to improve the lives of all 
our people; a determination to preserve the natural world we have 
inherited and that we must pass on.

We have tried to give life to these values at this summit by agreeing to 
create a free trade area throughout our hemisphere, to bring together 
our nations to improve the quality of life for our people, and to 
strengthen and make permanent the march of democracy.  These 
achievements have been given concrete expression by our commitment to 
negotiate with specific steps of free trade agreement for a free trade 
area of the Americas by 2005.  

This is more than words; this is a commitment to deeds.  Free trade in 
our hemisphere has been talked about for years, but because of this 
process we've launched this weekend it will now become a reality.  Free 
trade will yield dramatic benefits in terms of growth and jobs and 
higher incomes.  It will permit us to pursue economic opportunities, and 
at the same time, to reaffirm our commitment to promote the rights and 
interests of our workers so that all our people have the chance to 
benefit from free trade.

I couldn't help thinking, when President Figueres was talking about the 
gross national product measuring everything but what is important to us, 
that that is true; but that unless we attend to the health of our 
economy, the things that are most important to us are more difficult to 
achieve.  

If you think about how many millions of people in this hemisphere, 
including in our country, are working harder today than they were just a 
few years ago for lower income; if you think about how many millions of 
people have less security in the face of the bewildering changes in the 
world we live in, what it means is they have less time for their 
families, for raising their children, less time for leisure, less time 
for citizenship, less time for learning in a calm and open atmosphere 
what the major issues of the day are.  And there is not so much room in 
their spirit for the clear head and the generosity it takes to be an 
effective citizen in a strong democracy.  

So all these things we care about, that we want for our people, require 
us to do our best to make sure that they can be victors in this great 
cauldron of change that is bringing on the next century.

We also vowed to do our best to make our governments work better; to 
protect our democracies by making sure we could do the job we're 
supposed to do well, and that we stop doing things we shouldn't be 
doing; to protecting human rights; to fighting illicit drugs and 
international crime; to rooting out corruption.  And we agreed to pursue 
vigorously sustainable development.  

In a way, sustainable development is an unfortunate phrase because it 
has so little poetry about it.  But the meaning is very profound.  It 
means to me that we must pursue short-term goals, consistent with our 
enduring values.  It means we must pursue individual opportunity, 
consistent with our responsibility to our larger communities.  It means 
we must share in the Earth's bounty, without breaking our bonds with 
Mother Nature.  It means we must take for ourselves in ways that leave 
more for our children.  It means we must expand the circle of those who 
are able to live up to their God-given capacities--the women, the 
indigenous people, the minorities, the poor children of this hemisphere.

For all these commitments, I thank you, all of you who have come here 
representing all these nations.  The agenda we have embraced is 
ambitious and worthy.  We have actually committed ourselves to 23 
separate and specific initiatives and more than 100 action steps 
protecting the diversity of plant and animal species, phasing out lead 
in gasoline, reducing infant mortality, improving education and health 
care.  Our goal is to create a whole new architecture for the 
relationship of the nations and the peoples of the Americas to ensure 
that dichos become hechos, that words are turned into deeds.

So, as we come to the end of this historic Summit of the Americas, as we 
proclaim the dawn of this new partnership, as we say we have done this 
to put our people first and we have kept our eye on tomorrow, let us 
remember that the road ahead will be full of challenges and 
difficulties, and that beyond all of the specifics of what we have done, 
perhaps most enduring is the friendship, the spirit of trust that has 
been built here.  There is truly a spirit of Miami.  

In future years when the difficulties mount up, when it is difficult to 
sustain the hope about which President Aristide spoke so beautifully, 
may future leaders remember the spirit of Miami.  O espirito de Miami.  
L'esprit de Miami.  El espiritu de Miami.  The spirit of Miami.  Thank 
you all, and God bless you.  

Now we will sign the Declaration--if they will bring it to us.  [The 
Declaration is signed.] 

(###)



ARTICLE 2:

Summit of the Americas:Mission Accomplished
President Clinton

December 11, 1994

Opening remarks at a press conference, Miami, Florida, December 11, 
1994.

Ladies and gentlemen:  This Summit of the Americas we just concluded 
represents a watershed in the history of our hemisphere.  I want to 
begin by thanking again the people of Miami and the people of Florida 
for working so hard to make this a stunning success, and for treating 
these deliberations with such great respect.

I would say a special word of appreciation to the people who 
demonstrated in the Orange Bowl in such large numbers in a way that 
spoke up for their deepest convictions for freedom and democracy for 
Cuba and in a way that was supportive of the other deliberations of this 
summit.

From my point of view, the mission of this summit was accomplished, 
first, in our specific commitment to a free trade agreement of the 
Americas by 2005, which, along with NAFTA, with Chile's coming into the 
NAFTA partnership, and with the recent success of the GATT world trade 
agreement, puts us on the right road.  For the Americans here in the 
audience, I would just like to ask you to consider that just in the last 
two weeks the United States has concluded agreements to push for 
regional free trade in the two fastest growing areas in the world--
first, at Bogor in Indonesia with the Asian Pacific economies, and now 
here with the free trade agreement at the Summit of the Americas.

These things--along with the implementation of GATT and the expansion of 
the NAFTA arrangement--will set the agenda for world trade for years to 
come, in ways that benefit ordinary American families and that generate 
more high-wage jobs in this country and more opportunities in the 
countries of our trading partners.

Secondly, we reaffirmed our commitment to continuing to work together to 
strengthen our democracies and to promote sustainable development--to 
promote education and health care, labor standards, and the environment, 
and to fight drugs and international crime and corruption--in other 
words, to push not only for economic growth but for improvements in the 
quality of life.

This spirit of Miami was embodied in 23 very specific declarations and a 
specific work program that will begin immediately.  That makes it quite 
a bit different from most summit declarations of the past.

Finally, and perhaps equally as important, we saw here in the 
interlocking networks of people that began to meet and work together 
both in preparation for this summit and here--not just the world 
leaders, but others who were here in huge numbers from these various 
countries--the beginning of the kind of working relationship that will 
be absolutely essential to bring this hemisphere together in an 
atmosphere of trust and a true spirit of partnership.  So from my point 
of view, this has been a very successful summit, indeed.  I am pleased.  
I am deeply indebted to the leaders of the other countries as well as to 
the people who did all the work to make it a success on our side. 

December 10, 1994

Remarks following the first working session of the summit, Miami, 
Florida, December 10, 1994.

Good morning.  We have just completed the first working session of our 
summit on trade and economic integration.  We are off to an excellent 
start.  The 34 democratically elected leaders of our hemisphere have 
agreed to establish a free trade area of the Americas.  This historic 
step will produce real opportunities for more jobs and solid, lasting 
prosperity for our people.  

The agreement is specific and concrete.  We have set the year 2005 as 
our deadline for negotiating a free trade area, and we have agreed that 
there will be real progress before the end of the century.  The 
agreement will cover a comprehensive list of areas--from tariffs on 
goods and services to agricultural and intellectual property.  We have 
set a highly detailed timetable that will include regular meetings of 
our ministers for trade.  Talks will begin next month.

In less than a decade--if current trends continue--this hemisphere will 
be the world's largest market--more than 850 million consumers buying 
$13 trillion worth of goods and services.  When our work is done, the 
free trade area of the Americas will stretch from Alaska to Argentina.  
It is the key building block in our creation of a partnership for 
prosperity.  It will build upon the many bilateral and multilateral 
agreements already existing between our nations.  

We want to replace the many conflicting and different trade and other 
regulatory agreements with one that is consistent, while making sure to 
assist smaller economies in transition.  We will ask the Organization of 
American States and the Inter-American Development Bank to assist in 
this transition and integration.  And we have pledged that our free 
trade area of the Americas will not raise new barriers to nations 
outside our region, and will be fully consistent with the rules of the 
World Trade Organization.  We have reaffirmed our commitment to make our 
individual trade and environmental policies mutually supportive, and to 
further secure the observance and promotion of workers' rights.

Let me emphasize that none of us underestimates the hard work ahead.  
But from the leaders of our hemisphere's largest economies to the 
smallest, we believe the rewards will be great and very much worth the 
effort.  We believe the agreement we have made today to launch the free 
trade area of the Americas will produce more jobs, higher incomes, and 
greater opportunities for all of our people.

From here we're going to a working lunch, where we'll discuss issues 
affecting sustainable development.  Our final session this afternoon 
will focus on the steps we will take to strengthen our democracies.  I 
can think of no more appropriate way to end this day--the anniversary of 
the adoption of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.  Thank you 
very much.  

(###)



ARTICLE 3:

Charting a Course for the Americas 
Secretary Christopher

Breakfast Remarks

Remarks at Cabinet breakfast with business and non-governmental 
organization representatives, Miami, Florida, December 10, 1994.

I am delighted to be here this morning and share this podium with my 
colleagues and friends, Ron Brown and Mack McLarty.  From my standpoint, 
it is a special treat to be having breakfast in the United States.  If 
my body could figure out what time zone I am in, the pleasure would be 
complete.

This is an important meeting.  It is the first gathering of all the 
democratically elected leaders in the Western Hemisphere.  Think of it:  
34 heads of state and government representing almost 800 million 
Americans are working together to chart a course for our shared future.

At the last hemispheric summit in Punta Del Este in 1967, only 12 out of 
the 19 countries in attendance had governments that were elected by 
their people.  Even 10 years ago, many Latin American nations were still 
stagnating under military rule, their economies caught in the grip of 
closed markets, choking debts, and hyperinflation.

Since then, a tide of political and economic reform has transformed the 
hemisphere.  As a result, relations between the United States and our 
Latin and Caribbean neighbors have never been closer, stronger, or more 
productive.

The Summit of the Americas is unprecedented in its scope--the leaders 
will adopt a far-reaching Declaration of Principles that will call for a 
free trade area, promote economic development, strengthen our 
democracies, and improve the quality of life in our hemisphere.

We will come out of Miami with a detailed 23-point Action Plan, and we 
will create comprehensive follow-up mechanisms.  Let me take our limited 
time together to mention four significant initiatives from the Action 
Plan that will make a real difference for trade and investment in our 
hemisphere--and a real difference in the daily lives of ordinary 
citizens.

First, the Clinton Administration is determined to build on the North 
American Free Trade Agreement to strengthen cooperation through the 
hemisphere.  After one year, NAFTA has not only generated jobs and 
exports for the United States, Mexico, and Canada; it has pointed the 
way toward expanding the frontiers of economic integration across the 
Americas.

The trade initiative we are launching this weekend includes a detailed 
plan for achieving a free trade area throughout the Americas--and to do 
so by a specific date.  Our goal is to eliminate barriers to trade and 
investment by applying to the rest of the hemisphere the same provisions 
that have made NAFTA such a success.  The agreement of our 34 leaders to 
the idea of hemispheric free trade is itself a signal achievement.  But 
the true test of our commitment to this agreement will be in its 
implementation.  To ensure that we sustain the momentum generated this 
weekend in Miami, we will use ministerial meetings in mid-1995 and 1996 
to review and accelerate our progress.

Our trade initiative for the hemisphere reflects our view that economic 
security is vital to our national security.  There is no higher priority 
at the State Department than sitting behind what I call the "America 
Desk," which is my shorthand for the job of promoting American economic 
interests.

In this regard, I would like to recognize the invaluable contribution 
that the private sector has made to the success of this summit.  In 
particular, I want to commend the many of you in this audience who 
helped prepare the Agenda for the Americas.  As we have seen this year 
in Casablanca, in Jakarta, and now in Miami, our efforts to promote 
stability and prosperity ultimately depend on their relevance to the 
private sector.  Without your support, our goals would remain out of 
reach.

The second initiative that I want to highlight affects both the health 
of our economies and the fabric of our societies.  The United States 
recognizes that commercial corruption is a global problem.  Its spread 
does more than feed the greed of crooked officials.  It robs economies 
of the capital they need to raise productivity and expand growth.

The Clinton Administration has energized the fight against the bribery 
of foreign officials around the world.  In response to an initiative 
that I launched last October, the member nations of the OECD committed 
themselves to take "concrete and meaningful" steps to stop illicit 
payments by their firms.  Now, here in Miami, we are calling for close 
cooperation between the OAS and the OECD anti-bribery working group that 
our nation helped to create.  We will vigorously support Venezuela's 
initiative to negotiate a "hemispheric approach" to corruption, 
including extradition agreements and arrangements.

We are determined to maintain pressure on our trade competitors and 
partners around the world to work with us to root out this ugly problem.  
I call on all of us to leave this summit with a determination to stamp 
out commercial corruption.

The third initiative I want to emphasize this morning concerns our 
effort to stop the flow of illegal drugs across international 
boundaries.  Here in Miami, the nations of this hemisphere are pledging 
to intensify their fight against drug traffickers.  We intend to build 
on the long history of regional cooperation against narcotics by 
offering our summit partners assistance in adopting and implementing 
measures that strike narco-traffickers where it hurts the most:  their 
bank accounts.  Through sharing our experience in drafting laws and 
regulations, training investigators, and developing regional data bases, 
our goal is to forge a coordinated hemispheric response to money 
laundering.

The fourth initiative that I would like to mention strengthens our fight 
against the terrorists who have turned streets in New York and Buenos 
Aires into canyons of broken glass and twisted steel.  At the summit we 
will resolve that there will be no refuge in the Americas for those who 
kill to advance their cause.  Our Action Plan calls for the OAS to 
convene a special conference on terrorism.  For its part, the United 
States will double its anti-terrorism assistance to $6 million this 
year.  This money will be used to improve anti-terrorist training for 
police forces in this hemisphere.  And we will expand the role of the 
FBI and other law enforcement agencies to assist governments--at their 
request--in the investigations of terrorist acts.

These four initiatives will make a significant contribution toward 
safeguarding our hemisphere's hard-won democracy.  At the summit we will 
also be discussing how to strengthen the foundations of civil society--
the non-governmental organizations and community groups that have done 
so much to broaden democratic participation in all our countries.  Other 
Action Plan initiatives call for sound environmental management.

We must also bolster the institutions that promote and defend our 
fundamental human rights.  I note that this summit celebrating 
democracy's triumph fittingly coincides with our commemoration of Human 
Rights Day.

The challenges that confront this hemisphere are as diverse in their 
scope as this audience drawn from the worlds of private enterprise, 
public service, non-governmental organizations, and the universities.  
But one common vision unites us all:  that of a hemisphere of 
democracies, dedicated to working together for prosperity and 
development.  This weekend in Miami, we are bringing that vision to 
life.  Thank you very much.

Luncheon Remarks

Remarks at working luncheon with foreign ministers, Miami, Florida, 
December 10, 1994.

Good afternoon.  It is a pleasure to be able to welcome my colleagues 
here today to the Summit of the Americas on behalf of President Clinton 
and the United States.

This historic assembly is giving us the chance to focus the world's 
attention on this hemisphere's epic achievements.  Our relations as 
neighbors have never been better than they are today.  And the potential 
benefits of cooperation have never been greater.

A new consensus of the Americas has formed around open societies and 
open markets.  To build on that consensus, our nations will work 
together at the Summit of the Americas in a new spirit of partnership.

With good reason, much of our attention at the summit will focus on 
accelerating the region's economic dynamism.  Political stability and 
economic reform are creating jobs and opportunities for workers in all 
our nations.  Expanded trade between the United States and its Latin 
American and Caribbean neighbors is spurring growth throughout the 
hemisphere.

It is no surprise that President Clinton signed the GATT Agreement at 
the OAS, for it underscores our common interest in an open global 
trading system.  That interest was reinforced by NAFTA, and by all the 
other regional groupings our nations have formed:  by CARICOM, Mercosur, 
the Andean Group, and the Central American Common Market.  This weekend, 
our leaders will undertake a landmark commitment to expand free trade in 
the hemisphere, north and south.

At the same time, the summit reaffirms that our future depends as much 
on strengthening and safeguarding our hard-won democracies as it does on 
extending economic cooperation.  Business people from Caracas to Chicago 
agree that the rule of law protects investment, just as free speech 
roots out corruption.  We know from experience that open societies make 
better neighbors.  Indeed, respect for human rights and democratic 
values has become a cardinal principle of the Americas.

In all our nations--including mine--democracy means more than voting.  
It requires responsive legislative, judicial, and law enforcement 
institutions that protect our citizens and our freedom.  It demands 
accountability and transparency at all levels and branches of 
government.  It means the doors of opportunity must open wide for all 
our people.

Every nation present today is taking steps on its own to strengthen and 
safeguard democracy and to intensify cooperation with its democratic 
neighbors.  I am confident that we will reach agreement to take concrete 
action together to support democracy.  On behalf of the United States, 
allow me to mention some of the steps that we as host of this summit are 
prepared to take:

--  To bolster institutions that support democracy, the United States 
will contribute funds to the OAS to strengthen its capacity to foster 
political dialogue and legislative and electoral reform.  With the 
election of Secretary-General Gaviria, I am confident that the OAS can 
play an even more constructive role.

--  To combat corruption, we will back close cooperation between the OAS 
and the OECD anti-bribery working group that our nation helped to 
create.  We will press for the OECD to implement its anti-bribery 
initiatives.  And we will vigorously support Venezuela's initiative to 
negotiate a "hemispheric approach" to corruption, including extradition 
agreements and arrangements.

--  To attack narcotics traffickers, we will offer experts and trainers 
to help countries adopt strong measures against money laundering.  We 
will also help complete the Counternarcotics Strategy for the 21st 
Century called for in the Action Plan.

--  To defeat terrorism, we will double our anti-terrorism assistance to 
$6 million this year, to improve anti-terrorist training for police 
forces in the hemisphere.  We will expand the role of the FBI and other 
law enforcement agencies to assist governments, at their request, in the 
investigation of terrorist acts.

As foreign ministers, we have a special responsibility.  It is our task 
to ensure that our initiatives are implemented.  For our partnership to 
bring results, we must match brave words with bold deeds.  We must turn 
consensus into tangible progress.

I look forward to a very productive discussion this afternoon, and to a 
constructive process in the months ahead.  (

###)



ARTICLE 4:

Opportunities and Obligations Of the Western Hemisphere
President Clinton

Remarks welcoming leaders to Summit of the Americas reception, Miami, 
Florida, December 9, 1994

To our distinguished heads of state, Vice President and Mrs. Gore, 
members of the Congress and the Cabinet, Governor and Mrs. Chiles, Lt. 
Governor and Mrs. MacKay, Mayor Clark; to the distinguished leaders of 
the business community and non-governmental organizations that work so 
wonderfully together; to the co-chairs and others from the host 
committee who have done such a wonderful job of putting together this 
extraordinary event; and to all of our distinguished guests from other 
lands--let me say a hearty welcome to this remarkable summit.

Let me begin by thanking the wonderful city of Miami for rising so 
magnificently to the challenge of hosting the Summit of the Americas.  
If we leaders can match the dedication of the citizens of Miami and 
South Florida to the work of this week, we will truly bring our people 
and our hemisphere closely together.  

The end of the Cold War has given all of us a great opportunity to build 
bridges where, for 50 years, only barriers stood.  We in the United 
States have worked hard to seize this moment for peace and prosperity--
from the Middle East to Northern Ireland, to Southern Africa, to Haiti.  
Through our commitment to expanded trade through NAFTA and the GATT 
agreement, we are doing our best to demonstrate our willingness to reach 
out to the rest of the world to promote the peace and prosperity we all 
want.

Here in our own hemisphere we are especially privileged--all of us--to 
live at a moment of great opportunity.  With that opportunity comes a 
heavy obligation upon all of us who occupy positions of leadership in 
this hemisphere.  It is in the spirit of that opportunity and that 
obligation that I proudly welcome the 33 democratically elected leaders 
of the Americas to the United States and to Miami.  

This week, we have come together to build a better world and a better 
future for our children.  Students of the Americas will recognize this 
as an old dream.  In the 1820s, at the dawn of freedom for the new Latin 
American republics, Simon Bolivar dreamed the Americas could be the 
greatest region on earth, and I quote, "not so much by virtue of her 
area and wealth, but by her freedom and her glory."  Now, some 170 years 
later, Bolivar's dream for the Americas is becoming a reality.  

The people represented here are free, we are friends, and we are 
committed to creating the best century in our history.  We can become 
true partners for prosperity, and we can begin this week.  

Our goals for the summit are clear:  We want to extend free trade from 
Alaska to Argentina, we want to strengthen our democracies, and we want 
to improve the quality of life for all our people.  It is clear that 
these goals are bound together.  If we grow more prosperous through 
trade we will strengthen our democracies and our friendship.  If we 
confront our common problems--the common threats to democracy--in a 
spirit of genuine partnership, we will increase our chances at 
prosperity.  If together we can confront our common challenges in the 
environment, in health, and in education to provide for long-term, 
sustainable development, both our prosperity and our freedom will be 
secure.

A partnership for prosperity, stronger democracies, improving the 
quality of life of our people--these are the opportunities that lie 
before us.  So, my fellow citizens of the Americas, let us make the most 
of them.  

(###)



ARTICLE 5:

Summit of the Americas: Creating a Partnership for Prosperity

President Clinton

Remarks to members of summit community, host officials, and officials 
from Florida, Miami, Florida, December 9, 1994

Thank you very much, Mr. Vice President.  Thank you, ladies and 
gentlemen, for that warm welcome.  Hillary and I and the Vice President 
and Mrs. Gore are delighted to be here.  We thank Governor Chiles and 
Mrs. Chiles, the Lt. Governor and Mrs. MacKay, the members of the 
Florida congressional delegation, Senator Graham, Senator Mack, and the 
distinguished members of Congress who have come from all over the United 
States to be here.  I want to say a special word of thanks to Dante 
Fascell, the honorary co-chair of this summit and a great man.  I thank 
the mayors of Miami Beach and Miami, all the people who are involved in 
the Metro Dade government, all the people who have worked so hard on 
this summit.

When we first announced the plans to hold the Summit of the Americas 
here in Miami, it seemed that it was a natural choice.  This city, after 
all, has been variously described as the hub, the melting pot, the 
gateway, the crossroads of the Americas.  But in the end, we chose Miami 
because of the commitment of the people who live and work here to make 
this summit a success, led, as the Vice President said, by the Governor 
and the Lt. Governor.  

I will not dwell on all the subtle and not-so-subtle details of our many 
conversations about this.  But, let me say that they persuaded me that 
this was the reverse of that wonderful line in the movie "Field of 
Dreams," where they said to us, "if you come, we will build it."  You 
have, and I thank you.  

Your efforts have been extraordinary, and we are grateful for them.  I 
have just been amazed at the energy that has come out of this community 
and this state over the last several months--the kind of energy that is 
supposed to be generatedonly by the Florida sun.  You promised that the 
citizens of Miami would do it right, and it is clear that you have 
delivered.  I think I can say for all of those who have come from around 
America to be here, we knew we would need to be warm in December, and 
now we are in more ways than one.  We thank you very, very much.

History has given the people of the Americas a dazzling opportunity to 
build a community of nations committed to the values of liberty and the 
promise of prosperity.  Now, over the next three days, the 34 
democratically elected leaders of our hemisphere will gather to begin to 
seize this opportunity.

I convened this Summit of the Americas with three clear goals in mind:  

First, to open new markets and create a free trade area throughout our 
hemisphere;

Second, to strengthen this remarkable movement to democracy; and 

Third, to bring together our nations to improve the quality of life for 
all of our people.

If we are successful, the summit will lead to more jobs, opportunity, 
and prosperity for our children and for generations to come.  We will 
have launched a new partnership for prosperity.

Today, we gather in Miami to mark a quiet revolution and to launch a new 
era, for here in the Americas, as all of us know, nation after nation 
has freed itself from dictatorship and debt, and embraced democracy and 
development. 

When historians look back on our times, they will marvel at the speed 
with which democracy has swept across the entire Americas.  Consider 
this:  At the time of the last hemispheric summit in 1967, 10 countries 
suffered under authoritarian rule, and there were fewer here.  But 
today, 34 of the hemisphere's leaders have won their post through 
ballots--not bullets.  

This weekend, we will welcome leaders like President Aristide of Haiti.  
We have all seen his commitment to reconciliation and the rule of law 
and how it is now moving his people from fear to freedom.  I hope I can 
take a moment of pride to salute the brave American men and women in 
uniform and their partners from around the world who helped to restore 
that democracy and freedom to Haiti.  We are very proud of them.

Here at the Summit of the Americas, the people of the United States will 
meet a whole new generation of leaders--a generation no longer subject 
to the dictates of military juntas, who stifle liberties and loot their 
nation; a generation that has proved in Central America that bloody 
regional conflicts can be peacefully concluded through negotiation and 
reform and reconciliation; a generation which has pledged to support 
democracy collectively wherever it is imperiled in this hemisphere.  
That is a commitment no other region in the world has made.

These leaders are here in Miami because they have tapped what Simon 
Bolivar, the liberator of Latin America, called "the most sacred 
spring"--"the will of the people."  Today, just a day before the 
anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights, we honor them--all of them.  We must also honor the brave men 
and women who dedicated themselves to the cause of freedom and liberty, 
and who today lie all across this hemisphere in unmarked graves.  This 
summit is also a tribute to their astonishing sacrifice, and it is their 
triumph as well.

Only one nation in our hemisphere is not represented here.  It is the 
only one where democracy is still denied.  We support the Cuban people's 
desire for peaceful, democratic change, and we hope that the next time 
we have one of these summits--and the people of all the Western 
Hemisphere send their leaders here--a leader of a democratic Cuba will 
take its place at the table of nations. 

The wave of political freedom that has swept across the Americas has 
also been matched by unprecedented economic reform.  In these times of 
very great stress, farsighted leaders in nation after nation have 
adopted sound policies to tame inflation, to restore economic growth.  
They have cut tariffs, stabilized currencies, and opened their economies 
to foreign investment.  They have worked together to shrink mountains of 
debt.  They have privatized; they have decentralized.

Argentina has cut its central government by 60% in four years.  Bolivia 
has given back to local communities more responsibility for health, 
education, and agriculture.  Brazil has slashed its inflation rate.  The 
so-called "lost decade" in Latin America is a fading memory.  These 
reforms are working wonders.  Investment is growing; the middle class is 
again on the rise.  The Western Hemisphere now boasts the second 
fastest-growing economy in the world.  If current trends continue, 
within just a decade, our hemisphere will be the largest market in the 
world--more than 850 million consumers buying $3 trillion worth of goods 
and services.  These are remarkable, hopeful times.  

Here in the United States, we, too, have developed a comprehensive 
economic strategy to reap the rewards of this moment.  We had a lot of 
work to do just to put our economic house in order.  We have made deep 
cuts in our deficit and federal spending--in the size of the federal 
government.  This year--for the first time since Harry Truman was 
President--we will have three years of reduction in our deficit in a 
row.  We are already taking our federal government down to its smallest 
size since John Kennedy was President.  We have made major steps toward 
deregulation in banking and trucking, and deregulating the states in the 
areas of welfare, health, and education.  We have just begun to move in 
this direction.

Our country has produced over five million new jobs during the past 22 
months.  We have the lowest unemployment rate in four years, and have 
been voted by the Annual Panel of International Economists as the 
world's most productive economy for the first time in nine years.  But, 
the thing that gives me the most hope, after all the years--nearly two 
decades--in America of American families working longer work weeks for 
stagnant wages and more fragile benefits, is that this year more high-
wage jobs have come into our economy than in the previous five years 
combined.  We hope that we are seeing the beginning of the end of a 20-
year trend in stagnant wages, and the beginning of the restoration of 
the American Dream by reaching out to the world and into our hearts.

Still, we know that millions of Americans have not felt this economic 
recovery.  Millions of Americans are still working harder for less and 
feeling very uncertain, even as they read all the good statistics in the 
newspaper.  We have a lot of work to do.  But, the truth is that the 
United States has never been in a stronger economic position to compete 
and win in the world.  

We are also taking bold steps to open new markets and to make the global 
economy work for our people.  For 40 years, our markets have been more 
open than those of many other nations.  We led the restoration of 
economic hope and opportunity after the Second World War.  But, now that 
competition is everywhere and productivity is growing, and the lessons 
of management, technology, and investment are readily apparent to hard-
working people all across the world, we cannot allow that to continue.  
We simply must be able to export more of our goods and services if we 
are going to create more high-wage jobs.  

Just a year ago yesterday, I signed into law NAFTA--the North American 
Free Trade Agreement.  When Congress voted for NAFTA, that event 
committed the United States to continuing leadership and engagement in 
the post-Cold War world.  It marked a new era in world trade relations 
for America, and it gave birth to this summit, which could not have 
occurred if that had not happened.

During the first nine months of this year, our exports to Mexico jumped 
22%.  Increased exports to Mexico and Canada have helped us to create 
more than 100,000 new jobs in America in this year alone.  Auto exports 
to Mexico are up 500%, and I might say, Mexican exports to the United 
States are also up.  It has been a good deal for us and a good deal for 
them.  There has been no "giant sucking sound," except for American 
goods going across the border. 

Last month in Indonesia, we agreed with 17 other Asia-Pacific nations--
including Mexico and Chile, two countries represented here--to achieve 
free trade in the Asia-Pacific region by the year 2020.  The tariffs 
will begin to fall and give us new access to new markets in the fastest 
growing economies of the world long before then.

Just yesterday, I signed into law the bill implementing the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the largest agreement ever for free and 
fair trade.  GATT, like NAFTA before it, passed because we had strong, 
bipartisan support in Congress.  That is a pattern that must prevail as 
we continue to pursue open markets and prosperity in this hemisphere and 
around the world.  I strongly urge all nations in our hemisphere who 
have not yet done so, to follow what America has done and implement this 
agreement now.  It is an important thing for our future growth.  

Finally, let me emphasize that our economic strategy seeks to prepare 
our own people to fill the high-wage jobs of the future.  For too many 
people, as I said earlier, these times are ones of great uncertainty.  
Pressures of the global economy have held wages down  and increased job 
turnover for people who are not in a position to take advantage of the 
developments now occurring.  We owe it to those Americans to provide the 
kind of lifetime education and training that will give them a chance to 
win in this economy as well.  We must ensure that basic labor standards 
are preserved and promoted so that freer trade means better working 
conditions for all.

After all, in America, our people, our workers, are the most important 
asset we have.  That is true in every other nation as well.  That is why 
democracy and free trade go hand in hand.  More free trade is worthwhile 
only if its benefits actually change the lives of real people for the 
better.

But, as I have said over the last two years, that does not mean that we 
can repeal the laws of change--repeal the sweeping changes taking place 
in the global economy.  If we do nothing to reach out to other countries 
than to expand trade--if we had walked away from NAFTA, if we had walked 
away from GATT--if we do not reach out here and throughout the world, 
the United States will still continue to suffer the burdens of trade, or 
we cannot walk away.  But, if we reach out, as we are, with NAFTA, with 
GATT, with the Summit of the Americas--if we act wisely, then we can 
make this new world work for us.  Trade can be a benefit to our people.

When we have the opportunity to sell American products and services 
around the world, we know we can compete and we know that means new jobs 
and a rising standard of living--the core of the American Dream.

I will say again, we in the United States must not only create jobs, but 
raise incomes.  We can only do that if we train people for higher wage 
jobs, and if we create those jobs.  One of the ways we can create those 
jobs is to expand trade, especially in this hemisphere.  So, that is why 
every American worker in every part of the United States should be glad 
we are all here today at the Summit of the Americas.  

Now, I hope I have established why that is my primary goal for this 
summit.  We have a real opportunity here to build on the momentum of 
NAFTA and GATT.  That is what this new partnership of prosperity is all 
about--creating a free trade area that stretches from Alaska to 
Argentina.  Let no one underestimate the significance of this--from 
Alaska to Argentina.  People have talked about free trade in this 
hemisphere for years.  It has been talked about and talked about.  The 
difference is, here in Miami we have a chance to act, and we are going 
to take it. 

Let me try to describe in graphic terms what this means.  Latin America 
is already the fastest-growing region in the world for American exports.  
Of every dollar Latin Americans spend on exports, 44 cents buy goods 
made in the United States.  Despite trade barriers that are, on average, 
four times higher than ours, Florida alone sold almost $9 billion worth 
of goods in the Americas last year alone.  By the year 2005, if current 
trends continue, our country will sell more to Latin America than to 
Western Europe or Japan.  That is why we are here.  That is an 
investment worth making.

Creating a free trade area would be good news throughout the Americas.  
Here in the United States, our exports to Latin America could literally 
double by the year 2005.  That would create over 1 million new jobs.  

Exports also create good-paying jobs.  On average, export-related jobs 
pay 17% more than average wages in America.  They are the kinds of jobs 
that guarantee the families that we are concerned about a fair shot at 
the American Dream.  That is why we must succeed here.

But, trade is not the only goal of this meeting--there are two others.  
The second goal of our summit must be to preserve and strengthen our 
community of democracies.  Continued economic prosperity clearly depends 
upon keeping the democracies alive and stronger.  We can only do that if 
we address the dangers to democracy that face all nations.  Many of the 
dangers we face--consider them--international crime, narcotics 
trafficking, terrorism, environmental degradation--these things can only 
be overcome if we act in harmony.  So, in the days ahead, we will 
discuss ways to seize the assets of money launderers, to explore new 
ways like those developed in Chile to prevent corruption from corroding 
our democracies, and to move forward on all of these fronts.

We must also keep our democracies healthy and open.  Our hemisphere has 
come too far and the cost has been too great to return to the days of 
repression and dictatorship.  So, at the summit we will discuss how the 
Organization of American States can help to reconcile political disputes 
and ensure that democratic constitutions actually live and breathe.

Here in the United States, we know that democracy is hard work.  We have 
been at it over 200 years, and we know we still have to defend it every 
day.  We have to continually review how well our governments perform, 
and even whether they should be doing some things at all.  Our own 
efforts to cut the size and cost and improve the performance of 
government, led by the Vice President and his reinventing government 
team, demonstrate the immense importance and the great rewards of this 
undertaking.  We, too, have only just begun.

The third goal of the summit is to bring our nations together to pursue 
sustainable development.  That is far more than a buzzword.  Our 
democracies and our prosperity will be short-lived if we do not figure 
out how to deal with the things that enable us to grow and come together 
and maintain our quality of life over the long run.  Improving the basic 
health and education of our people is a key part of that sustainable 
development strategy.

Consider our common efforts to eradicate polio--banished from our 
hemisphere since 1991.  That shows you what cooperation can bring.  So 
at this summit we will discuss ways that we can combat poverty and 
disease, increase health care, increase education, and remove threats 
from millions and millions of our fellow citizens.  

Our summit agenda also calls for important talks aimed at making our 
environmental and trade policies mutually supportive.  Threats to our 
environment respect no border, and ultimately, can undermine our 
economies.  We must discuss initiatives that will make progress.  We are 
going to talk about things like banning lead from gasoline in every 
country, conserving nature's diversities, spreading innovative 
environmental technologies.  We will be doing the kinds of things that 
will permit us to sustain the remarkable trends of the last few years.

At the summit, in support of expanding trade and democracy and 
sustainable development, we will consider more than 20 initiatives to 
plot a course for the future.  I am convinced that we will succeed as 
long as we recognize that the bonds that unite us are stronger than the 
forces that divide us.  

Once, the United States and its neighbors were clearly divided by 
seemingly unbridgeable cultural and economic gulfs.  But today, 
superhighways, satellite dishes, and enlightened self-interest draw us 
together as never before.  Our economies are increasingly interwoven.  
Latin American and Caribbean contributions to American culture--in great 
novels, fine foods, spirited music, free television networks, and in 
many other ways--grow every day.

By the year 2020, the United States of America may well boast a Spanish-
speaking population second in size only  to that of Mexico.  The 
connections between north and south in the Americas are, in short, a 
source of great energy.  We have to strengthen these bonds.  We must 
make them work for the benefit of all of our people.  

On this very day, 170 years ago, the foot soldiers of Bolivar's army won 
the Battle of Ayacucho, the last battle for liberation between the 
people of the New World and colonial Spain.  With that triumph, Peru 
proclaimed its independence and a new era began in our hemisphere.  It 
was an era that Bolivar hoped would produce greater unity among the Pan 
American states.  Well, his dream was not realized in his lifetime, and 
generation after generation has struggled without success to make it 
real.  

In our own century, President Roosevelt's good neighbor policy, as Vice 
President Gore said, sought to unite the hemisphere by urging mutual 
respect among all and recognizing even then, long ago, the importance of 
our interdependence.  Three decades later, President Kennedy's Alliance 
For Progress inspired the people of the Americas with its vision of 
social justice and economic growth.  Today, we can build on those 
foundations and do what could not be done in former times.

We can create a partnership for prosperity where freedom and trade and 
economic opportunity become the common property of the people of the 
Americas.  Just imagine it:  a hemisphere where disputes among or within 
nations are peacefully and honorably resolved; where cultures and 
nations are universally and mutually respected; where no person's rights 
are denied and labor is not abused; where ideas and trade flow freely 
across borders; where work is rewarded and families and communities are 
strong--just imagine it.  

My fellow Americans, this is a magic moment.  Let us seize it.  Thank 
you very much.  

(###)



ARTICLE 6:

The Promise of Freedom, Democracy, And Free Enterprise
President Clinton
Remarks to volunteers of the Summit of the Americas, Miami, Florida,  
December 8, 1994 (introductory remarks deleted)

I hope that you can fully grasp the significance of what we are doing 
here.  Every country in the world today--at the end of the Cold War and 
the emergence of an exploding global economy with all sorts of 
opportunities but profound problems--every country  is fighting a battle 
within itself between hope and fear; between reaching out and drawing 
back; between believing in the best of its potential and giving in to 
the worst, or at least walking away from the challenge.

This morning, the Vice President and I went to the auditorium of the 
magnificent headquarters of the Organization of American States, and I 
signed the legislation adopting the GATT world trade treaty.  In the 
last two years, our Administration has relentlessly pursued an economic 
strategy designed to make sure Americans could compete and win and be 
rewarded for their work in the 21st century, not by withdrawing from the 
world and hunkering down, but by reaching out to the world and embracing 
it.  We have reduced our deficit; we have increased our investment in 
education and training; we have focused on the needs of every region of 
our country.  We worked hard here, for example, to try to help rebuild 
after the things that happened to Homestead and the rest of South 
Florida in the hurricane.  

But we know--we know no matter what else we do, unless we have people 
around the world who buy our products and services, people who will join 
with us in combatting the problems of the world--from environmental 
problems to terrorism to organized crime to the drug problems--unless we 
have people who will be our partners in democracy and freedom, we can 
never be what we fully ought to be.  That is the significance of this 
summit. 

It builds on what happened with NAFTA; it builds on the GATT agreement; 
and it builds on our efforts to reach out to the world.  This is the 
largest summit of world leaders ever hosted here--34 democratically 
elected leaders from this entire hemisphere joining hands together, not 
because we agree on everything, but because we agree on the important 
things and because we believe in the promise of freedom; we believe in 
the promise of democracy; we believe in the promise of open, free trade; 
and we believe in the human potential of the people of the United States 
and every other country represented here.

So, we come here representing people from the tip of Alaska to the tip 
of Argentina to plan and to build and to dream for all of you and for 
your children because we believe in the promise of America.  We are 
elated that others have embraced the challenge and the promise of 
freedom and democracy and free enterprise.  I know you wish us well, and 
if this meeting turns out to have the profound historic significance 
that it should, I hope you will remember for the rest of your life how 
hard you worked on it and be justly proud.

Thank you and God bless you all.  

(###)



ARTICLE 7:

Declaration of Principles
Text of declaration signed on December 11, 1994, by the 34 heads of 
state and government participating in the Summit of the Americas, Miami, 
Florida, December 9-11.

Partnership for Development and Prosperity: Democracy, Free Trade and 
Sustainable Development in the Americas

The elected Heads of State and Government of the Americas are committed 
to advance the prosperity, democratic values and institutions, and 
security of our Hemisphere.  For the first time in history, the Americas 
are a community of democratic societies.  Although faced with differing 
development challenges, the Americas are united in pursuing prosperity 
through open markets, hemispheric integration, and sustainable 
development.  We are determined to consolidate and advance closer bonds 
of cooperation and to transform our aspirations into concrete realities. 

We reiterate our firm adherence to the principles of international law 
and the purposes and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter 
and in the Charter of the Organization of American States (OAS), 
including the principles of the sovereign equality of states, non-
intervention, self-determination, and the peaceful resolution of 
disputes.  We recognize the heterogeneity and diversity of our resources 
and cultures, just as we are convinced that we can advance our shared 
interests and values by building strong partnerships. 

To Preserve and Strengthen  The Community of Democracies Of the Americas

The Charter of the OAS establishes that representative democracy is 
indispensable for the stability, peace and development of the region.  
It is the sole political system which guarantees respect for human 
rights and the rule of law; it safeguards cultural diversity, pluralism, 
respect for the rights of minorities, and peace within and among 
nations.  Democracy is based, among other fundamentals, on free and 
transparent elections and includes the right of all citizens to 
participate in government.  Democracy and development reinforce one 
another. 

We reaffirm our commitment to preserve and strengthen our democratic 
systems for the benefit of all people of the Hemisphere.  We will work 
through the appropriate bodies of the OAS to strengthen democratic 
institutions and promote and defend constitutional democratic rule, in 
accordance with the OAS Charter.  We endorse OAS efforts to enhance 
peace and the democratic, social, and economic stability of the region. 

We recognize that our people earnestly seek greater responsiveness and 
efficiency from our respective governments.  Democracy is strengthened 
by the modernization of the state, including reforms that streamline 
operations, reduce and simplify government rules and procedures, and 
make democratic institutions more transparent and accountable.  Deeming 
it essential that justice should be accessible in an efficient and 
expeditious way to all sectors of society, we affirm that an independent 
judiciary is a critical element of an effective legal system and lasting 
democracy.  Our ultimate goal is to better meet the needs of the 
population, especially the needs of women and the most vulnerable 
groups, including indigenous people, the disabled, children, the aged, 
and minorities. 

Effective democracy requires a comprehensive attack on corruption as a 
factor of social disintegration and distortion of the economic system 
that undermines the legitimacy of political institutions. 

Recognizing the pernicious effects of organized crime and illegal 
narcotics on our economies, ethical values, public health, and the 
social fabric, we will join the battle against the consumption, 
production, trafficking and distribution of illegal drugs, as well as 
against money laundering and the illicit trafficking in arms and 
chemical precursors.  We will also cooperate to create viable 
alternative development strategies in those countries in which illicit 
crops are grown.  Cooperation should be extended to international and 
national programs aimed at curbing the production, use and trafficking 
of illicit drugs and the rehabilitation of addicts. 

We condemn terrorism in all its forms, and we will, using all legal 
means, combat terrorist acts anywhere in the Americas with unity and 
vigor. 

Recognizing the important contribution of individuals and associations 
in effective democratic government and in the enhancement of cooperation 
among the people of the Hemisphere, we will facilitate fuller 
participation of our people in political, economic and social activity, 
in accordance with national legislation. 

To Promote Prosperity Through Economic Integration And Free Trade

Our continued economic progress depends on sound economic policies, 
sustainable development, and dynamic private sectors.  A key to 
prosperity is trade without barriers, without subsidies, without unfair 
practices, and with an increasing stream of productive investments.  
Eliminating impediments to market access for goods and services among 
our countries will foster our economic growth.  A growing world economy 
will also enhance our domestic prosperity.  Free trade and increased 
economic integration are key factors for raising standards of living, 
improving the working conditions of people in the Americas and better 
protecting the environment. 

We, therefore, resolve to begin immediately to construct the "Free Trade 
Area of the Americas" (FTAA), in which barriers to trade and investment 
will be progressively eliminated.  We further resolve to conclude the 
negotiation of the "Free Trade Area of the Americas" no later than 2005, 
and agree that concrete progress toward the attainment of this objective 
will be made by the end of this century.  We recognize the progress that 
already has been realized through the unilateral undertakings of each of 
our nations and the subregional trade arrangements in our Hemisphere.  
We will build on existing subregional and bilateral arrangements in 
order to broaden and deepen hemispheric economic integration and to 
bring the agreements together. 

Aware that investment is the main engine for growth in the Hemisphere, 
we will encourage such investment by cooperating to build more open, 
transparent and integrated markets.  In this regard, we are committed to 
create strengthened mechanisms that promote and protect the flow of 
productive investment in the Hemisphere, and to promote the development 
and progressive integration of capital markets. 

To advance economic integration and free trade, we will work, with 
cooperation and financing from the private sector and international 
financial institutions, to create a hemispheric infrastructure.  This 
process requires a cooperative effort in fields such as 
telecommunications, energy and transportation, which will permit the 
efficient movement of the goods, services, capital, information and 
technology that are the foundations of prosperity. 

We recognize that despite the substantial progress in dealing with debt 
problems in the Hemisphere, high foreign debt burdens still hinder the 
development of some of our countries. 

We recognize that economic integration and the creation of a free trade 
area will be complex endeavors, particularly in view of the wide 
differences in the levels of development and size of economies existing 
in our Hemisphere.  We will remain cognizant of these differences as we 
work toward economic integration in the Hemisphere.  We look to our own 
resources, ingenuity, and individual capacities as well as to the 
international community to help us achieve our goals. 

To Eradicate Poverty And Discrimination In Our Hemisphere

It is politically intolerable and morally unacceptable that some 
segments of our populations are marginalized and do not share fully in 
the benefits of growth.  With an aim of attaining greater social justice 
for all our people, we pledge to work individually and collectively to 
improve access to quality education and primary health care and to 
eradicate extreme poverty and illiteracy.  The fruits of democratic 
stability and economic growth must be accessible to all, without 
discrimination by race, gender, national origin or religious 
affiliation. 

In observance of the International Decade of the World's Indigenous 
People, we will focus our energies on improving the exercise of 
democratic rights and the access to social services by indigenous people 
and their communities. 

Aware that widely shared prosperity contributes to hemispheric 
stability, lasting peace and democracy, we acknowledge our common 
interest in creating employment opportunities that improve the incomes, 
wages and working conditions of all our people.  We will invest in 
people so that individuals throughout the Hemisphere have the 
opportunity to realize their full potential. 

Strengthening the role of women in all aspects of political, social and 
economic life in our countries is essential to reduce poverty and social 
inequalities and to enhance democracy and sustainable development. 

To Guarantee Sustainable Development and Conserve Our Natural 
Environment for Future Generations

Social progress and economic prosperity can be sustained only if our 
people live in a healthy environment and our ecosystems and natural 
resources are managed carefully and responsibly.  To advance and 
implement the commitments made at the 1992 United Nations Conference on 
Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro, and the 1994 Global 
Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing 
States, held in Barbados, we will create cooperative partnerships to 
strengthen our capacity to prevent and control pollution, to protect 
ecosystems and use our biological resources on a sustainable basis, and 
to encourage clean, efficient and sustainable energy production and use.  
To benefit future generations through environmental conservation, 
including the rational use of our ecosystems, natural resources and 
biological heritage, we will continue to pursue technological, financial 
and other forms of cooperation. 

We will advance our social well-being and economic prosperity in ways 
that are fully cognizant of our impact on the environment.  We agree to 
support the Central American Alliance for Sustainable Development, which 
seeks to strengthen those democracies by promoting regional economic and 
social prosperity and sound environmental management.  In this context, 
we support the convening of other regional meetings on sustainable 
development.


Our Declaration constitutes a comprehensive and mutually reinforcing set 
of commitments for concrete results.  In accord with the appended Plan 
of Action, and recognizing our different national capabilities and our 
different legal systems, we pledge to implement them without delay. 

We call upon the OAS and the Inter-American Development Bank to assist 
countries in implementing our pledges, drawing significantly upon the 
Pan American Health Organization and the United Nations Economic 
Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean as well as sub-regional 
organizations for integration. 

To give continuity to efforts fostering national political involvement, 
we will convene specific high-level meetings to address, among others, 
topics such as trade and commerce, capital markets, labor, energy, 
education, transportation, telecommunications, counter-narcotics and 
other anti-crime initiatives, sustainable development, health, and 
science and technology. 

To assure public engagement and commitment, we invite the cooperation 
and participation of the private sector, labor, political parties, 
academic institutions and other non-governmental actors and 
organizations in both our national and regional efforts, thus 
strengthening the partnership between governments and society.


Our thirty-four nations share a fervent commitment to democratic 
practices, economic integration, and social justice.  Our people are 
better able than ever to express their aspirations and to learn from one 
another.  The conditions for hemispheric cooperation are propitious.  
Therefore, on behalf of all our people, in whose name we affix our 
signatures to this Declaration, we seize this historic opportunity to 
create a Partnership for Development and Prosperity in the Americas.  

Done at Miami, Florida, on this the 11th day of December, 1994, in the 
English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish languages.


Note:  The following hemispheric leaders signed the Declaration of 
Principles:

Antigua and Barbuda--Prime Minister Lester Bird
Argentina--President Carlos Saul Menem
The Bahamas--Prime Minister Hubert A. Ingraham
Barbados--Prime Minister Owen Arthur
Belize--Prime Minister Manuel Esquivel
Bolivia--President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada Bustamente
Brazil--President Itamar Franco
Canada--Prime Minister Jean Chretien
Chile--President Eduardo Frei  Ruiz-Tagle
Colombia--President Ernesto Samper Pizano
Costa Rica--President Jose Maria Figueres Olsen
Dominica--Prime Minister Dame M. Eugenia Charles
Dominican Republic--President  Joaquin Balaguer Ricardo
Ecuador--President Sixto Duran Ballen Cordovez
El Salvador--President Armando Calderon Sol
Grenada--Prime Minister Nicholas Braithwaite
Guatemala--President Ramiro de Leon Carpio
Guyana--President Cheddi Jagan
Haiti--President Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Honduras--President Carlos Roberto Reina Idiaquez
Jamaica--Prime Minister Percival James Patterson
Mexico--President Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon
Nicaragua--President Violeta Chamorro
Panama--President Ernesto Perez Balladares
Paraguay--President Juan Carlos Wasmosy
Peru--President Alberto Kenyo Fujimori
Saint Kitts and Nevis--Prime Minister Kennedy Simmonds
Saint Lucia--Prime Minister  John G. M. Compton
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines--Prime Minister James F. Mitchell
Suriname--President Ronald R. Venetiaan
Trinidad and Tobago--Prime Minister Patrick Manning
United States--President William J. Clinton [host]
Uruguay--President Luis Alberto Lacalle
Venezuela--President Rafael Caldera Rodriguez  

(###)



ARTICLE 8:

Plan of Action
Text of Plan of Action appended to the Declaration of Principles and 
endorsed by the 34 hemispheric leaders in that document at the Summit of 
the Americas, Miami, Florida, December 11, 1994.

Table of Contents

I.  Preserving and Strengthening the Community of Democracies of the 
Americas

1.  Strengthening Democracy

2.  Promoting and Protecting Human Rights

3.  Invigorating Society/Community Participation

4.  Promoting Cultural Values

5.  Combating Corruption

6.  Combating the Problem of Illegal Drugs and Related Crimes

7.  Eliminating the Threat of National and International Terrorism

8.  Building Mutual Confidence


II. Promoting Prosperity Through Economic Integration and Free Trade

9. Free Trade in the Americas

10. Capital Markets Development and Liberalization

11. Hemispheric Infrastructure

12. Energy Cooperation

13. Telecommunications and Information Infrastructure

14. Cooperation in Science and Technology

15. Tourism


III. Eradicating Poverty and Discrimination in Our Hemisphere

16. Universal Access to Education

17. Equitable Access to Basic Health Services

18. Strengthening the Role of Women in Society

19. Encouraging Microenterprises and Small Businesses

20. White Helmets--Emergency and Development Corps


IV. Guaranteeing Sustainable Development and Conserving Our Natural 
Environment for Future Generations


21. Partnership for Sustainable Energy Use

22. Partnership for Biodiversity

23. Partnership for Pollution Prevention


The heads of state and government participating in the 1994 Summit of 
the Americas in Miami, Florida, desirous of furthering the broad 
objectives set forth in their Declaration of Principles and mindful of 
the need for practical progress on the vital tasks of enhancing 
democracy, promoting development, achieving economic integration and 
free trade, improving the lives of their people, and protecting the 
natural environment for future generations, affirm their commitment to 
this Plan of Action.

I.  PRESERVING AND STRENGTHENING THE COMMUNITY OF DEMOCRACIES OF THE 
AMERICAS

1.  Strengthening  Democracy

The strengthening, effective exercise and consolidation of democracy 
constitute the central political priority of the Americas.  The 
Organization of American States (OAS) is the principal hemispheric body 
for the defense of democratic values and institutions; among its 
essential purposes is to promote and consolidate representative 
democracy, with due respect to the principle of non-intervention.  The 
OAS has adopted multilateral procedures to address the problems created 
when democratic order has been interrupted unconstitutionally.  In order 
to prevent such crises, the OAS needs to direct more effort toward the 
promotion of democratic values and practices and to the social and 
economic strengthening of already-established democratic regimes.

Governments will:

--  Give expeditious consideration to ratifying the Cartagena de Indias, 
Washington and Managua Protocols to the OAS Charter, if they have not 
already done so.

--  Strengthen the dialogue among social groups and foster grass roots 
participation in problem solving at the local level.

--  Support efforts by the OAS to promote democracy by:


--Encouraging exchanges of election-related technologies and assisting 
national electoral organizations, at the request of the interested 
state.

--Strengthening the Unit for the Promotion of Democracy so that it can 
provide assistance at the request of the interested state on such 
matters as legislative and judicial processes, government reforms 
(including administration of justice, technical modernization of 
national legislative bodies, simplification of government regulations 
and promotion of participation by community organizations in local 
democracy), and other institutional changes.

--Encouraging opportunities for exchange of experiences among member 
states' democratic institutions, particularly legislature-to-legislature 
and judiciary-to-judiciary.  

--Fostering understanding, dialogue and political reconciliation, at the 
request of the affected state and bearing in mind that national 
reconciliation comes from within.  

--Requesting the OAS to promote and follow up on these commitments.

2.  Promoting and Protecting Human Rights

Great progress has been made in the Hemisphere in the development of 
human rights concepts and norms, but serious gaps in implementation 
remain.  While courts ultimately have the responsibility for enforcing 
legal rights and obligations, reforms in other institutions are needed 
to contribute to the further development of a climate of respect for 
human rights.  There must also be universal access to justice and 
effective means to enforce basic rights.  A democracy is judged by the 
rights enjoyed by its least influential members.

Governments will:

--  Give serious consideration to adherence to international human 
rights instruments to which they are not already party.

--  Cooperate fully with all United Nations and inter-American human 
rights bodies.

--  Develop programs for the promotion and observance of human rights, 
including educational programs to inform people of their legal rights 
and their responsibility to respect the rights of others.

--  Promote policies to ensure that women enjoy full and equal legal 
rights within their families and societies, and to ensure the removal of 
constraints to women's full participation as voters, candidates and 
elected and appointed officials.

--  Review and strengthen laws for the protection of the rights of 
minority groups and indigenous people and communities to ensure freedom 
from discrimination, to guarantee full and equal protection under the 
law, and to facilitate active civic participation. Support a process to 
review and enhance the protection of indigenous rights in OAS member 
states and to develop promptly an effective United Nations declaration 
on indigenous rights.

--  Review national legislation affecting people with disabilities, as 
well as benefits and services for them, and make any changes needed to 
facilitate the enjoyment by these individuals of the same rights and 
freedoms as other members of society.

--  Undertake all measures necessary to guarantee the rights of 
children, and, where they have not already done so, give serious 
consideration to ratifying the United Nations Convention on the Rights 
of the Child.

--  Guarantee the protection of the human rights of all migrant workers 
and their families.

--  Take the necessary steps to remedy inhumane conditions in prisons 
and to minimize the number of pretrial detainees.

--  Review training curricula for law enforcement agents to ensure that 
they adequately cover proper treatment of suspects and detainees as well 
as relations with the community.

--  Exchange experiences on protection of human rights at the national 
level and, where possible, cooperate in the development of law 
enforcement and security force training or other programs to reduce the 
potential for human rights violations.

--  Call on the OAS and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) to 
establish or to reinforce programs, as appropriate, to support national 
projects for the promotion and observance of human rights in the Western 
Hemisphere.

--  Further strengthen the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and 
the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

3.  Invigorating Society/Community Participation

A strong and diverse civil society, organized in various ways and 
sectors, including individuals, the private sector, labor, political 
parties, academics, and other non-governmental actors and organizations, 
gives depth and durability to democracy.  Similarly, a vigorous 
democracy requires broad participation in public issues.  Such 
activities should be carried out with complete transparency and 
accountability, and to this end a proper legal and regulatory framework 
should be established to include the possibility of obtaining technical 
and financial support, including from private sources.

Governments will:

--  Review the regulatory framework for non-governmental actors with a 
view to facilitating their operations and promoting their ability to 
receive funds.  This review will emphasize the management and oversight 
of resources as well as transparency and the accountability to society 
of said actors.

--  Take steps to improve the participation in social activities and 
initiatives of groups traditionally marginalized, including women, 
youth, indigenous people and the extremely poor.

--  Exchange progress reports on activities in the civil society area at 
the 1996 Summit Conference on Sustainable Development in Bolivia.

--  Consider the development by the IDB of a new Civil Society Program 
to encourage responsible and accountable philanthropy and civic 
engagement in public policy issues.

4.  Promoting Cultural Values

Cultural development is a fundamental and integral component of 
development in the Americas and has an inherent capability to enrich our 
societies and to generate greater understanding among our countries.

In order to promote cultural values, governments will:

--  Encourage more dynamic relations among public and private 
institutions and organizations, including universities, museums, and 
centers of art and literature, as well as among individual cultural 
actors.  Such exchanges emphasize our cultural diversity, recognize the 
value of our local cultures and contribute to improving hemispheric 
understanding.

--  Request that the OAS and IDB reinforce their plans and programs to 
facilitate these cultural exchanges and the flow of cultural and 
historical information within and among our nations.

5.  Combating Corruption

The problem of corruption is now an issue of serious interest not only 
in this Hemisphere, but in all regions of the world.  Corruption in both 
the public and private sectors weakens democracy and undermines the 
legitimacy of governments and institutions.  The modernization of the 
state, including deregulation, privatization and the simplification of 
government procedures, reduces the opportunities for corruption.  All 
aspects of public administration in a democracy must be transparent and 
open to public scrutiny.

Governments will:

--  Promote open discussion of the most significant problems facing 
government and develop priorities for reforms needed to make government 
operations transparent and accountable.

--  Ensure proper oversight of government functions by strengthening 
internal mechanisms, including investigative and enforcement capacity 
with respect to acts of corruption, and facilitating public access to 
information necessary for meaningful outside review.

--  Establish conflict of interest standards for public employees and 
effective measures against illicit enrichment, including stiff penalties 
for those who utilize their public position to benefit private 
interests.

--  Call on the governments of the world to adopt and enforce measures 
against bribery in all financial or commercial transactions with the 
Hemisphere; toward this end, invite the OAS to establish liaison with 
the OECD Working Group on Bribery in International Business 
Transactions.

--  Develop mechanisms of cooperation in the judicial and banking areas 
to make possible rapid and effective response in the international 
investigation of corruption cases.

--  Give priority to strengthening government regulations and 
procurement, tax collection, the administration of justice and the 
electoral and legislative processes, utilizing the support of the IDB 
and other international financial institutions where appropriate.

--  Develop within the OAS, with due regard to applicable treaties and 
national legislation, a hemispheric approach to acts of corruption in 
both the public and private sectors that would include extradition and 
prosecution of individuals so charged, through negotiation of a new 
hemispheric agreement or new arrangements within existing frameworks for 
international cooperation.

6.  Combating the Problem Of Illegal Drugs and Related Crimes

The problems of illegal drug and related criminal activities pose grave 
threats to the societies, free market economies, and democratic 
institutions of the Hemisphere.  Drug use imposes enormous social costs; 
drug money and income are net drains on economic growth; and drug lords 
and criminal organizations endanger the security of our people through 
corruption, intimidation, and violence.  While drug trafficking 
continues to be a significant source of illegal funds, the money 
laundering industry increasingly deals with the proceeds of all types of 
criminal activity.  An integrated and balanced approach that includes 
respect for national sovereignty is essential to confront all aspects of 
these problems.  For these reasons, a broad coordinated hemispheric 
strategy to reduce drug use and production, including new enforcement 
methods that can disrupt drug trafficking and money laundering networks 
and prosecute those engaged in such activities, is required.  In this 
context, governments note the work of the 1992 San Antonio Summit, 
endorse the efforts of the Inter-American Commission on Drug Abuse 
Control, and agree to work together to formulate a counter-narcotics 
strategy for the 21st century.

Governments will:

--  Ratify the 1988 United Nations Convention Against the Illicit 
Traffic of Narcotics and Psychotropic Substances and make it a criminal 
offense to launder the proceeds of all serious crimes.

--  Enact legislation to permit the freezing and forfeiture of the 
proceeds of money laundering and consider the sharing of forfeited 
assets among governments.

--  As agreed by ministers and representatives of Caribbean and Latin 
American governments in the Kingston Declaration, November 5-6, 1992, 
implement the recommendations of the Caribbean Financial Action Task 
Force on Money Laundering and work to adopt the Model Regulations of the 
Inter-American Commission on Drug Abuse Control (CICAD). 

--  Encourage financial institutions to report large and suspicious 
transactions to appropriate authorities and develop effective procedures 
that would allow the collection of relevant information from financial 
institutions.

--  Work individually and collectively to identify the region's 
narcotics trafficking and money laundering networks, prosecute their 
leaders, and seize assets derived from these criminal activities.

--  Adopt programs to prevent and reduce the demand for and the 
consumption of illicit drugs.

--  Adopt effective and environmentally-sound national strategies to 
prevent or reduce substantially the cultivation and processing of crops 
used for the illegal drug trade, paying particular attention to national 
and international support for development programs that create viable 
economic alternatives to drug production.

--  Pay particular attention to the control of precursor chemicals and 
support comprehensive drug interdiction strategies.

--  Strengthen efforts to control firearms, ammunition, and explosives 
to avoid their diversion to drug traffickers and criminal organizations.

--  Hold a working-level conference, to be followed by a ministerial 
conference, to study and agree on a coordinated hemispheric response, 
including consideration of an inter-American convention, to combat money 
laundering.

--  Convene a hemispheric-wide conference of donors, including 
multilateral development banks and UN agencies, to seek resources for 
alternative development programs aimed at curbing the production, 
trafficking, and use of illicit drugs, and the rehabilitation of 
addicts.

--  Support the discussion the OAS has initiated with the European Union 
on measures to control precursor chemicals.

--  Support the convening of a global counter-narcotics conference.

7.  Eliminating the Threat of National and International Terrorism

National and international terrorism constitute a systematic and 
deliberate violation of the rights of individuals and an assault on 
democracy itself.  Recent attacks that some of our countries have 
suffered have demonstrated the serious threat that terrorism poses to 
security in the Americas.  Actions by governments to combat and 
eliminate this threat are essential elements in guaranteeing law and 
order and maintaining confidence in government, both nationally and 
internationally.  Within this context, those who sponsor terrorist acts 
or assist in their planning or execution through the abuse of diplomatic 
privileges and immunities or other means will be held responsible by the 
international community.

Governments will:

--  Promote bilateral and subregional agreements with the aim of 
prosecuting terrorists and penalizing terrorist activities within the 
context of the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

--  Convene a special conference of the OAS on the prevention of 
terrorism.

--  Reaffirm the importance of the extradition treaties ratified by the 
states of the Hemisphere, and note that these treaties will be strictly 
complied with as an expression of the political will of governments, in 
accordance with international law and domestic legislation.

8.  Building Mutual Confidence

The expansion and consolidation of democracy in the Americas provide an 
opportunity to build upon the peaceful traditions and the cooperative 
relationships that have prevailed among the countries of the Western 
Hemisphere.  Our aim is to strengthen the mutual confidence that 
contributes to the economic and social integration of our peoples.

Governments will:

--  Support actions to encourage a regional dialogue to promote the 
strengthening of mutual confidence, preparing the way for a regional 
conference on confidence-building measures in 1995, which Chile has 
offered to host.


II.  PROMOTING PROSPERITY THROUGH ECONOMIC INTEGRATION AND FREE TRADE

9.  Free Trade in the Americas

1)  While pursuing economic integration and free trade in the 
Hemisphere, we reinforce our strong commitment to multilateral rules and 
disciplines.  We endorse full and rapid implementation of the Uruguay 
Round, active multilateral negotiations in the World Trade Organization, 
bilateral and subregional trade agreements, and other trade arrangements 
that are consistent with the provisions of the GATT/WTO and that do not 
raise barriers to other nations.

2)  Extraordinary achievements have been made by countries of the 
Hemisphere in trade liberalization and subregional integration.  Free 
trade and increased economic integration are key factors for sustainable 
development.  This will be furthered as we strive to make our trade 
liberalization and environmental policies mutually supportive, taking 
into account efforts undertaken by the GATT/WTO and other international 
organizations.  As economic integration in the Hemisphere proceeds, we 
will further secure the observance and promotion of worker rights, as 
defined by appropriate international conventions.  We will avoid 
disguised restrictions on trade, in accordance with the GATT/WTO and 
other international obligations.

3)  We will strive to maximize market openness through high levels of 
discipline as we build upon existing agreements in the Hemisphere.  We 
also will strive for balanced and comprehensive agreements, including 
among others:  tariffs and non-tariff barriers affecting trade in goods 
and services; agriculture; subsidies; investment; intellectual property 
rights; government procurement; technical barriers to trade; safeguards; 
rules of origin; antidumping and countervailing duties; sanitary and 
phytosanitary standards and procedures; dispute resolution; and 
competition policy.

4)  We recognize that decisions on trade agreements remain a sovereign 
right of each nation.  In addition, recognizing the importance of 
effective enforcement of international commitments, each nation will 
take the necessary action, in accordance with its own legislation and 
procedures, to implement the agreements in the areas covered by this 
Plan of Action.

5)  As we work to achieve the "Free Trade Area of the Americas," 
opportunities such as technical assistance will be provided to 
facilitate the integration of the smaller economies and increase their 
level of development.

Immediate Action Agenda  

We direct our ministers responsible for trade to take the following 
concrete initial steps to achieve the "Free Trade Area of the Americas."

6)  With the objective of ensuring full and complete discussion among 
the parties to the various trade agreements in the Hemisphere, we direct 
that meetings be held under existing trade and investment fora.  Members 
of these fora will determine areas of commonality and divergence in the 
particular agreements under review and should consider the means of 
improving disciplines among them and bringing them together.  We further 
direct that members of these fora inform ministers of the status of 
their discussions and make recommendations for achieving the "Free Trade 
Area of the Americas."

7)  Transparency in, and a clear understanding of, the subregional and 
bilateral agreements achieved to date among the nations in the 
Hemisphere are critical for advancing trade and investment integration 
in the Americas.  We will direct the OAS Special Committee on Trade, 
with the support of the IDB, ECLAC, and other specialized regional and 
subregional organizations, to assist in the systematization of data in 
the region and to continue its work on studying economic integration 
arrangements in the Hemisphere, including brief comparative descriptions 
of the obligations in each of the Hemisphere's existing trade 
agreements.  We will further direct the Special Committee on Trade to 
prepare a report of its work by June 1995 for the meeting of ministers.

8) We direct our ministers responsible for trade to:  (a) review the 
progress of work undertaken in the fora noted in paragraphs 6 and 7; 
(b) provide guidance with respect to further work; and (c) consider 
areas for immediate attention--such as customs facilitation and product 
testing and certification with a view to mutual recognition agreements--
that could be taken up in the appropriate fora.

9)  Therefore, today we launch the "Free Trade Area of the Americas" by 
initiating the following process.  We will direct the OAS to assist the 
host country in arranging the ministerial meetings.

January 1995:  Initiation of work programs and establishment of 
schedules in the fora in paragraph 6 and in the Special Committee on 
Trade.

June 1995:  Meeting of Ministers responsible for trade.

--preliminary report on status of work in the fora described in 
paragraph 6.

--preliminary Special Committee on Trade report.

--areas for immediate consideration.

March 1996:  Meeting of Ministers responsible for trade.

--final report to ministers by the Special Committee on Trade.

--final reports to ministers from the fora described in paragraph 6.

--timetable for further work.

10.  Capital Markets Development And Liberalization

The availability of capital at competitive rates is essential to finance 
private sector investment--a vital ingredient in economic development.  
Developing, liberalizing and integrating financial markets domestically 
and internationally, increasing transparency, and establishing sound, 
comparable supervision and regulation of banking and securities markets 
will help to reduce the cost of capital by enhancing investor and 
depositor confidence.

Governments will:

--  Form a Committee on Hemispheric Financial Issues to examine steps to 
promote the liberalization of capital movements and the progressive 
integration of capital markets, including, if deemed appropriate, the 
negotiation of common guidelines on capital movements that would provide 
for their progressive liberalization.

--  Prepare, in cooperation with the Inter-American Development Bank, a 
comprehensive list of national capital regulations in order to promote 
transparency and support the discussions in the Committee on Hemispheric 
Financial Issues.

--  Support the cooperative endeavors of the Association of Latin 
American and Caribbean Bank Supervisors and the Council of Securities 
Regulators of the Americas to provide sound supervision and regulation 
that support the development and progressive integration of markets.

The Committee on Hemispheric Financial Issues should also review 
problems of debt in the Hemisphere, taking account of ongoing work and 
drawing, as appropriate, on a broad range of expertise.

11.  Hemispheric Infrastructure

Development in this Hemisphere depends on urgent infrastructure 
measures, including the priority allocation of financial resources, in 
accordance with national legislation and with the participation of both 
the public and private sectors.  Strengthening the flow of private 
productive capital to economically and environmentally sound projects 
has become increasingly vital to countries throughout the Hemisphere as 
the growth of official sources of capital has failed to keep pace with 
the area's needs.

Governments will:

--  Charge multilateral development banks to work with governments and, 
as appropriate, private concerns, to develop mechanisms to deal with 
lending and investment issues.

--  Draw on other regional and sub-regional experiences within the 
Hemisphere to support infrastructure development.

--  Governments that so wish will develop suitable mechanisms, including 
multilateral and bilateral commitments on regulatory and legal rules and 
practices, to encourage private investment, both domestic and foreign, 
in national and transboundary infrastructure projects.

12.  Energy Cooperation*

The nations of the Hemisphere have begun a new era of economic growth.  
This new era is based on greater economic cooperation, freer trade, and 
open markets.  Sustainable economic development requires hemispheric 
cooperation in the field of energy.

Governments will:

--  Convene a follow-up hemispheric officials' meeting in the first 
semester of 1995 to encourage cooperation to study ways to develop the 
energy industry within the Hemisphere, consistent with the least cost 
national energy strategies and the activities described in the 
"Partnership for Sustainable Energy use" in the following areas:


--Consideration of ways to use the energy sector to promote sustainable 
economic growth.

--Cooperation to study ways to optimize and facilitate the financing 
mechanisms of international financial institutions to support the 
development of projects in the energy sector, especially including those 
pertaining to the enhancement of efficiency in the use of energy and to 
non-conventional renewable energy.

--Cooperation to promote capital investment and to foster the use of 
innovative financial mechanisms to increase investment in the energy 
sector and the enhancement of efficiency in the use of energy and non-
conventional renewable energy, in accordance with each country's 
legislation and developmental needs.

--Promotion of the use of efficient and non-polluting energy 
technologies, both conventional and renewable, leading to a higher 
degree of knowledge and technical expertise in this area.

--Consideration of  the enhancement of ongoing efforts to establish 
electric and other energy facilities in accordance with domestic 
regulatory frameworks and, where appropriate, under sub-regional 
agreements.


*This initiative is integrally linked with the Partnership for 
Sustainable Energy Use item.

13. Telecommunications And Information Infrastructure

A country's information infrastructure--telecommunications, information 
technology, and broadcasting--is an essential component of political, 
economic, social and cultural development.  The information 
infrastructure development needs in the Americas are immense.  The 
governments of the Americas intend to meet these needs by engaging in 
multiple actions, where consistent with their respective governing laws, 
such as:  encouraging private sector investment to increase 
participation in the telecommunications and information infrastructure 
sectors; promoting competition; implementing flexible regulatory 
regimes; stimulating diversity of content, including cultural and 
linguistic diversity; providing access to information networks for 
service and information providers; and ensuring universal service, so 
that the benefits of the information infrastructure will be available to 
all members of our societies.

Governments will:

--  Engage in ongoing discussions at the international level of the 
actions referred to above and endeavor to take those actions in their 
own countries, taking account of domestic conditions and circumstances.

--  Undertake efforts to make government information more publicly 
available via electronic means.

--  Review the availability and interoperability of connections to 
international networks that facilitate trade, improve education and 
improve access to health care.

--  Encourage major universities, libraries, hospitals and government 
agencies to have access to these networks, building on the work of the 
OAS Hemisphere-Wide Inter-University Scientific and Technological 
Information Network.

--  Via the OAS Inter-American Telecommunications Commission (CITEL), 
and in coordination with the sub-regional telecommunications 
organizations, develop and carry out a work program to:


--Evaluate regulatory, technical and legal means to promote 
liberalization, common standards, interoperability of networks and 
compatible use of the radio spectrum.

--Examine ways to promote greater consistency of the certification 
processes for telecommunications equipment among member countries.

--Develop regional guidelines for the provision of international value-
added network services.

--Support a meeting by 1996, coordinated by CITEL, of senior 
telecommunications officials to conduct further discussions of the above 
actions.

14.  Cooperation in Science And Technology

There is a need to reassess the on-going interaction among the region's 
science and technology (S&T) infrastructure and cooperative mechanisms; 
to provide impetus for improved cooperation; to reduce barriers to 
collaboration; to augment the demand for technology; and to disseminate 
information about technological opportunities using new advances in 
information technology; and generally to improve communications among 
the key S&T organizations, researchers in the region, and growing 
technology-based small and medium-sized enterprises.

The commitment of the countries of the Americas to non-proliferation has 
gained new momentum with the acceptance of the international safeguard 
regime by some of our countries.  The outstanding progress achieved in 
this field is to be commended and should contribute to enhanced 
opportunities for cooperation in the area of advanced goods and 
technologies.

Governments will:

--  Convene a meeting of ministers responsible for science and 
technology in the Hemisphere within the next year to assess progress and 
to promote the Bolivar Programme and the OAS Common Market of Scientific 
and Technological Knowledge (MERCOCYT) program, to provide the necessary 
support to improve scientific partnerships and technological ventures in 
the region, and to explore the possibility of establishing a council on 
science and technology.

--  Use existing multilateral mechanisms in the region to address a wide 
number of common S&T interests, including enhanced professional 
technical training, development and implementation of national policies 
and regional programs, dissemination and standardization of science and 
technology (including metrology and other technical norms), 
environmental technology development, and more effective partnerships to 
promote learning and competitiveness.

--  Stimulate greater S&T interaction in the Hemisphere and support 
efforts already undertaken in other fora, including the Inter-American 
Institute for Global Change Research, and the International Research 
Institute for Climate Prediction. Governments will serve to advance and 
communicate new initiatives such as the Global Learning and Observations 
to Benefit the Environment (GLOBE) program.

--  Confirm their interest in participating in new initiatives driven by 
a demand from private sector and non-government interests in 
technological opportunities.

--  Confirm their national commitments to share S&T information with 
others in the Hemisphere, in accord with their respective laws, and to 
expand cooperation in scientific and environmental research.

15.  Tourism

Tourism is important to our economies and valuable in promoting 
understanding among the people of the Americas.

Governments will:

--  Undertake initiatives to stimulate tourism in the Hemisphere.


III.  ERADICATING POVERTY AND DISCRIMINATION IN OUR HEMISPHERE

Large segments of society in our Hemisphere, particularly women, 
minorities, the disabled, indigenous groups, refugees and displaced 
persons, have not been equipped to participate fully in economic life.  
Nearly one-half of the Hemisphere's population still lives in poverty.  
Expanded participation of the poor in the region's economies, access to 
productive resources, appropriate support for social safety nets and 
increased human capital investments are important mechanisms to help 
eradicate poverty.  In pursuit of these objectives, we reaffirm our 
support for the strategies contained within the "Commitment on a 
Partnership for Development and Struggle to Overcome Extreme Poverty" 
adopted by the OAS General Assembly.

The World Summit for Social Development to be held in Copenhagen in 
March 1995, as well as the United Nations World Conference on Women in 
Beijing in September 1995, will provide unique opportunities to define 
strategies to promote social integration, productive employment and the 
eradication of poverty.

16. Universal Access to Education

Universal literacy and access to education at all levels, without 
distinction by race, national origin or gender, are an indispensable 
basis for sustainable social and cultural development, economic growth 
and democratic stability.

Governments will:

--  Guarantee universal access to quality primary education, working 
with public and private sectors and non-governmental actors, and with 
the support of multinational institutions.  In particular, governments 
will seek to attain by the year 2010 a primary completion rate of 100 
per cent and a secondary enrollment rate of at least 75 per cent, and to 
prepare programs to eradicate illiteracy, prevent truancy and improve 
human resources training.

--  Promote, with the support of international financial institutions 
and the private sector, worker professional training as well as adult 
education, incorporating efforts to make such education more relevant to 
the needs of the market and employers.

--  Improve human resources training, and technical, professional and 
teacher training, which are vital for the enhancement of quality and 
equity of education within the Hemisphere.

--  Increase access to and strengthen the quality of higher education 
and promote cooperation among such institutions in producing the 
scientific and technological knowledge that is necessary for sustainable 
development.

--  Support strategies to overcome nutritional deficiencies of primary 
school children in order to enhance their learning ability.

--  Support decentralization including assurance of adequate financing    
and broad participation by parents, educators, community leaders and 
government officials in education decision-making.

--  Review existing regional and hemispheric training programs and make 
them more responsive to current needs.

--  Create a hemispheric partnership, working through existing 
organizations, to provide a consultative forum for governments, non-
governmental actors, the business community, donors, and international 
organizations to reform educational policies and focus resources more 
efficiently.

--  Urge the March 1995 World Summit for Social Development and the 
September 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women to address the issue of 
universal access to education.

17.  Equitable Access to Basic Health Services

Despite impressive gains in the Hemisphere, limitations on health 
services access and quality have resulted in persistently high child and 
maternal mortality, particularly among the rural poor and indigenous 
groups.

Governments will:

--  Endorse the maternal and child health objectives of the 1990 World 
Summit for Children, the 1994 Narino Accord and the 1994 International 
Conference on Population and Development, and reaffirm their commitment 
to reduce child mortality by one-third and maternal mortality by one-
half from 1990 levels by the year 2000.

--  Endorse a basic package of clinical, preventive and public health 
services consistent with World Health Organization, Pan American Health 
Organization (PAHO) and World Bank recommendations and with the Program 
of Action agreed to at the 1994 International Conference on Population 
and Development.  The package will address child, maternal and 
reproductive health interventions, including prenatal, delivery and 
postnatal care, family planning information and services, and HIV/AIDS 
prevention, as well as immunizations and programs combating the other 
major causes of infant mortality.  The plans and programs will be 
developed according to a mechanism to be decided upon by each country.

--  Develop or update country action plans or programs for reforms to 
achieve child, maternal and reproductive health goals and ensure 
universal, non-discriminatory access to basic services, including health 
education and preventive health care programs.  The plans and programs 
will be developed according to a mechanism to be decided upon by each 
country.  Reforms would encompass essential community-based services for 
the poor, the disabled, and indigenous groups; stronger public health 
infrastructure; alternative means of financing, managing and providing 
services; quality assurance; and greater use of non-governmental actors 
and organizations.

--  Strengthen the existing Inter-American Network on Health Economics 
and Financing, which serves as an international forum for sharing 
technical expertise, information and experience, to focus on health 
reform efforts.  The network gathers government officials, 
representatives of the private sector, non-governmental institutions and 
actors, donors and scholars for policy discussions, analysis, training 
and other activities to advance reform; strengthens national 
capabilities in this critical area; and fosters Hemisphere-wide 
cooperation.

--  Convene a special meeting of hemispheric governments with interested 
donors and international technical agencies to be hosted by the IDB, the 
World Bank and PAHO to establish the framework for health reform 
mechanisms, to define PAHO's role in monitoring the regional 
implementation of country plans and programs, and to plan strengthening 
of the network, including the cosponsors' contributions to it.

--  Take the opportunity of the annual PAHO Directing Council Meeting of 
Western Hemisphere Ministers of Health, with participation of the IDB 
and donors, to develop a program to combat endemic and communicable 
diseases as well as a program to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS, and to 
identify sources of funding. 

--  Urge the March 1995 World Summit for Social Development and the 
September 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women to address the issue of 
access to health services.

18.  Strengthening the Role Of Women in Society

The strengthening of the role of women in society is of fundamental 
importance not only for their own complete fulfillment within a 
framework of equality and fairness, but to achieve true sustainable 
development.  It is essential to strengthen policies and programs that 
improve and broaden the participation of women in all spheres of 
political, social, and economic life and that improve their access to 
the basic resources needed for the full exercise of their fundamental 
rights.  Attending to the needs of women means, to a great extent, 
contributing to the reduction of poverty and social inequalities.

Governments will:

--  Recognize and give full respect for all rights of women as an 
essential condition for their development as individuals and for the 
creation of a more just, united and peaceful society.  For that purpose, 
policies to ensure that women enjoy full legal and civil rights 
protection will be promoted.

--  Include a gender focus in development planning and cooperation 
projects and promote the fulfillment of women's potential, enhancing 
their productivity through education, training, skill development and 
employment.

--  Promote the participation of women in the decision-making process in 
all spheres of political, social and economic life.

--  Undertake appropriate measures to address and reduce violence 
against women.

--  Adopt appropriate measures to improve women's ability to earn income 
beyond traditional occupations, achieve economic self-reliance, and 
ensure women's equal access to the labor market at all employment 
levels, the social security systems, the credit system, and the 
acquisition of goods and land.

--  Cooperate fully with the recently-appointed Special Rapporteur on 
Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences, of the United 
Nations Commission on Human Rights.

--  Support and actively work to secure the success of the United 
Nations World Conference on Women that will take place in Beijing in 
September 1995.

--  Encourage, as appropriate, ratification and compliance with the 
International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of 
Discrimination Against Women and the Inter-American Convention on the 
Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women. 

--  Further strengthen the Inter-American Commission on Women.

--  Call upon regional and international financial and technical 
organizations to intensify their programs in favor of women.  Encourage 
the adoption of follow-up procedures on the national and international 
measures included in this Plan of Action.

19.  Encouraging Microenterprises And Small Businesses

Microenterprises and small businesses account for a large percentage of 
the employment of the poor, particularly women, and contribute a 
considerable percentage of the gross domestic product of our countries.  
Strengthened support for microenterprises and small businesses is a key 
component of sustainable and equitable development.

Governments will:

--  Further pursue or initiate programs of deregulation and 
administrative simplification.

--  Increase efforts to enable enterprises to obtain information on 
appropriate technologies (especially those that are environmentally 
sound), markets, processes, raw materials and management systems that 
will permit them to be more competitive in the global economy.

--  Develop programs of financial deregulation to reduce costs in credit 
transactions and strengthen the institutional capacity of the financial 
sector servicing microenterprises and small businesses, and encourage 
the active participation by multilateral and bilateral agencies, 
development banks, commercial banks and other intermediary credit 
organizations, consistent with strict performance standards.

--  Strengthen the institutions and programs that supply services and 
facilitate access to training and technical assistance to make possible 
this sector's participation in the global economy through export of its 
products and services.

--  Encourage cooperation among businesses in this sector to enable them 
to benefit from the advantages of economies of scale without losing 
their distinctive characteristics.

--  Promote the strengthening of relations among the public, private and 
mixed (public/private) institutions that support the microenterprise and 
small business sector through programs of information, training, 
technical assistance, financing and association-building, enabling this 
sector to thrive over the long term.

--  Recommend to the multilateral development organizations, especially 
the World Bank and the IDB, the establishment or fortification of funds 
and other mechanisms to support microenterprises and small businesses.

20.  White Helmets--Emergency And Development Corps

The "White Helmets Initiative" is based on the conviction that a 
concerted international effort of developing and developed countries can 
facilitate the eradication of poverty and strengthen the humanitarian 
rapid response capability of the international community to emergency 
humanitarian, social and developmental needs.

The countries of the Americas could pioneer this initiative through the 
creation of national corps of volunteers that could respond to calls 
from other countries in the region.  These national corps could 
eventually be put at the disposal of the United Nations.

Governments will on a voluntary basis:

--  Establish, organize and finance a corps of volunteers to work at the 
national level and, at the same time, be at the disposal of other 
countries of the Hemisphere and, eventually, the United Nations system, 
on a stand-by basis, for prevention, relief, rehabilitation, technical, 
social and development cooperation, with the aim to reduce the effects 
of natural disasters, social and developmental needs and emergencies.

--  Through the creation of a national corps of volunteers, be 
responsible for the following:

--Selection and training of its national volunteer corps;

--Financing of its national corps of volunteers, encouraging the 
involvement of the private sector;

--Preparedness to send specialized volunteers, on short notice and at 
the request of the United Nations, to cope with situations generated by 
or to prevent the effects of natural disasters and humanitarian 
emergencies.

--Contribute to the formation of this corps and invite private 
enterprises, foundations and regional financial institutions to do so.

--Contribute to the development of an international roster of volunteers 
to be maintained in a master plan in the United Nations to be drawn upon 
to complement the activities of existing UN mechanisms.  The IDB, OAS, 
and PAHO should be invited to participate and assist in developing this 
corps.


IV.  GUARANTEEING SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND CONSERVING OUR NATURAL 
ENVIRONMENT FOR FUTURE GENERATIONS

21. Partnership for Sustainable Energy Use*

Consistent with Agenda 21 and the Framework Convention on Climate 
Change, sustainable energy development and use promote economic 
development and address environmental concerns.  Governments and the 
private sector should promote increased access to reliable, clean, and 
least cost energy services through activities and projects that meet 
economic, social, and environmental requirements within the context of 
national sustainable development goals and national legal frameworks.

Governments will:

--  Pursue, in accordance with national legislation, least cost national 
energy strategies that consider all options, including energy 
efficiency, non-conventional renewable energy (i.e., solar, wind, 
geothermal, small hydro, and biomass), and conventional energy 
resources.  

--  Emphasize market-oriented pricing, which discourages wasteful energy 
use.

--  Identify for priority financing and development at least one 
economically viable project in each of the following areas:  non-
conventional renewable energy, energy efficiency, and clean conventional 
energy.

--  Promote, in cooperation with the private sector and rural and 
isolated communities, rural electrification programs which take into 
account where appropriate the utilization of renewable energy sources, 
in accordance with the domestic regulatory framework.

--  Seek to ratify and begin implementation of the provisions of the 
Framework Convention on Climate Change which entered into force on March 
21, 1994.

--  Encourage the World Bank and IDB to increase promptly and 
substantially, as a portion of energy lending, financing of projects in 
energy efficiency and renewable energy and financing to improve the 
environmental sustainability of conventional energy sources, in 
accordance with economic rationality.

--  Call on the multilateral financial institutions and other public and 
private financial institutions to finance regional and national programs 
in support of this action plan, such as training and exchange programs 
as well as technology cooperation, in accordance with the needs and 
conditions of receiving countries.

--  Assist with coordination and technical cooperation between 
countries, using existing regional organizations, including project 
identification and implementation, training programs, and personnel and 
information exchanges to increase capacity.

--  Promote the identification and implementation of private sector 
projects that reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

--  Convene a Sustainable Energy Symposium in the first half of 1995 to 
discuss follow-up activities relative to this initiative.  In the spirit 
of cooperation countries will share their experiences and discuss 
progress on implementing this action plan.


*This initiative is integrally linked with the Energy Cooperation item.

22.  Partnership for Biodiversity

Our Hemisphere contains over half the world's biodiversity.  To sustain 
the Hemisphere's social and economic development, we must intensify 
efforts to understand, assess, and sustainably use this living resource 
base.  We must act now to increase the technical and management capacity 
and public awareness of national and international efforts in this area.  
Agenda 21, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and other related 
international instruments recognize these needs and call for the 
conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity resources.

Governments will:

--  Seek to ensure that strategies for the conservation and sustainable 
use of biodiversity are integrated into relevant economic development 
activities including forestry, agriculture, and coastal zone management, 
taking into account the social dimension and impact of  these 
activities. 

--  Develop and implement the policies, techniques, and programs to 
assess, conserve, and sustainably use terrestrial, marine, and coastal 
biodiversity resources.

--  Seek to ratify the Convention on Biological Diversity and pursue 
opportunities for collaboration under it, and, as appropriate, other 
international and regional environmental instruments.  

--  Support democratic governmental mechanisms to engage public 
participation, particularly including members of indigenous communities 
and other affected groups, in the development of policy involving 
conservation and sustainable use of natural environments.  The forms of 
this participation should be defined by each individual country.

--  Develop national plans and programs to establish and strengthen the 
management of parks and reserves, seeking links to economic, social, and 
ecological benefits for local people.

--  Build capacity for the conservation and sustainable use of 
biodiversity, through programs on management of parks and protected 
areas, forests and wetlands management, the Small Islands Developing 
States Action Plan, the Coral Reef Initiative, CITES support projects, 
and the Caribbean Regional Marine Pollution Action Plan, among others.

--  Launch a "Decade of Discovery" to promote hemispheric technical and 
scientific cooperation and to facilitate the exchange of information 
relevant to the conservation and sustainable use of biological 
diversity.  

--  Increase support of training and education initiatives addressing 
sustainable use of biodiversity resources and foster activities by 
universities, non-governmental actors and organizations and the private 
sector to assist in the training of managers and to empower local 
communities.

--  Call on multilateral financial institutions, including the IDB and 
the Global Environment Facility, to support eligible regional and 
national projects.

--  Discuss progress on implementation of national and international 
activities described above at the 1996 Summit Conference on Sustainable 
Development in Bolivia, and at subsequent annual sustainable development 
ministerials.

23.  Partnership for Pollution Prevention

As recognized in Agenda 21, sound environmental management is an 
essential element of sustainable development.  Cooperative efforts are 
needed to develop or improve, in accordance with national legislation 
and relevant international instruments:  (1) frameworks for environment 
protection; and (2) mechanisms for implementing and enforcing 
environmental regulations.  To achieve this goal, a new partnership will 
promote cooperative activities for developing environmental policies, 
laws, and institutions; increasing technical capacity; promoting public 
awareness and public participation; continuing to pursue technological, 
financial and other forms of cooperation; and facilitating information 
exchange, including on environmentally sound technologies.  The 
activities of the partnership will build on and advance the 
implementation of international agreements and principles including 
those agreed to at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and 
Development and the 1994 Global Conference on the Sustainable 
Development of Small Island  Developing States, in areas identified as 
priorities by countries of the Hemisphere.

Governments will:

--  Strengthen and build technical and institutional capacity to address 
environmental priorities such as pesticides, lead contamination, 
pollution prevention, risk reduction, waste and sanitation issues, 
improved water and air quality, access to safe drinking water, urban 
environmental problems, and to promote public participation and 
awareness.

--  Develop and implement national action plans to phase out lead in 
gasoline.

--  Strengthen national environmental protection frameworks and 
mechanisms for implementation and enforcement, and include 
sustainability criteria and objectives in national and other development 
strategies.

--  Undertake national consultations to identify priorities for possible 
international collaboration.

--  Support democratic governmental mechanisms to engage public 
participation, particularly from members of indigenous and other 
affected communities, in the consideration of policies regarding the 
environmental impact of development projects and the design and 
enforcement of environmental laws.

--  Convene a meeting of technical experts, designated by each 
interested country, to develop a framework for cooperative partnership, 
building on existing institutions and networks to identify priority 
projects.  These projects will initially focus on (1) the health and 
environmental problems associated with the misuse of pesticides, and (2) 
the impacts of lead contamination from gasoline and other sources.  
Subsequent activities could address waste, air, water quality, marine 
pollution from ships and other sources, and problems associated with 
urbanization.

--  Promote the participation of organizations, such as the IDB, MIF, 
the World Bank, PAHO, the OAS, and non-governmental actors and 
organizations, as appropriate, to finance, develop and implement 
priority projects.

--  Develop environmental policies and laws with the goal of ensuring 
that economic integration of the region occurs in an environmentally 
sustainable manner.

--  Establish mechanisms for cooperation among government agencies, 
including in the legal and enforcement areas, to facilitate 
environmental information exchange, technology cooperation and capacity-
building.

--  Develop compatible environmental laws and regulations, at high 
levels of environmental protection, and promote the implementation of 
international environmental agreements.

--  Discuss progress on implementation of international and national 
activities described above at the 1996 Summit Conference on Sustainable 
Development in Bolivia and at subsequent annual sustainable development 
ministerials.


Appendix

The primary responsibility for implementing this Plan of Action falls to 
governments, individually and collectively, with participation of all 
elements of our civil societies.

Existing organizations or institutions are called upon to implement the 
package of initiatives that has emerged from this Summit of the 
Americas.  In many instances we have proposed that specific issues be 
examined by meetings of ministers, senior officials or experts.  We are 
also proposing that some of these initiatives be carried out in 
partnerships between the public and private sector.  Wanting to benefit 
from existing hemispheric mechanisms, and considering the various 
proposals included in this Plan of Action, we offer the following 
recommendations, which shall not impede any government from approaching 
other institutions not cited herein, as appropriate.

I.  Principal Initiatives in Which International Organizations And 
Institutions Will Be Involved

A)  The OAS will have a paramount role in following up on the various 
decisions of this Summit meeting.  Regarding the Plan of Action, the OAS 
has a particularly important supporting role in connection with the 
following:

--  Strengthening Democracy

--  Promoting and Protecting Human Rights

--  Combating Corruption

--  Eliminating the Threat of National and International Terrorism

--  Building Mutual Confidence

--  Free Trade in the Americas 

--  Telecommunications and Information Infrastructure


The Action Plan also envisages roles for the OAS in the following areas:

--  Promoting Cultural Values

--  Combating the Problem of Illegal Drugs and Related Crimes

--  Cooperation in Science and Technology

--  Strengthening the Role of Women in Society

--  Partnership for Pollution Prevention


B)  We call on the Inter-American Development Bank to support the 
activities specified in this Plan of Action.  The policies agreed in the 
recently completed augmentation of its capital and replenishment of the 
Fund for Special Operations already move in the directions identified 
and should receive special emphasis.  The IDB has a particularly 
important role in connection with the following:

--  Universal Access to Education

--  Equitable Access to Basic Health Services

--  Encouraging Microenterprises and Small Businesses

--  Partnership for Sustainable Energy Use

--  Partnership for Biodiversity

--  Partnership for Pollution Prevention


In addition, the Action Plan envisages roles for the IDB and its 
affiliates in the following areas:

--  Promoting and Protecting Human Rights

--  Invigorating Society/Community Participation

--  Promoting Cultural Values

--  Combating Corruption

--  Combating the Problem of Illegal Drugs and Related Crimes

--  Free Trade in the Americas

--  Capital Markets Development and Liberalization

--  Hemispheric Infrastructure

--  Cooperation in Science and Technology

--  White Helmets--Emergency and Development Corps


C)   Other international organizations, notably ECLAC and PAHO in the 
Hemisphere, as well as the World Bank and all agencies of the UN system 
active in the Hemisphere, are called upon to assist in the 
implementation of the action items where appropriate.

II.  High-Level Meetings

The following high level meetings and conferences are called for to 
carry out the mandates emanating from the Summit:

--  Summit Conference on Sustainable Development (Bolivia, 1996) with 
follow-on Annual Ministerials

--  Ministerial Conference on Combating Money Laundering (preceded by 
working level meeting)

--  Conference of Donors for Alternative Development Programs to Curb 
Narcotics Trafficking

--  Global Counter-Narcotics Conference

--  Special OAS Conference on Combating Terrorism

--  Regional Conference on Confidence-Building Measures (Chile, 1995)

--  Meetings of Ministers Responsible for Trade (June 1995, March 1996)

--  Meeting of Committee on Hemispheric Financial Issues

--  Hemispheric Meeting on Development of Energy Industries (first 
semester 1995)

--  Meeting of Ministers Responsible for Science and Technology (1995)

--  Meeting Between Governments and Donors/Technical Agencies to 
Establish Health Reform Mechanisms

--  Sustainable Energy Symposium (first half of 1995)

III.  Initiatives in Which Public And Private Sector Partnerships Play 
an Important Role


--  Strengthening Democracy

--  Promoting and Protecting Human Rights

--  Invigorating Society/Community Participation

--  Promoting Cultural Values

--  Combating Corruption

--  Hemispheric Infrastructure

--  Cooperation in Science and Technology

--  Universal Access to Education

--  Equitable Access to Basic Health Services

--  Encouraging Microenterprises and Small Businesses

--  White Helmets--Emergency and Development Corps

--  Partnership for Sustainable Energy Use

--  Partnership for Biodiversity

--  Partnership for Pollution Prevention  

(###)



ARTICLE 9:

U.S., Central America Sign CONCAUSA Declaration  
President Clinton, Vice President Gore,  Costa Rican President Figueres,  
Guatemalan President De Leon Carpio

Remarks at signing of CONCAUSA Declaration, Miami, Florida,  December 
10, 1994

Vice President Gore.  President Figueres, President Chamorro, President 
De Leon, Prime Minister Esquivel, President Reina, President Calderon 
Sol, President Perez Balladares, President Clinton, distinguished 
guests, ladies and gentlemen:  It is a special pleasure for me to 
witness the signing of the CONCAUSA today.  This ceremony is the result 
of many months of hard work by many people, both in Central America and 
the United States.  Fundamentally, though, it is the vision and 
determination of the leaders of Central America that has brought us here 
today.

Under the leadership of President De Leon, this group came to the White 
House early in President Clinton's term and issued a proposal about 
which there was much negotiation, much conversation, and into which was 
put much hard work.  It resulted in a Central American summit meeting 
earlier this year in Managua--hosted by President Chamorro--and further 
negotiations.

The agreement that is about to be signed is a historic development.  I 
congratulate you.  And as someone who has the honor of calling each of 
these individuals a friend, it gives me satisfaction to see this take 
place, because with this signing, the peoples of Central America and the 
United States begin an entirely new phase in our relationship--one based 
on friendship, cooperative action, and the shared objectives of the 
Central American Alliance for Sustainable Development.

As President Clinton said yesterday, sustainable development must be 
more than simply buzzwords.  Together, through the Central American 
alliance and CONCAUSA, we can make it a reality, starting today.

It gives me great pleasure to present the person who has made this 
possible for our country, the President of the United States, Bill 
Clinton.  

President Clinton.  Thank you very much, Mr. Vice President.  To my 
colleagues, the leaders of the Central American nations, I am very 
pleased to join you today in signing the Conjunta Centroamerica-USA--or 
in shorthand, CONCAUSA.  The United States is proud to become a partner 
in your alliance to promote sustainable economic growth.  This 
declaration is the product of farsighted leadership by the nations of 
Central America.  

A little over a year ago, when I hosted many of you at the White House, 
you proposed to establish an Alliance for Sustainable Development.  Just 
nine months later, you made good on your pledge.  This alliance is a 
remarkable sign of the powerful transformation you have achieved in 
Central America.  You have demonstrated strength and energy in bringing 
your people together to resolve conflicts peacefully, and turning your 
attention to creating new economic opportunity in your nations.

As the Vice President said, this alliance is already demonstrating that 
democracy, economic growth, and concern for the environment are 
complementary goals.  Now, through CONCAUSA, all our nations will 
cooperate on a wide range of concrete programs.  These include 
supporting protected areas from northern Guatemala to eastern Panama, 
phasing out the use of lead in gasoline, and strengthening environmental 
laws and enforcement.

We will also work to harmonize environmental rules to facilitate trade 
and investment.  And I am committed to seeking prompt congressional 
passage of the interim trade program.  

Your Excellencies, the United States is proud to join your partnership 
to promote sustainable development.  This is a new day of cooperation 
between the United States and Central America, and we urge other nations 
to follow our lead.  So many of the challenges we face know no borders, 
and we must unite to meet them.  

Now I'd like to invite to the microphone the current chair of the 
Central American nations, President Figueres.

President Figueres.  Colleagues, Presidents, Madame President, Mr. Prime 
Minister, Mr. Vice President:  We Central Americans stand before you 
today united.  We are now in a situation of peace and consolidation of 
our democracies.

We are in a new era.  This is a time of development, but it is a time of 
special development, sustainable development.  It is a time in which we 
emphasize the social aspects of our development for the welfare of all 
our people.  It is a time for macroeconomic balance--a balance that will 
lead to investment from foreign countries and also more savings 
domestically.  We are all in favor of nature and taking care of our 
natural resources to give these resources added value for the use of 
future generations.  

Thanks to President Clinton, the leaders of Central America meet here 
again today.  We meet with President Clinton to sign CONCAUSA, to share 
a new time of ideals and areas that we will be developing in the future.  

Central America is a world power--a world power in the field of 
biodiversity.  We are celebrating today three very important events.  We 
are signing a document with friends, with friends such as the United 
States.  Also, Canada announced today $1.5 million for councils of 
sustainable development.  Also, we are celebrating the money that has 
been pledged by the Global Environmental Facility and by the Inter-
American Development Bank--the first, for $15 million; the second, for 
$25 million--making a total of $40 million for projects in sustainable 
development.

The results that we see before us today have been the result of the 
efforts of the entire Central American family and the Central American 
family's friends.  I want to thank President De Leon Carpio very 
specially for this effort that he proposed and which has borne its 
fruits today, and I also want to wish him all success in the process of 
peace which is now going on in his country. President De Leon Carpio.  
Colleagues, Presidents, Madame President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Vice 
President, ladies and gentlemen:  What was only an idea a year ago is 
today becoming a reality, a reality which is actually a beginning.

The Alliance for Sustainable Development is an initiative of Central 
America.  It is part of our new agenda for the region, an agenda which 
up to now has been dominated by our efforts in the field of democracy, 
peace, and reconciliation.  In order to transform our region to a model 
of sustainable development, it is necessary to have full social 
participation.  But at the same time, it is necessary to have the 
understanding of the international community.

In the design of this initiative, we wanted to improve the life of all 
our people--quality of life socially, politically, and economically.  In 
order to implement this alliance, we require the coordination of all 
efforts in order to achieve growth with justice.  And, as a consequence, 
we are also implementing our efforts in order to achieve diversity 
culturally and socially.  And this can only be done with the full 
cooperation of society, working together with nature for future 
generations.  The bases of the alliance are democracy, sociocultural 
development, and proper management of natural resources in peace.  

We are very pleased to receive the support of the United States 
Government--our first partner in this effort.  We hope that the support 
we have received now in the signing of CONCAUSA strengthens the 
relationship between the Government of the United States and the 
governments of Central America, and thus, furthers the cooperation that 
we are able to achieve in our relationship, and that we are also able to 
get the support of other nations in the world.

I'm sure that if we take on the commitments embodied in the Alliance for 
Sustainable Development, our nations will be able to live in peace and 
prosperity for many catunes--which is a Mayan term equal to 52 years.  
And the only thing I can say now on this historic occasion and on this 
day is to invite the President and the Vice President of the United 
States to sign CONCAUSA, along with the heads of state of Central 
America.  Thank you very much.  [CONCAUSA is signed.]   

(###)



ARTICLE 10:

CONCAUSA Declaration and Action Plan
Text of declaration signed following a meeting between the U.S. and 
Central American Governments, Miami, Florida, December 10, 1994.

The Central American Governments, meeting on October 12, 1994 in 
Managua, signed the Alliance for Sustainable Development.  The Alliance 
is a national and regional strategy, aimed at making the Central 
American isthmus a region of peace, liberty, democracy and development, 
which promotes a change in individual and societal attitudes in order to 
assure the construction of a development model which is sustainable in 
political, economic, social, cultural and environmental terms.

Furthermore, the Central American Governments consider trade promotion 
vital, under adequate conditions, as an integral part of sustainable 
development, making its benefits accessible to all the member countries 
of the Alliance.

The development of this model will bring about respect for the inherent 
dignity of all people and promotion of their rights; respect for nature; 
continuing improvement in the quality of life and a rationalization of 
our patterns of consumption and production given our ethnic and cultural 
diversity.  In this context, we are pleased to note today marks the 
beginning of the International Decade of the World's Indigenous People.

At the Ecological Summit in Managua and the International Conference on 
Peace and Development in Tegucigalpa October 24-25, 1994, the leaders of 
the Central American countries invited the international community to 
join them in the achievement of the goals of the Alliance.

The Government of the United States is pleased to accept this invitation 
and thus to become the first extraregional partner in this visionary 
initiative.  CONCAUSA offers the opportunity to share in Central 
American efforts to achieve solid sustainable economic development 
conserving the vitality and diversity of the earth to benefit present 
and future generations.

The Governments of the United States and Central America declare their 
political commitment to achieve the objectives of the Alliance for 
Sustainable Development, as established in the attached Action Plan 
which forms an integral part of this Declaration.  We seek to support 
jointly, among others, the following objectives:  promotion of clean and 
efficient use of energy; identification, conservation and sustainable 
use of the incomparable biodiversity of the region; and strengthening of 
institutional and legal framework and compliance mechanisms, and 
improvement and harmonization of environmental protection standards.

The attainment of the goals described in this Declaration and its Action 
Plan will require a process of ongoing dialogue and action.  Therefore, 
representatives of the Governments intend to meet periodically, at least 
once a year, to evaluate the advances achieved and to consider new areas 
of common interest.

Finally, the Governments of the United States and Central America 
recognize the importance of the participation of all our people to 
achieve the objectives of the Alliance, as well as the importance of 
international financial support to guarantee the success of this 
initiative.

Done at Miami, Florida, on December 10, 1994, in the English and Spanish 
languages.

Manuel Esquivel
Prime Minister, Belize

Jose Maria Figueres Olsen
President, Republic of Costa Rica

Armando Calderon Sol
President, Republic of El Salvador

Ramiro De Leon Carpio
President, Republic of Guatemala

Carlos Roberto Reina Idiaquez
President, Republic of Honduras

Violeta Barrios De Chamorro
President, Republic of Nicaragua

Ernesto Perez Balladares
President, Republic of Panama

William Jefferson Clinton
President, United States of America


Annex:  Action Plan

In order to implement the CONCAUSA Declaration, the Central American 
Governments and the Government of the United States declare their 
political commitment to cooperate in the following areas within Central 
America: 


I.  Conservation of Biodiversity For the United States Government:

--  Provide support for the consolidation of national systems of 
protected areas.

--  Support the development of national biodiversity strategies, and the 
preparation of biodiversity inventories. 

--  Support the exploration of opportunities to strengthen national ex-
situ conservation.

--  Promote the participation of indigenous people in decisions that 
affect the conservation and sustainable use of the biodiversity of 
Central America.

--  Support strengthening programs for the conservation and sustainable 
use of coral reefs and other coastal and marine ecosystems.

--  Provide support for improvement and coordination of geographical 
information systems at the national and regional levels. 

--  Facilitate improved access to existing biodiversity information 
networks in the United States. 

--  Support institutional strengthening of governmental and non-
governmental agencies responsible for the management of biodiversity.

--  Provide support for the design and development of both formal and 
informal education programs in environment and sustainable production, 
with priority given to expanding the region's knowledge about its 
natural resources. 

--  Work actively to obtain support within the Global Environment 
Facility (GEF), the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development (IBRD), the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), and 
others, for appropriate development of natural resource and biodiversity 
projects.

--  Provide training of professionals interested in biodiversity 
conservation and management of natural resources, including local 
training, workshops, and scholarships to institutions in Central America 
and the United States. 

--  Provide support for development and implementation of programs to 
fight and prevent forest fires. 

--  Continue to work with the Central American countries in the analysis 
of national policies affecting natural resources and promoting of the 
reform of laws and regulations necessary for policy implementation.

--  Provide support for strengthening national programs for 
reforestation, forestry management, and fuelwood plantations. 

--  Develop partnerships between national forest systems in the United 
States and Central America. 

--  Provide support for the systematic monitoring of changes in:  the 
advance of the agricultural frontier, forest inventories, coastal zones, 
land-use, marine currents, and climate, as well as technical training in 
the analysis of satellite information and support for the establishment 
of satellite imagery communication networks among United States and 
Central American centers.

--  Provide support for developing better methodologies and pilot 
activities in the management of the buffer zones of priority protected 
areas in the Central American region. 

--  Provide support for programs investigating the impact of global 
change on the region's biodiversity.

For the Central American Governments: 


--  Support the active participation of Central American scientists and 
natural resource managers in data sharing, training, and exchange of 
information necessary for the effective management monitoring of 
biodiversity and the potential effects of global climate change. 

--  Promote the ratification of the Central American Biodiversity 
Agreement. 

--  Promote upward harmonization of a common legal and regulatory 
framework relative to the environment for the region, including revision 
and enforcement of laws and regulations that affect protected areas and 
the contiguous buffer zones, and that promote the sustainable use of 
biodiversity. 

--  Establish and develop national protected-areas systems to 
consolidate biological corridors. 

--  Continue the development and implementation of regional cooperation 
programs in biodiversity conservation. 

--  Assure the protection and management of priority reserves and 
protected areas, including wetlands of the region. 

--  Strengthen technically and financially the Central American 
Commission for Environment and Development (CCAD). 

--  Promote the participation of indigenous people in decisions that 
affect the conservation and sustainable use of the biodiversity of 
Central America.

--  Implement the following actions: sign, promote the ratification of, 
and create the institutional capacity for the execution of important 
global and regional biodiversity agreements that affect Central America, 
such as the Biodiversity Convention, the Western Hemisphere Convention, 
the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES), the 
Ramsar Convention of Wetlands, the International Network of Biosphere 
Reserves, the Cartagena Convention for the Marine Environment of the 
Wider Caribbean Region, and the Central American Forest Convention. 


II.  Energy 

For the United States Government:

--  Support a program of capacity-building and exchange of experiences 
regarding the policy definition, regulation, and contractual issues 
related to the participation of the private sector and local governments 
in the energy sector. 

--  Identify sources of private and public funding that could support a 
program of capacity-building and exchange of experiences in integrated 
resource planning.  This will include funding to support technical 
assistance from the Department of Energy national laboratories, electric 
utilities, and the private sector.  A subset of this activity will be 
technical assistance in capacity-building on the subject of 
internalizing environmental costs in energy projects. 

--  Provide funding for at least three years, beginning in late 1994 or 
early 1995, for two full-time advisors to the IDB, one a specialist in 
energy efficiency and the other a specialist in renewable energy. 

--  Work with the Central American Governments in the design and 
presentation of a proposal for grant funds to appropriate public and 
private financing entities for (a) training in energy planning and (b) 
project preparation, and investment funds for project financing for 
renewable energy and energy efficiency in the region.  The project 
preparation and investment funds should be channeled through existing 
NGOs and foundations with experience in fiscally and environmentally 
sound energy efficiency and renewable energy projects. 

--  Work with the Central American public and private sectors to 
identify public or private financing institutions whose staffs could 
benefit from information exchange regarding renewable energy or energy 
efficiency relevant to possible investments in Central America, and 
provide funds to support such exchange. 

--  Allow and encourage the Environmental Enterprises Assistance Fund, 
which makes loans and equity investments in environmental businesses and 
projects, to use its USAID funds to expand its activities from Costa 
Rica to all of Central America, as a follow-up on the activities 
supported by the pre-investment funding mechanisms in the region.

--  Collaborate with the "Renewable Energy in the Americas" Secretariat 
and others to assure that all efforts are coordinated to provide maximum 
benefit to the countries of Central America. 

--  Promote the channeling of resources to invest in renewable energy 
and efficiency projects with the goal of funding the development of an 
installed capacity of 100 MW in each country of the region or the 
applicable increase in capacity, in three years.  Said promotion 
activity will focus on channeling investment funds from public and 
private financial entities.

--   Facilitate the development of joint implementation projects that 
will encourage the following:  market deployment of greenhouse gas-
reducing technologies, including energy efficiency and renewable energy 
technologies; education and training programs; increased diversification 
of energy sources; conservation, restoration, and enhancement of forest 
carbon sinks, especially in areas that promote biodiversity conservation 
and ecosystem protection; reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and 
other pollution; and the exchange of information regarding sustainable 
forestry and energy technologies.

This collaboration will provide the basis for an accessible 
international system for the development of joint implementation 
projects that is sensitive to environmental, social and economic 
development, and that will promote cooperation between the United States 
and Central American Governments, the private sector, NGOs and other 
entities.  This cooperation will establish the basis for Statements of 
Intent for Bilateral Sustainable Development, Cooperation and Joint 
Implementation between the Central American countries and the United 
States.

--  Co-sponsor and co-fund a Central American workshop to discuss the 
potential contribution of joint implementation projects to the Framework 
Convention on Climate Change, and opportunities for investment under the 
United States Initiative on Joint Implementation. 

For the Central American Governments: 


--  Establish, as soon as possible, policy and regulatory reform that 
will increase the participation of the private sector in the electricity 
subsector, and that will ensure reliable service and rational energy 
pricing. 

--  Invite public and private financial institutions to work with the 
region's appropriate NGO, public and private sector authorities to 
identify prudent investments in energy efficiency and renewable energy 
with the goals of significantly increasing the historic levels of 
investment in those fields. 

--  Promote the ratification and implementation of the Framework 
Convention on Climate Change, including the preparation of greenhouse 
gas inventories. 

--  Facilitate the development of joint implementation projects which 
will encourage the following:  market deployment of greenhouse gas-
reducing technologies, including energy efficiency and renewable energy 
technologies; education and training programs; increased diversification 
of energy sources; conservation, restoration, and enhancement of forest 
carbon sinks, especially in areas that promote biodiversity conversation 
and ecosystem protection; reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and 
other pollution; and the exchange of information regarding sustainable 
forestry and energy technologies. 

--  Identify, as soon as possible, an official governmental contact for 
the development of joint implementation projects. 

--  Appoint official representatives to attend Central American 
workshops on joint implementation. 

For Both the United States and the Central American Governments: 

--  Participate in Session XI of the Inter-Governmental Negotiating 
Committee for the Framework Convention on Climate Change, and 
participate in and support the establishment of an international pilot 
initiative on joint implementation that will:

-- be open to all parties; 

-- be voluntary and cooperative; 

-- be focused on information exchange and rapid development of effective 
international criteria for joint implementation; 

-- allow for the evaluation of individual projects by involved 
governments and private entities; and 

-- be open to external verification of projects by qualified third 
parties.


III.  Environmental Legislation For the United States Government:

--  Provide support for the Central American Governments in their 
efforts to: 

-- establish or strengthen a network of experts in environmental 
legislation in Central America in order to prepare proposals for 
comprehensive environmental legislation that will set standards for high 
levels of environmental protection; 

-- establish a regional network for cooperation among the institutions 
that promote and enforce compliance with environmental legislation; 

-- design and enhance Central American efforts to develop environmental 
standards to improve pesticide use and management and gradually 
eliminate lead from the gasoline consumed in Central America; 

-- build the management capacity of environmental agencies in the 
region; 

-- strengthen enforcement of and compliance with environmental 
legislation, which includes training of legal authorities and NGOs, 
institutional strengthening of those entities that are responsible for 
the application of environmental legislation, as well as teaching about 
and disseminating information on environmental laws to the public; and 

-- prepare an analysis of the legal framework for the energy sector 
which will serve as the basis for the modernization and possible 
harmonization of the legal framework for the sector. 

--  Work with the Central American countries in seeking a common focus 
to strengthen mechanisms aimed at implementing the Prior Informed 
Consent procedure (PIC) prior to importation of pesticides. 

--  Consider providing assistance for the efficient application of the 
legislation related to the other matters of the Alliance for Sustainable 
Development.  This assistance will be defined in the context of the 
evolutionary process within the framework of the Alliance.

For the Central American Governments: 

--  Pursue policy and regulatory reform to develop compatible 
environmental laws and regulations at the regional level that establish 
high levels of environmental protection and effective regulatory 
application and compliance regimes. 

--  Cooperate with the United States Government in establishing a 
network of experts in environmental legislation and an inter-
institutional network to cooperate in the application and compliance of 
environmental law. 

--  Prepare experts in environmental legislation and compliance and 
application of the law to support the activities of these two networks. 

--  Promote and develop ample opportunities for the general public to 
participate in the preparation of proposals for environmental laws and 
regulations and their implementation. 

--  Gradually eliminate lead from gasoline. 

--  Establish, jointly with the United States, a set of integrated 
principles to direct cooperative work on regulatory development, 
including efforts to regulate the safe use of pesticides and to protect 
the population from exposure to lead. 


IV.  Sustainable Economic Development For the United States Government: 

--  Press as vigorously as possible, as soon as the new Congress is 
seated in January 1995, to win passage of the Interim Trade Program. 

--  Provide advice, as appropriate, to regional organizations in order 
to implement, at a Central American level, a program for sustainable 
development to support biodiversity, energy, environmental legislation, 
and eventually other areas of the Alliance for Sustainable Development 
as agreed.  This would include assisting in developing proposals for 
multilateral funding from appropriate sources such as the GEF, the IBRD, 
the IDB, and the IDB/Multilateral Investment Fund. 

--    Continue the dialogue to identify possible innovative financing 
mechanisms. 

--  Assure that its bilateral and regional assistance programs support 
the objectives of the Alliance. 

--   Support, where appropriate, the countries of the region in the 
promotion of the Alliance before regional and international fora and 
institutions, as well as other initiatives of assistance to Central 
America. 

--  Recognizing the expressed interest of the Central American countries 
in exploring possibilities for environmental labelling of key export 
products and the potential value of voluntary eco-labelling programs to 
create and increase demand for green products, join with the Central 
American Governments to hold a series of public workshops and 
discussions about eco-labelling.

For the Central American Governments: 

--  Develop a Central America-wide program for sustainable development, 
including the preparation of proposals for multilateral funding from 
appropriate sources such as the GEF, the IBRD, the IDB, and the 
IDB/Multilateral Investment Fund. 

--  Make the necessary efforts to raise the rates of economic growth in 
order to reduce poverty levels and guarantee the social and political 
sustainability of the processes of peace and development in the region. 

--  Direct increased resources toward sustainable development programs 
and projects, including support for, or co-financing of, collaborative 
projects undertaken within the Alliance framework. 

--  Support the development of adequate environmental infrastructure 
including environmental regulations and their implementation. 

--  Cooperate with local producers in the adoption of clean technologies 
for eco-friendly production, and explore ways in which this process can 
be supported by multilateral development banks and other outside 
organizations. 

--  Join with the United States to hold a series of public workshops and 
discussions about eco-labelling.

Implementation of this Plan of Action shall be subject to the 
availability of resources and the domestic legal requirements of the 
respective governments. 

(###)



ARTICLE 11:

Statement by President Clinton, Canadian Prime Minister Chretien, 
Chilean President Frei, and Mexican President Zedillo

Released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Miami, 
Florida, December 11, 1995.

The Americas have seen a flourishing of trade, investment, and growth 
built on the strength of our economies.  All of our countries have 
contributed to this success and are determined to ensure that it 
continues and is expanded through concrete action.  The Summit of the 
Americas is, in fact, indicative of the hemisphere's commitment to take 
concrete action to achieve higher standards of living.  We seek in this 
hemisphere to expand market opportunities through equitable rules and to 
eliminate barriers to trade and investment through agreed disciplines at 
high levels.  This approach, coupled with policies that address the 
conditions of labor and protection of the environment, will be pillars 
of a new partnership in the Americas.

Today, we are announcing our decision to begin the process by which 
Chile will accede to the North American Free Trade Agreement--NAFTA.  To 
this end, trade officials from the NAFTA partners have been directed to 
undertake the preparations necessary to begin formal negotiations, 
including focusing on relevant technical procedures and institutional 
issues.  In light of the high priority that we place on this intensive 
preparatory phase, we have agreed that the first preparatory meeting 
shall occur before the end of December 1994, and that meetings with 
Chile will follow early next year.  We have also instructed our 
ministers responsible for trade to meet and review the work of the 
officials by no later than May 31, 1995, and to commence full accession 
negotiations expeditiously thereafter.

In launching this effort, we reaffirm that increased trade, integration, 
and investment on the basis of agreed rules are vital to achieving 
sustainable growth and the creation of high-paying employment 
opportunities in each country.  We believe this action, combined with 
the other actions relevant  to this summit, is a clear indication of the 
determination we have to achieve a prosperous Americas.

Announcement by President Clinton

Released by the White House, Office  of the Press Secretary, Miami, 
Florida, December 11, 1995.

Mr. Prime Minister, President Zedillo, President Frei:  I would like to 
begin my remarks by expressing my appreciation on behalf of the United 
States   to the leaders and the people of Mexico and Canada for being 
such good partners in NAFTA this last year.  This has been a very, very 
good deal for the United States of America.

Beginning with our agreement with Canada and with our completion of the 
NAFTA agreement, we have seen a substantial increase in trade and an 
increase in jobs--good-paying jobs--for the American people.  In the 
last year alone, we estimate that 100,000 jobs have been added to the 
American economy because of increased trade opportunities flowing 
directly out of NAFTA.  We have a 500% increase in exports of automobile 
products to Mexico alone in the last year because of NAFTA.

So, while I think this is good for the world and good for our region, I 
want to begin by saying a special thank you, because this agreement and 
the good faith that has been followed in adhering to it have been good 
for the working families of the United States.

The second thing I would like to do is to say how very proud I am that 
we are welcoming Chile to the NAFTA partnership.  This is a country, 
like our three countries, that has benefited from disciplined and 
responsible economic leadership.  Chile has high economic growth and low 
inflation, has virtually extinguished its foreign debt, and has done so 
while manifesting a commitment to the labor and environmental standards 
and to the welfare of the people of Chile that are embedded in our 
commitments in NAFTA.  So Chile is an ideal partner.

I think you could see from the comments of the Prime Minister of Canada 
and the President of Mexico, we are actually quite proud to be entering 
this partnership.

I think, furthermore, that this agreement we announce today will be 
further proof of our intentions, our serious intentions, to complete the 
free trade agreement for all the Americas by 2005.  That is what we 
agreed to do in this summit, and this should be evidence that we intend 
to accelerate the process; we intend to keep working.

Let me say again on behalf of the United States, NAFTA is a good deal 
for us; it will be a better deal with Chile in it.  And we are honored 
to be in  partnership with a country that shares our values and that has 
demonstrated that it can succeed by doing the right things and doing 
them well in a free society. 

(###)



ARTICLE 12:

Fact Sheet:  Summit of the Americas

An Unprecedented Hemispheric Meeting

The Summit of the Americas, hosted by President Clinton in Miami, 
Florida, December 9-11, 1994, was attended by all 34 democratically 
elected leaders of the Western Hemisphere.  It was the largest Western 
Hemisphere summit in history and the first to be attended solely by 
representatives of democratic governments.  Only Cuba, where democracy 
is still denied, was not represented.  The Miami summit was the first 
general meeting of hemispheric leaders since the summit at Punta del 
Este, Uruguay, in 1967.  It was the first hemispheric summit hosted by 
the United States and the first to include Canada.

A Hemispheric Consensus

The Summit of the Americas confirmed and reinforced an extraordinary 
consensus on values and objectives among the 34 democratic governments 
of the Americas.  Reflecting dramatic and very positive changes that 
have taken place throughout Latin America and the Caribbean in recent 
years, the summit marked a historic passage to a new era.  The pledge of 
the 34 governments to negotiate the "Free Trade Area of the Americas" by 
2005 was only one of a broad spectrum of important and very specific 
political commitments designed to preserve and strengthen democracy and 
enhance prosperity and the quality of life in the hemisphere.

These commitments, and the new hemispheric consensus, are set forth in 
the two summit documents--the Declaration of Principles, which outlines 
the broad objectives of a  hemispheric Partnership for Development and 
Prosperity, and the Plan of Action, which sets forth specific actions 
the summit governments pledge to take to implement the commitments in 
the declaration.  These documents, exceptional for their clarity, 
specificity, and comprehensiveness, establish a bold political, 
economic, and environmental agenda for the rest of the 20th century and 
beyond.

The Declaration of Principles

The Declaration of Principles, signed by all 34 leaders on December 11, 
1994, records their views and broad political commitments in four vital 
areas:  

1) Preserving and strengthening the community of democracies of the 
Americas. The hemispheric leaders recognized democracy as the sole 
political system that guarantees respect for human rights and the rule 
of law.  They pledged to preserve and strengthen their democratic 
systems and to fight corruption, illegal narcotics, and terrorism.  The 
leaders set the goal of better meeting the needs of their population, 
especially the needs of women and the most vulnerable groups.

2) Promoting prosperity through economic integration and free trade. The 
leaders made a historic pledge to construct the "Free Trade Area of the 
Americas," with negotiations to be concluded no later than 2005.  They 
stressed the importance of free trade and investment for growth in the 
hemisphere, and they stated that they would encourage investment by 
cooperating to build more open, transparent, and integrated markets.  To 
advance economic integration and free trade, they promised to work to 
create a hemispheric infrastructure. 

3) Eradicating poverty and discrimination in the hemisphere. The leaders 
pledged to work to improve access to quality education and primary 
health care and to eradicate poverty and illiteracy.  They promised to 
focus their energies on improving the exercise of democratic rights and 
the access to social services by indigenous people and their 
communities.  They acknowledged their common interest in creating 
employment opportunities that improve the incomes, wages, and working 
conditions of all their people.  They stressed the need to strengthen 
the role of women in all aspects of political, social, and economic 
life.

4) Guaranteeing sustainable development and conserving the natural 
environment for future generations. The leaders pledged to create 
cooperative partnerships to strengthen their capacity to prevent and 
control pollution; to protect ecosystems and use their biological 
resources on a sustainable basis; and to encourage clean, efficient, and 
sustainable energy production. 

The Plan of Action

The Plan of Action, appended to the Declaration of Principles and 
endorsed by the leaders in that document, outlines specific 
implementation plans under 23 initiatives, which include over 150 
separate action items.  The titles of the initiatives, keyed to the four 
sections of the declaration, are listed in the box on page 32.

Implementation of the Summit Decisions

In the appendix to the Plan of Action, the hemispheric leaders noted 
that the primary responsibility for implementing the summit decisions 
falls to governments, and they proposed that many specific issues be 
examined by meetings of ministers, senior officials, and experts.  In 
addition, they called on existing organizations, notably the 
Organization of American States (OAS) and the Inter-American Development 
Bank, to assist governments in implementing the Plan of Action.  They 
also proposed that some of the initiatives be carried out in 
partnerships between the public and private sectors.

Speaking in Miami at the time of the summit, Secretary Christopher noted 
that foreign ministers have a special responsibility to ensure that the 
summit initiatives are implemented.  He and his hemispheric colleagues 
agreed to review implementation on the margins of the OAS ministerial 
meeting in June 1995--and to conduct an analogous review in 1996.  On 
March 6, 1995, summit governments established a Summit Implementation 
Review Group (SIRG), which held its first meeting on that date.  The 
purpose of the SIRG is to monitor summit implementation and report to 
foreign ministers.  Although the SIRG is open to any summit government, 
it can also meet as a core group representing the hemisphere rather than 
as a group of the whole.

The summit has already set in train a multitude of actions with specific 
objectives, e.g., a 10-nation telecommunications meeting, a hemispheric 
conference on money laundering, a meeting of summit governments on 
phasing out leaded gasoline, active consideration by summit governments 
of a hemispheric anti-corruption convention, and preparations for a 
meeting of ministers responsible for trade and for a hemispheric Trade 
and Commerce Forum, both to be held in Denver in the summer of 1995.

Chilean Accession to NAFTA

On December 11 in Miami, President Clinton, Canadian Prime Minister 
Chretien, and Mexican President Zedillo, accompanied by Chilean 
President Frei, invited Chile to begin the process to join NAFTA.  Since 
the summit, the NAFTA partners have met several times to prepare for 
Chile's accession negotiations, which will be launched in June 1995.  )

[BOX]

I convened this Summit of the Americas with three clear goals in mind:  

--  First, to open new markets and create a free trade area throughout 
our hemisphere;  

--  Second, to strengthen this remarkable movement to democracy; and 

--   Third, to bring together our nations to improve the quality of life 
for all of our people.

If we are successful, the summit will lead to more jobs, opportunity, 
and prosperity for our children and for generations to come.  We will 
have launched a new partnership for prosperity.

--President Clinton speaking in Miami on the goals of the summit, 
December 9, 1994  


[BOX]

Plan of Action Initiatives

I. Preserving and Strengthening the Community of Democracies of the 
Americas

1. Strengthening Democracy

2. Promoting and Protecting Human Rights

3. Invigorating Society/Community Participation

4. Promoting Cultural Values

5. Combating Corruption

6. Combating the Problem of Illegal Drugs and Related Crimes

7. Eliminating the Threat of National and International Terrorism

8. Building Mutual Confidence


II. Promoting Prosperity Through Economic Integration and Free Trade

9. Free Trade in the Americas

10. Capital Markets Development and Liberalization

11. Hemispheric Infrastructure

12. Energy Cooperation

13. Telecommunications and Information Infrastructure

14. Cooperation in Science and Technology

15. Tourism


III. Eradicating Poverty and Discrimination in Our Hemisphere

16. Universal Access to Education

17. Equitable Access to Basic Health Services

18. Strengthening the Role of Women in Society

19. Encouraging Microenterprises and Small Businesses

20. White Helmets--Emergency and Development Corps


IV. Guaranteeing Sustainable Development and Conserving Our Natural 
Environment for Future Generations

21. Partnership for Sustainable Energy Use

22. Partnership for Biodiversity

23. Partnership for Pollution Prevention 

(###)



ARTICLE 13:

Fact Sheet:  Organization of American States

Background

The Organization of American States (OAS) is the world's oldest regional 
organization.  It dates back to the First International Conference of 
American States, held in Washington, DC, in April 1890.  This conference 
founded the International Union of American Republics and also 
established a Commercial Bureau, which acted as the Union's secretariat.  
In 1910, the International Union became the Union of American Republics 
and the Commercial Bureau, the Pan American Union.

The OAS Charter was signed in Bogota, Colombia, in 1948 and entered into 
force in December 1951.  It has been amended twice:  first, through the 
Protocol of Buenos Aires in 1970, and later by the Protocol of Cartagena 
de Indias in November 1988.  The latter marked the beginning of 
modernizing and strengthening the organization.

The OAS has 35 member states.  It has granted permanent observer status 
to 32 states.  The Holy See and the European Union also are permanent 
observers.

U.S. Policy

The U.S. is committed to strengthening and working with the OAS as the 
preeminent hemispheric institution.  This reflects the U.S. Government's 
determination to make optimal use of multilateral diplomacy to resolve 
regional problems and to engage its neighbors on topics of hemispheric 
concern.  

All OAS members share a common concern for democracy, economic 
development, and human rights.  Major U.S. interests and objectives in 
the hemisphere coincide with the goals and work of the OAS: 

--  The promotion and strengthening of democracy and human rights;

--  Drug control;

--  Environmental protection;

--  Legal development;

--  Economic assistance and technical cooperation;

--  Trade; and

--  Economic integration and development.


Since 1990, the U.S. has paid its full assessed quota to the OAS.  For 
FY 1996, the Administration seeks full funding of the U.S. quota 
assessment to the OAS.  

OAS Objectives

The OAS is a natural forum for the Western Hemisphere's dialogue on 
political, economic, social, educational, cultural, scientific, and 
technological matters. Its objectives are to:

--  Strengthen the peace and security of the hemisphere;

--  Promote democracy, with due respect for the principle of non-
intervention;

--  Seek solutions to hemispheric political, juridical, and economic 
problems;

--  Promote cooperative economic, social, and cultural development; and

--  Fight drug-trafficking and abuse.

Maintaining Peace 

The OAS has a long, prestigious tradition of defending and maintaining 
peace in the hemisphere.  For example,  the OAS helped demobilize more 
than 22,000 members of the former Nicaraguan Resistance.  Currently, it 
is helping to reintegrate into civilian life former combatants and 
people displaced by the war in Nicaragua.

Promoting Democracy

The OAS plays an important role in the promotion and protection of 
democracy throughout the hemisphere.  The Unit for the Promotion of 
Democracy, established in 1990, provides a range of services, including 
election assistance and observation, assistance to legislative 
institutions, and support for programs of civic education.  Since 1989, 
OAS missions have observed elections in close to one-third of the OAS 
member countries.

The OAS strongly condemned the September 1991 coup that interrupted the 
democratic political and institutional process in Haiti.  It forged 
hemispheric and world consensus on the need to restore democracy in 
Haiti, called for a commercial embargo, dispatched human rights 
monitors, coordinated humanitarian assistance, and consistently strove 
to negotiate a peaceful solution.

Development Cooperation

The OAS  is a forum through which the hemisphere discusses the following 
development issues:

--  Reducing poverty and unemployment; 

--  Defending social justice; 

--  Establishing incentives for investment and economic growth; 

--  Liberalizing trade; and  

--  Alleviating the external debt burden.

The General Secretariat supports national and multinational development 
programs and projects in member states.  

Summit of the Americas Implementation

The 34 heads of state and government who participated in the Summit of 
the Americas in Miami, Florida, December 9-11, 1994, called on the OAS 
to assist summit governments in implementing the decisions reached in 
Miami. In response, the OAS is engaged in a wide range of activities 
designed to support the implementation of the Summit Plan of Action, 
which outlines specific steps to be taken in four vital areas: 
1) preserving and strengthening the community of democracies of the 
Americas; 2) promoting prosperity through economic integration and free 
trade; 3) eradicating poverty and discrimination in the hemisphere; and 
4) guaranteeing sustainable development and conserving the natural 
environment for future generations. The Summit Plan of Action contains 
23 initiatives and over 150 action items. 

[BOX]

OAS Members1

Antigua and Barbuda
Argentina
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Bolivia
Brazil
Canada
Chile
Colombia
Costa Rica
Cuba
Dominica
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
El Salvador
Grenada
Guatemala
Guyana
Haiti
Honduras
Jamaica
Mexico
Nicaragua
Panama
Paraguay
Peru
St Kitts and Nevis
St. Lucia
St. Vincent and the Grenadines
Suriname
Trinidad and Tobago
United States
Uruguay
Venezuela

----------

1With the entry of Canada (1990), Belize (1991), and Guyana (1991), all 
sovereign states of the Western Hemisphere are OAS members.  Cuba is a 
member, although its present government has been excluded from 
participation since 1962 for incompatibility with the principles of the 
OAS Charter.  


[BOX]

Organization

The OAS accomplishes its objectives through the following organs:

--  General Assembly;

--  Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs; 

--  Councils--Permanent Council,  Inter-American Economic and Social 
Council, and Inter-American Council for Education, Science and Culture;

--  Inter-American Juridical Committee;

--  Inter-American Commission on Human Rights;

--  General Secretariat;

--  Specialized organizations--Inter-American Commission of Women, 
Inter-American Children's Institute, Inter-American Indian Institute, 
Pan American Institute of Geography and History, Inter-American 
Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture; and the Pan American Health 
Organization; and

--  Other organs--Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Inter-American 
Drug Abuse Control Commission, Inter-American Defense Board, Inter-
American Defense College, Inter-American Development Bank, the Pan 
American Development Foundation, and Inter-American Commission on 
Telecommunications. 

(###)



ARTICLE 14:

Fact Sheet:  The Inter-American Development Bank

Founded in 1959 as a hemispheric organization with 19 members, the 
Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) opened to non-regional donors in 
1976 and now has 46 member countries: 28 in the Western Hemisphere, 16 
in Europe, plus Israel and Japan. Of the bank's membership, 26 are 
borrowing country members and 20 are non-borrowing members.

The Board of Governors, which meets annually to review IDB operations 
and to make major policy decisions, is the bank's highest authority. The 
Board of Executive Directors conducts IDB operations. The bank's 
president is chosen by the governors for a five-year term. President 
Enrique V. Iglesias of Uruguay was elected in 1988 and reelected in 
1993. The current U.S. Governor is Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin. The 
Alternate Governor is the Under Secretary of State for Economic, 
Business, and Agricultural Affairs Joan E. Spero. L. Ronald Scheman is 
the U.S. Executive Director. The United States receives a large share of 
IDB-related foreign procurement--about 37% in 1994, totaling $506 
million.

The IDB fosters the economic and social development of its member 
countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is funded by ordinary 
capital resources--paid-in and callable capital contributions, reserves, 
and funds raised through borrowings--and trust funds established through 
voluntary contributions by individual member countries.

Summit of the Americas Implementation

The 34 heads of state and government who participated in the Summit of 
the Americas in Miami, Florida, December 9-11, 1994, called on the IDB 
to assist summit governments in implementing the decisions reached in 
Miami.  In response, the IDB is engaged in a wide range of activities 
designed to support the implementation of the Summit Plan of Action, 
which outlines specific steps to be taken in four vital areas: 

-- preserving and strengthening the community of democracies of the 
Americas; 

-- promoting prosperity through economic integration and free trade;

-- eradicating poverty and discrimination in the hemisphere; and

-- guaranteeing sustainable development and conserving the natural 
environment for future generations.  

The Summit Plan of Action contains 23 separate initiatives and over 150 
action items.  

Fund for Special Operations (FSO)

The Fund for Special Operations is the IDB's concessional lending window 
and offers low-interest loans to less developed member countries. It is 
funded by separate paid-in capital contributions. Currently, only five 
countries may borrow from these funds: Bolivia, Dominican Republic, 
Haiti, Honduras, and Nicaragua.

Inter-American Investment Corporation (IIC)

The Inter-American Investment Corporation, an autonomous IDB affiliate, 
was created in 1989 to stimulate small and medium-scale private 
enterprise via loans, guarantees, equity investments, and advisory 
services. It is funded by paid-in capital contributions, reserves, and 
funds raised through borrowings. It has 34 members.

Multilateral Investment Fund (MIF)

The IDB also administers the Multilateral Investment Fund for Latin 
America and the Caribbean, which was launched in 1993 to promote 
investment reform in the region via small-scale loans and grants. It is 
funded by paid-in contributions and is intended as a five-year program.

The MIF's basic agreements were signed in 1992 by 13 Latin American and 
eight industrialized countries. Since then, another 16 Latin American 
and Caribbean countries have joined this fund.

Financing

From 1961 to 1994, the Inter-American Development Bank has approved 
loans totaling $70 billion for projects representing a total investment 
of $178 billion in energy, agriculture and fisheries, transportation and 
communications, industry and mining, environment and public health, 
economic reform, urban development, education, science and technology, 
export financing, tourism, and microenterprises.

During this period, the FSO accounted for $12.3 billion of all approved 
loans. In addition, the IDB provided $1.2 billion in grants for 
technical cooperation over this same period.

In 1994, the IDB approved more than $5 billion in new loans--$543 
million under the FSO--and disbursed $3 billion. That year 28% of the 
approved loan amount was used for planning and reform projects; 18% for 
education, science, and technology; 18% for transportation and 
communications; and 15% for environment and public health. Major 
projects approved in 1994 ranged from financing a new model of 
participatory municipal development in Mexico, through poverty 
alleviation programs in El Salvador and Brazil, through water and 
sanitation programs in Ecuador and Peru.

During 1989-94, the IIC approved 99 projects in 22 countries for a total 
of $390 million in loans and equity operations. In 1994, the IIC 
approved 13 operations, for a total of $42 million in new investments.

In 1993 and 1994, the MIF approved 32 operations worth over $11 million.

The Eighth Replenishment

Members pledged $40 billion in new capital at the bank's eighth capital 
increase, or replenishment, completed in April 1994. This will raise the 
IDB's total capital to more than $100 billion, making it the largest of 
the regional development banks. The replenishment will allow the bank to 
sustain annual lending of $6-$7 billion.

The replenishment also broke new ground in lending priorities. The bank 
will commit 40% of its funds--50% of total projects--to social sector 
and poverty-alleviation programs. Members also authorized up to 5% of 
the IDB's lending to the private sector, without a government guarantee. 
Other priorities will be the environment, government modernization, and 
development of economic reform and regional integration.

Under the eighth replenishment, the relative voting shares set out in 
the IDB Charter were amended to allow greater participation by non-
regional members. The U.S. share will drop from 34.5% to 30%, but will 
remain the largest of any country in any multilateral development bank. 
Regional borrowers will reduce their share to 50%. Canada retains a 4% 
voting share, and Japan will increase its share to 5%. The remaining 11% 
is divided among 17 non-regional members. 


[BOX]

IDB Members in the Western Hemisphere

Argentina
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Bolivia
Brazil
Canada
Chile
Colombia
Costa Rica
Dominican Republic
Ecuador
El Salvador
Guatemala
Guyana
Haiti
Honduras
Jamaica
Mexico
Nicaragua
Panama
Paraguay
Peru
Suriname
Trinidad and Tobago
United States
Uruguay
Venezuela  


[BOX]

Yearly (1994) and Cumulative (1961-94)1 Total Cost of Projects

($millions)

                                                   Latin America's 
             Total Cost          Bank's Loans        Contributions

Country      1994    1961-94     1994     1961-94      1994    1961-94

Argentina  1,188.0   19,233.8    717.2    7,922.1      470.8   11,311.7
Bahamas       33.0      307.3     21.0      208.4       12.0       98.9
Barbados       4.7      411.8      4.1      261.1        0.7      150.7
Belize     
Bolivia      319.3    3,715.1    173.1    2,268.6      146.2    1,446.5
Brazil     2,104.0   44,113.3  1,132.0   11,201.3      972.0   32,912.0
Chile        500.0   10,046.2     75.0    4,434.0      425.0    5,612.2
Colombia      64.1   14,753.6     42.7    6,058.3       21.4    8,695.3
Costa Rica     0.0    3,481.6      0.0    2,195.9        0.0    1,285.7
Dominican 
   Republic    33.7   1,901.4     30.3    1,332.1        3.4      569.3
Ecuador       622.6   5,905.8    573.3    3,261.5       49.4    2,644.3
El Salvador   864.6   3,200.9    500.0    2,101.8      364.6    1,099.1
Guatemala       1.6   2,416.6      1.4    1,310.0        0.2    1,106.6
Guyana          0.0     579.6      0.0      457.9        0.0      121.7
Haiti           0.0     509.9      0.0      356.2        0.0      153.7
Honduras       62.4   3,011.7     53.9    1,566.5        8.5    1,445.2
Jamaica        33.4   1,805.9     22.9    1,156.1       10.6      649.8
Mexico      1,770.0  26,161.5  1,063.4    9,647.2      706.6   16,514.3
Nicaragua     202.8   1,731.5    194.5    1,028.0        8.4      703.5
Panama         37.5   2,187.4     30.0    1,229.8        7.5      957.6
Paraguay       23.7   1,598.4     20.9    1,158.1        2.8      440.3
Peru          790.4   6,111.0    494.7    3,271.9      295.7    2,839.1
Suriname        0.0      29.7      0.0       18.7        0.0       11.0
Trinidad and
   Tobago       2.9     781.5      2.0      592.2        0.9      189.3
Uruguay        45.4   2,323.9     32.8    1,311.8       12.6    1,012.1
Venezuela     140.0  11,467.6     70.0    3,667.7       70.0    7,799.9

Regional        0.0  10,404.5      0.0    2,114.3        0.0    8,290.2

TOTALS      8,844.1 178,191.5  5,254.9   70,131.5    3,589.2  108,060.0

1Cumulative loans after cancellations and exchange adjustments.

Source:  Inter-American Development Bank

(###)



END OF DISPATCH SUPPLEMENT VOL. 6, NO. 2

US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 6, NUMBER 25, JUNE 19, 1995
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

1. New Steps Toward a Comprehensive Peace in the Middle East --Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister Peres, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin, Egyptian President Mubarak,  Syrian President Asad, PLO Chairman Arafat,  Jordanian King Hussein 

2. American Leadership And the New Europe--Deputy Secretary Talbott

3. President Clinton Welcomes U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreement

4. Fact Sheet: Independent States and Dependencies



ARTICLE 1

New Steps Toward a Comprehensive Peace in the Middle East

Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister Peres, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin, Egyptian President Mubarak, Syrian President Asad, PLO Chairman Arafat, Jordanian King Hussein
Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister Peres

Remarks upon the Secretary's arrival in Jerusalem, June 8, 1995.

Foreign Minister Peres. I would like to welcome the Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, on his visit to Israel, Jerusalem, and to the region. He is coming at a very important moment, and his contribution can be of great meaning to all of us. I say this is an important time, and the contribution can be great because we have had, simultaneously, three momentums moving together. We are beginning, apparently very seriously, our negotiations with a new party--the Syrian party. As you know, we attach a great deal of importance to the negotiations with the Syrians, because this may be the last part for a complete peace in the Middle East. If he should be successful in reaching an understanding with the Syrians and the Lebanese, maybe for the first time, the Middle East will have no reason to go to war and can even reduce its arms race and turn much of its means and energies toward peaceful purposes. 

If Syria is a new country for the peaceful negotiations, we also have a second chapter on the negotiations with the Palestinians.

May I say one word--and carefully: Despite all the skepticism, we can see the beginning of a real change for the better in the Gaza Strip. In the double meaning of the word, the Palestinian Authority took more measures to establish itself as a security-responsible authority. On the other hand, we can see a drive for building an economic recovery in Gaza itself. 

The third new part is to open a new page with Egypt. Egypt was the first to make peace; Egypt remains the most important country in the Middle East. The contribution of Egypt is great and meaningful and permanent, and we are over some arguments.

I can't remember a more fruitful cooperation for the purpose of peace in the Middle East than the one that exists between the United States of America and ourselves. The layer of complete trust, of complete devotion, of complete creative thinking--and I attribute it very much to the personality of the Secretary of State of the United States. The trust that he has collected all over the place is, in a very strange way, even stronger than the mistrust that we have been used to over many years. So looking ahead to these true new beginnings and building on the credibility of the Secretary, we welcome you, Mr. Secretary, to Israel.

Secretary Christopher. Foreign Minister Peres, thank you very much. It's a pleasure to be with you again, and I am just delighted that we are able to arrange to meet here as I arrive and you are ready to depart. It gives new meaning to the concept of an exchange. I am delighted to be back here in Israel as I always am. I am looking forward to meetings later today with President Weizman and Prime Minister Rabin. Then, of course, in the next few days I will be meeting the leaders of not only Israel, but Syria and Egypt and Jordan as well.  As Shimon has indicated, I come here at a time when there is a great opportunity for new steps forward to progress toward a comprehensive peace. There are obstacles ahead, of course, but I think we can take a great deal of satisfaction and encouragement from the developments we see here.

The process of reconciliation between the Israelis and the Palestinians seems to be moving ahead, as the Foreign Minister has said, with renewed confidence on the part of both sides. They're working toward an implementation of the Declaration of Principles by July 1.

I'm particularly heartened, as the Foreign Minister has said, by the fact that the situation has improved on the ground, that it has remained calm, and that the closure has eased in Gaza. I think this provides an environment in which the parties can make good and early progress. 

I'm also encouraged, to echo the Foreign Minister, by the progress achieved in negotiations between Israel and Syria. For the first time since the Madrid process began four years ago, there has been a framework for discussion of security issues reached between Israel and Syria, and that's a very desirable step forward which will make it possible for military-to-military talks to begin before the end of this month--and on a serious and significant basis. Of course, this process will require great creativity and flexibility, and it will certainly entail great risks. But the United States stands ready--as always--to stand behind those parties who are prepared to take risks where creativity is needed. Serious endeavors are needed. Of course, there is no one in the world, I believe, who has greater capability and flexibility and greater talent than the Foreign Minister.

I am also pleased to be able to announce here, at the present time, that there will be a meeting between President Mubarak, Prime Minister Rabin, and myself in Cairo tomorrow. Those arrangements have been worked out, and I think that can be an important step forward, a new page between Egypt and Israel, who have such a strong capacity to work together to help move the peace process forward. As a result of many efforts, I believe the landscape is really being transformed here. Progress is not yet complete; the transformation is not complete. But, no doubt, I think we all see over the horizon tremendous opportunities: the cycle of war and terror ending; political cooperation across boundaries; and, for Israel, a chance to assume, in an era of security, its rightful place as a very strong force for peace, progress, and democracy in the region. In short, peace will bring what President Clinton has referred to as "the quiet miracle of a normal life."

The United States remains, of course, a close partner with Israel in this great undertaking. I want to underscore that we stand behind Israel and are prepared to help it as it undertakes the great risks that peace entails. Our commitment to Israel's security is, as always, unshakable, and will remain that way. We'll continue to do everything we can to maintain the momentum toward a comprehensive peace in this region.

Before I conclude, I'd like to say how happily we welcome the rescue of Capt. Scott O'Grady through the night in Bosnia. We rejoice with his family. It was an excellent military operation, and it has been a cause of considerable joy as we learned the news just within the last few hours.

Shimon, I am delighted to be here. Thank you so much for being here at the airport so we could have this conversation.

Secretary Christopher,  Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
Remarks following their meeting at the Prime Minister's office, Jerusalem, June 8, 1995.

Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. Secretary, the peace team that came with you is most welcome here in assisting us to move ahead with the peace process. Tomorrow, we will meet with President Mubarak, the leader of the Arab country that started the peace process and signed a peace treaty with Israel. Today, we are engaged in a more meaningful peace process that brought about the agreement with the Palestinians--represented by the PLO--and the signing of a peace treaty with Jordan. I believe that as a result of your visit, we will find ways to improve the overall atmosphere in the region by visiting Egypt, by your visit to Damascus on Saturday, and that will, hopefully, bring about the resumption of the talks with Syria. We see today an improved mood, without underestimating still the obstacles that we have to remove from the road to achieve a comprehensive peace.

Mr. Secretary, the President of the United States, President Clinton, phoned yesterday before you came and described to me his talks with President Asad. He conveyed to me his impressions of the improved mood on the part of the Syrians. Let us hope that the good mood will be translated to the practical negotiations that we have with the Palestinians and, hopefully, when the negotiations with Syria are resumed. Again, Mr. Secretary, we appreciate your personal efforts to serve the cause of peace in the region. Welcome to Israel.

Secretary Christopher. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you. As always, I am delighted to be back in Jerusalem. I come here at a time of renewed opportunity to seek and achieve a comprehensive peace in the region. The Prime Minister and I had a good opportunity to review the ways in which we might take advantage of this moment when there is a renewed opportunity. 

On the Palestinian track, it is clear to me that the negotiations are going forward in a very serious way with a sharpness of  focus needed to reach an agreement on phase two of the Declaration of Principles. The negotiations are obviously very complicated and difficult, with a lot at stake. But most of the parties know, I think, that these negotiations can succeed. It will provide a critical path for moving toward reconciliation between the Palestinians and the Israelis.

On the Syrian track, I believe there is an opportunity now to move into a new and important phase. A commitment by the parties to hold senior-level military talks in Washington this month shows the seriousness of the parties on one of the key issues--in many ways the most difficult issue--an issue that I think is so critical to ensuring the future security of Israel. This is a time of unusual opportunity for real peace, for enduring security for Israel, with the United States, as before, with a renewed commitment now to be steadfast in its support of Israel as it takes risks for peace. 

We talked about the determination that we have to try to move forward in this process. As the Prime Minister has said, the trip to Cairo tomorrow will bring together two countries that have been the earliest in this process, and both have a very strong stake in its success. We look forward to being with you tomorrow, Mr. Prime Minister, and to talking with you throughout the course of this visit. Thank you so much for welcoming me here, Mr. Prime Minister.

Secretary Christopher, President Mubarak, Prime Minister Rabin
Opening remarks at a press conference, Cairo, Egypt, June 9, 1995.

President Mubarak. I welcome Prime Minister Rabin and Secretary of State Warren Christopher to Egypt. I think the need is to meet to solve problems and meet together in a very good atmosphere. 

I had long discussions with Prime Minister Rabin about bilateral relations, and we discussed the peace process and how it is going--and it was a very positive negotiation with the Prime Minister. I say that whenever there are problems in the peace process, I think it is better to meet face-to-face and discuss with each other--and we are used to this. I have met Mr. Rabin several times and Mr. Christopher several times. This is the only way to sit--face-to-face--and face the problems and see how we could manage to make the process continue. 

We are convinced of peace; we   signed a peace treaty with Israel about 18 years ago. We supported the Madrid conference, and we made tremendous efforts so that conference could convene. We made tremendous efforts-- and I think Mr. Rabin and Secretary Christopher know that--with the Palestinians until they reached the signatures on the Declaration of Principles, which we appreciated. We still are supporting the peace process until peace prevails all over the area. Our negotiations were very positive--with a very good atmosphere, and I hope--and I am sure that all will continue on the same line until peace prevails all over the area. Thank you.

Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. President, Secretary of State: Allow me first to thank you for hosting this meeting in a very good atmosphere, because we are all committed to achieve comprehensive peace in the region. Egypt showed courage, vision, and imagination in being in the lead of changing the Middle East by signing a peace treaty with Israel--by maintaining this peace--and has served as a model of what can be achieved in the Middle East if comprehensive peace is achieved. It took too long after the signing of the peace treaty until the Madrid peace conference was convened and negotiations started. As the Prime Minister of Israel, I believe that what has been achieved in the last two years is no doubt a tremendous achievement--the mutual recognition between Israel and the PLO, looking at the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people, signing the Declaration of Principles, signing the Cairo agreement that brought about the implementation of the first phase of the DOP. 

Gaza and Jericho were first, and now we are in a very deep, serious negotiation with the PLO--with the Palestinian Authority about the implementation of the second phase of the DOP--it is to say of the West Bank, Judea, and Samaria. It is more complicated. We set as a target date the first of July, and we will make on our part the most serious effort to meet this date. There are some problems, but there is no doubt in my mind we have crossed the point of no return in the implementation of the whole DOP all over the area which the DOP refers to. 

I hope that the negotiations with Syria will be resumed, but this is more up to the Americans to tell because we do not have the direct contacts and dialogue as we have with Egypt, the Palestinians, and the Jordanians. We are busy now consolidating the second peace treaty that we signed, after Egypt, with Jordan, and I believe we are moving ahead in the consolidation of the peace treaty between Jordan and Israel. For me, its a tremendous change that--no doubt in my mind--promises we will do the utmost, as soon as possible; we will see a different Middle East--a Middle East in peace--in which each country will live in peace without the threat of war and, hopefully, without the threat of violence and terrorism. No doubt, today, the main obstacle on the road to solution of the problem between the Palestinians and us is the terrorism carried out by the enemies of peace--the enemies of the agreement signed between the PLO and Israel. We hope that what was started by the Palestinian Authority to control this terror--and we appreciate the efforts of the Palestinians in doing so--no doubt will facilitate our capability to reach an agreement and to see a different situation in the region. 

Again, I would like to thank you Mr. President--the atmosphere in our talks--we went into details of our discussion with the Palestinians, what we see vis-a-vis the Syrians, and we appreciate very much your efforts and assistance in advancing the peace process in the whole region with the purpose of achieving a comprehensive peace. Thank you very much. Thank you very much Mr. Secretary for your assistance and the United States' assistance.

Secretary Christopher. Mr. President and Prime Minister: Mr. President, may I join in thanking you for hosting this event and also for the leadership that you continue to provide in the pursuit of peace here in the Middle East. Mr. Prime Minister, I want to add a word of thanks to you for the tremendous leadership you have shown, and the courage you have shown in seeking peace in the Middle East. 

Today's meeting reflects a rejuvenation of the Israeli-Egyptian partnership--a partnership that is so vital in the development of peace, cooperation, and stability here in the Middle East. Today, Egypt and Israel stand as bastions of peace--the region's pillars of peace. When the two countries and their leaders come together in a partnership, they can achieve an enormous amount of progress in the pursuit of peace. This is that kind of time. Today's meeting comes at a time of renewed efforts and renewed hopes for the pursuit of peace here in the Middle East. 

First, the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations have regained their momentum with renewed confidence on the part of both sides. The parties are making a good faith effort to reach an agreement on the second phase of the Declaration of Principles with a target date of  July 1 and a very serious negotiation going on. Second, the negotiations between Israel and Syria have moved to a new phase--a commitment of  the parties to hold senior-level military talks at the end of the year is a very encouraging sign, and I will be pursuing that when I go to Damascus tomorrow. More must be done to take advantage of this great current opportunity. One of the things we must do is to find an economic base for the peaceful steps that have been taken. The Amman summit this October will provide an opportunity to pursue that and provide real economic opportunity for the people of the Middle East as they begin to enjoy the fruits of peace. Today, I believe we turned a new page in the Egyptian-Israeli relationship, one that is promising as we build for the future. We have taken another step to transform the region toward peace and to make peace irreversible. Our hope is to achieve something that President Clinton once called "the quiet miracle of a normal life." That is what the people of the Middle East deserve, and I think this step today, with the generosity and commitment of the President and the Prime Minister, moves us a step closer to that normal life. Thank you very much.

Secretary Christopher
Opening remarks of a press briefing following his meeting with President Asad, Damascus, Syria, June 10, 1995.

President Asad and I had a very productive meeting today--about three hours long. We had a thorough and constructive discussion of the next steps to be taken to move the Syrian-Israeli track to a new and more intensive phase.

Based on my conversation earlier this week with Prime Minister Rabin and those that I had here just a few moments ago with President Asad, we have an agreement to begin a sequence of steps along the following lines. First, Syrian Chief of Staff Shihabi and Israeli Chief of Staff Shahak will come to Washington for discussions, under U.S. auspices, on the security arrangements to be covered by the Israeli-Syrian peace agreement when and if it is completed. These discussions will commence in Washington on June 27, and will continue for two or three days. We have also invited the two Chiefs of Staff to come to Washington a few days in advance for informal bilateral discussions with us, to provide us with an opportunity to carry forward the discussions Ambassador Dennis Ross had with the security chiefs while he was out here in the region.

After the initial meeting of the Chiefs of Staff, starting on June 27, we anticipate about a two-week interval to allow both sides to review the results  of those discussions and to digest the results. During this interval of two weeks, I plan to send Dennis Ross back to the region so he can discuss the next steps with President Asad and Prime Minister Rabin. After this two-week interval, the Israeli and Syrian military officials--below the Chief of Staff level--will reconvene in Washington under our auspices as part of the ambassadorial channel. With continued discussions in that channel, we expect that series of discussions between the ambassadors and the military officials to take about two weeks. That would carry us through approximately the end of July, by my estimate.

The agreement that we have reached on this rather detailed and   ambitious work plan confirms the determination of the parties to seek an early peace. The experience of the months since my visit to the region in March--particularly the agreement that was reached on a set of principles or a framework--demonstrates what we have been saying for some time: that progress on this track will not be easy but that progress can be made when the parties set their minds to it. They have reflected good will, determination, and flexibility, and that has brought us to the point where we are today.

In the weeks ahead, as the two Chiefs of Staff and the others focus on security issues, the ambassadors in Washington will also renew their discussions of the non-security issues, which will be essential if we are to ultimately reach a peace agreement. We have already narrowed the differences on a number of these non-security issues, but there is a good deal of work to do. I strongly feel that if we can make progress on the security issues, then that will have a favorable effect on the environment and will affect the non-security issues as well. Our attention over the next several months will be focused on both security and non-security issues.

Secretary Christopher, Chairman Arafat
Remarks following their meeting, Jericho, June 11, 1995.

Chairman Arafat. We are very happy to have this opportunity for the participation of His Excellency Mr. Christopher and his team here in Jericho. We had a very fruitful and very positive and very important discussion today, to push forward the peace process and the implementation of what has been agreed upon and signed. I repeat my thanks from my heart to His Excellency President Clinton and to Mr. Christopher for what they are doing to push the peace process. We hope that through their help we will achieve what we are looking for.

At the same time, we hope that by the first of July, we will have something concrete concerning the redeployment and empowerment and, after that, the election. At the same time, we cannot forget this very strong push and active role of His Excellency, through which we can have now a very strong, active role in the Syrian track. Because our aim is to have a comprehensive, lasting, peaceful solution in the Middle East--as has been done with Palestinians and Jordanians, also with the Syrians and the Lebanese. Again, I have to thank His Excellency for what he is doing, and I hope that through this continuous support, we will be able to continue in the peace process in an accurate way. Thank you.

Secretary Christopher. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a pleasure to be here in Jericho again for the second time and to note the progress that has been made since my first visit here, which was only two or three days after the Chairman returned to this area. My coming here is a reflection of the importance the United States attaches to the Palestinian Authority. 

Based upon the talks that I had with Prime Minister Rabin on Thursday and Friday and with Chairman Arafat today, I have found on both their parts a renewed determination to move ahead. They are both determined to reach an agreement--within the timeframe--on the issues in phase two  of the Declaration of Principles--community must take steps to do more. If the elections are held, it will be a big boost to the credibility of the area, and it will be much easier to get commitments from public donors as well as investments by private parties. There can be no illusion about the difficulty of the issues that remain and the pressure on the negotiators. But based upon my visit here and my being in the region for some time, I have confidence that the process and the progress can be sustained.

The United States will continue to support the peacemakers in this area--including the Palestinian Authority-- and I want to once again thank the Chairman and his colleagues for the hard work that I know that is going into the progress that has been made. Thank you very much.

Secretary Christopher, King Hussein
Opening remarks at a press conference, Amman, Jordan, June 11, 1995.

King Hussein. Ladies and gentlemen: I would like once again to say how delighted we are--myself and the government, and the people of Jordan--to receive the Secretary of State and his able colleagues and to welcome a very dear friend back to Jordan. It has become almost part of the scene, and it reflects very much the commitment and the interest of the United States in helping all of us in this region achieve a comprehensive peace and contribute our share for a more stable future for the coming generations, one where there, hopefully, will be every chance for them to fulfill themselves and to achieve what is worthy of them.

I would like to say that on this occasion I have this chance to talk again about everything as we do--as friends do--and I am extremely optimistic by all I have heard. If the Secretary of State would permit me a private local Jordanian joke--whenever we see our Minister of Finance smiling here, we are very happy because it suggests we are out of trouble and the future looks good. And I have seen the Secretary smiling more on this visit than on any other. I hope that I am justified in my optimism, and I hope that this smile will always be there; I hope that we will achieve--with the help of our friends and the dedication and commitment of our friends and all partaking positions of responsibility in this part of the world--our goal of a peaceful area and a happy future for all our people.

Secretary Christopher. Your Majesty: Thank you. Let me say how pleased I am to be here again as a guest of His Majesty with his vision and courage and leadership. A warm peace is taking shape between Israel and Jordan, and I think it is much to his everlasting credit. The United States recognizes the risks that the King and Jordan have taken for peace and, of course, there is an underlying reason why President Clinton has been determined to work with the Congress to forgive all of Jordan's debt to the United States and encouraging this trip to the region. There has been significant progress and renewed momentum on the various tracks. I briefed the King on the status of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations in light of the meetings I have had in just the last two or three days with Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat. Based upon those discussions, I told him of the determination of both sides to reach an agreement implementing phase two of the Declaration of Principles and to do so within the time-frame the parties have set. I also told the King about my meetings with President Asad in Syria. The fact that a date has now been set for the Chiefs of Staff in Washington to kick off the military-to-military talks is, I think, a reflection of the fact that on that track, we are reaching a new and more intensive phase. 

Finally, I conveyed to the King a brief sense of the meeting that took place in Cairo last Friday between Prime Minister Rabin and President Mubarak--a meeting that I think rejuvenated their friendship and partnership which meant so much for the cause of peace in this region. 

Serious problems remain to be solved and much, much work remains to be done. I think this trip has reinforced my feeling that there is a tremendous opportunity to move now toward the goal of a comprehensive peace, perhaps a better opportunity than any time during the 21/2 years that I have been in office. The United States counts on the aid of Jordan but, especially, on the wise counsel of King Hussein, which we frequently call on and always give great heed to. 

Your Majesty, as we try to maintain the momentum for peace, we want to work very closely with you here in Jordan.  (###)

(###)



ARTICLE 2

American Leadership And the New Europe
Deputy Secretary Talbott
Address before the City Club, Cleveland, Ohio, June 9, 1995 [introductory remarks deleted]

My topic this afternoon is, I believe, one on which there is actually a lot of agreement in Washington--and, I hope, throughout the country. It is the opportunity and the obligation the United States has to play a key role--a  leadership role--in building a new Europe. I have chosen that topic not only because of its intrinsic importance and timeliness, but also because of the strong ties this city has with the many nations of Europe.  

I was reminded of this signal feature of Cleveland's identity last evening, driving in from the airport and seeing all those church spires. There are more than 1,200 houses of worship in this city, and many of them serve to keep alive Clevelanders' roots in one old country or another, especially in countries that have suffered through much of this century under communism. There is St. George's on Superior Avenue, which is a center of the Lithuanian community and has been since 1895; both of the St. Savas--one on the West Side and one in Broadview Heights; St. Nicholas', which Croatians founded in 1901; St. Peter and Paul's  on West 7th Street, established by immigrants from Ukraine in 1902; and, on Mayfield Road, there's the Park Synagogue, founded by Polish Jews in 1857. 

When my wife and I lived in Eastern Europe as journalists in the early 1970s, I used to hear in Ljubljana echoes of the snippets of Slovene that   I had heard while shopping on upper Euclid Avenue; or in Krakow, echoes of the Polish I had heard on the West Side and--in some fairly colorful, easy-to-decipher idioms--at Indians' games.  When reporting assignments took me to Budapest--as they did with some frequency in those years nearly a quarter of a century ago--I frequently pointed out to my hosts that my hometown, over 4,000 miles away, was the second-largest Hungarian city in the world, which, of course, is one of the many reasons why Cleveland is a great American city.

For all Americans--not just those lucky enough to be Clevelanders--Europe has had a special place in our national sense of our role and responsibility in the world. Among other things, America and Europe are linked by a fundamental difference. Let me explain what I mean by that rather paradoxical statement: Our melting-pot society, our multi-ethnic democracy, and our sense of national unity were all made possible, in large measure, by a steady influx to these shores of immigrants who were escaping the divisions and the disintegration, the intolerance, and the outbreaks of inhumanity that Europe has experienced--both as victim and perpetrator--in this century.

Consider a Galician city where quite a few Clevelanders have roots--L'viv. I call it Galician because any other designation has been a sometime-thing--a function of the ebb-and-flow  of empires, conquering armies, and revolutions.  A typical 80-year-old resident of L'viv has personally been governed from five different capitals. She has lived under Austrian, Polish, German, Soviet, and, now, Ukrainian rule--all without ever leaving her home. Walking down the streets of her hometown, which she remembers being known as Lvov and Lemberg, she can see reminders of the tumultuous past everywhere: in the marble steps of the Habsburgs; in the German names engraved on public fixtures; in the baroque church erected during the Polish commonwealth; in the cracked window of the synagogue or the courtyard of the Armenian church; in the once-grand mansions built by Hungarian merchants; in the Hebrew, Roman, and Cyrillic inscriptions in the cemeteries. Her memories and her surroundings testify not only to the lost opportunities and faded glories of her city's multi-ethnic past, but also to some of Europe's--and the 20th century's--worst nightmares, from which many of her relatives escaped--some, no doubt, to settle in Cuyahoga County.

Three times in this century, Americans have come to Europe's rescue--twice in hot wars, once in a cold one--and each time we did so for reasons that reflected not just our national generosity and our sense of international obligation, but also a hard-headed, forward-looking recognition of our vital self-interest.

We, the United States, have had to keep sending our armies over there--across the Atlantic--because we, the transatlantic community as a whole--Americans and Europeans alike--have had so much difficulty defining and putting in place a set of rules and institutions that would keep the peace on which our own security and prosperity, to a large extent, depend. In short, we have had a lot of trouble in the 20th century getting it right in Europe.

World War I was in many ways a double disaster. It resulted not only in the slaughter of a generation, but also in the squandering of the opportunity that came at Versailles. The United States, which contributed so much to the Allied success on the battlefields of that war, also bears responsibility for the failure that followed the peace. In 1919, the U.S. Congress rejected American participation in the League of Nations. Then, in 1930, Congress enacted the Smoot-Hawley Act, a monument to protectionism. That legislation, it has often been said, helped put the "Great" in the Great Depression. These and other follies of the inter-war period created an international climate all too conducive to the rise of fascism and to another conflagration.

The leaders of the great coalition that defeated Hitler learned several,    if not all, of the lessons from the aftermath of World War I. Instead of humiliating and impoverishing their defeated enemies, the Allies helped rebuild Germany and Japan. Through the Marshall Plan, NATO, GATT, and the international financial institutions born at Bretton Woods, they established the basis for a community of Western democracies and for an increasingly interdependent and prosperous global economy. 

But while these post-war institutions helped produce unparalleled peace and prosperity for half a century, their benefits in Europe extended to only half a continent. Exactly 50 years ago, in the spring of 1945, most of the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe ended up on the wrong side of the dividing line marked by the westward advance of the Red Army. That was the real beginning--and the primary cause--of the Cold War.  

Now the Cold War is over. With its end, it is not only possible but imperative that we help extend to all of Europe the benefits, and the obligations, of the political and economic partnerships that have been such a source of strength for the West.

Victory in the Cold War came not just because one group of states banded together to resist another; rather, one set of ideas won out over another. There were adherents and proponents of those victorious ideas on both sides of what used to be the Iron Curtain.  

But while democracy and market economics are ascendent, they are not everywhere firmly or perhaps even permanently established. In many European nations that have begun the transition, the necessary institutions are still in their infancy--and some are in jeopardy. It is precisely newborn democracies that are most in need of international support. As President Clinton put it when he spoke here in Cleveland in January: "If the forces of reform are embattled, we must renew, not retreat from, our support for them." 

That is why our Administration has focused so much of our country's foreign policy resources on political and economic assistance programs for the emerging market democracies of Central Europe and for the New Independent States of the former Soviet Union. These U.S. assistance programs are helping these countries to overcome the economic legacy of all those years under communism, and to build new institutions based on the free market. Let me cite just a few examples.


--  In Ukraine, we are giving a major boost to the emerging private sector by helping Leonid Kuchma's reformist government begin the mass privatization of 8,000 large state enterprises. 

--  In Hungary, U.S. advisers are working with the government to restructure and privatize the banking system, and our Hungarian-American Enterprise Fund is playing a key role in the creation of the Budapest Stock Exchange.

--  The Czech- and Slovak-American Enterprise Fund is now the second-largest foreign investor in Slovakia.  The largest investor, by the way, is K-Mart.

--  In Russia, our support for liberalization and privatization has helped break the stranglehold of central economic planning. Thanks in large part to our efforts, the Russian economy, for all its troubles, is being shaped today not solely by top-down decrees, but by the combined forces of some 2,500 commercial banks, 600 investment funds, and 40 million private shareholders.


Throughout the former communist world, we are also spurring the involvement of the American private sector, through our Enterprise Funds and through events such as the Conference on Trade and Investment that brought President Clinton and Secretary of Commerce Brown to Cleveland in January. 

We are also addressing a related challenge: the pandemic of criminal activities in the newly emerging market democracies. This is a crucial aspect of our policy, because crime is a threat both to reform and to our ability to support reformers. If the citizens of these nations equate reform with protection rackets and kickbacks and gangland murders, they will be more likely to vote for reconstructed communists or unreconstructed communists and ultranationalistic, authoritarian demagogues who offer superficially attractive law-and-order nostrums.  Moreover, crime and corruption discourage the foreign investment that is so vital for economic development.  

That is why we have made it a top priority of our policy to help post-communist governments establish competent, professional, civilian-controlled justice systems. We are using professional law enforcement and judicial experts from the United States to train local police, prosecutors, and judges across the region. For example, for the past three years, members of the Ohio state judiciary have been helping to train their Ukrainian counterparts. This effort is being led on the American side by Chief Justice Thomas Moyer of the Supreme Court of Ohio--whom we are honored to have with us today--and it includes Judges David Snow and Jerry Hayes from here in Cleveland.  

Of course, every one of the programs I have mentioned--whether to promote democracy or private enterprise or law enforcement in post-communist societies--costs money; your money, in tax dollars. There is, as you know, a brutal budget battle going on right now on Capitol Hill. Many in Congress are tempted by the dangerous idea that we can have a foreign policy on the cheap. That shortsightedness is all too evident in the foreign affairs bill passed by the House last night. President Clinton and Secretary Christopher are determined to prevail in the debate which will now move to the Senate. More specifically, they are committed to continue to fund our assistance programs for Central Europe and the New Independent States. 

Those assistance programs are a dramatic example of a basic proposition underlying our foreign policy as a whole: American engagement abroad is rooted in American self-interest. Our ability to live, trade, and travel in a safer world depends on whether other countries, particularly other democracies--and that includes fledgling democracies--are stable and secure.  

Let me, in that connection, say a few words about President Clinton's vision of an expanded European security architecture that meets the opportunities and challenges of the post-Cold War era.

The anchor of American engagement in Europe, and the linchpin of transatlantic security, is our commitment to NATO. President Clinton has reaffirmed that commitment and reaffirmed our determination to keep 100,000 American soldiers stationed on the continent.  

NATO is, fundamentally, a military alliance. At the same time, the past five decades, and especially the past five years, have demonstrated that the enduring benefits of NATO are political as well as military. As Secretary Christopher puts it, NATO has helped to reconcile old adversaries, to embed free countries in strong and solid institutions, and to create an enduring sense of shared purpose in one another's security.  

Now that the Cold War has ended, we must work with our NATO allies to bring the new democracies of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union into a new European security order, of which NATO will continue to be a key part.  

The alliance took a historic step in the right direction in January 1994, when it approved President Clinton's proposal for a Partnership for Peace--a framework for practical, military-to-military cooperation between NATO and a broad range of non-NATO European states. Twenty-six countries--as of two weeks ago, including Russia--have joined the Partnership.  Already, this American-led innovation has produced the remarkable spectacle of former adversaries from NATO and the old Warsaw Pact conducting military exercises together in Poland and the Netherlands. 

The January 1994 NATO summit also determined that NATO would expand to admit new members. Then, last December, again at President Clinton's initiative, the alliance began the formal process of NATO enlargement. Potential members will be judged openly and individually, according to their commitment to NATO's goals and their ability to strengthen the alliance.  

We are convinced that NATO enlargement can advance two related overarching objectives: One is to keep Europe undivided; the other is to integrate into the institutions of the West those post-communist countries that are willing and able to consolidate their commitment to multi-ethnic democracy, civil society, open markets, respect for their neighbors, and respect for their own national minorities.  

In short, while NATO will remain a collective defense pact, it will, as it expands, also serve as an inducement for democratization and regional peace.  This is not an abstract hope; it is already happening. The very prospect of future membership in NATO has, just this year, had a salutary effect in Central Europe. Leaders of both Hungary and Slovakia have said that   it was with an eye to making their countries eligible for NATO and the European Union that they recently signed a treaty ironing out some of their differences.

As we pursue our own policies in Europe--through our leadership of NATO and the Partnership for Peace, our work within the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and our cooperation with the European Union and the Council of Europe--we will continue to look for ways of using those institutions to prevent crises before they break out and, when prevention fails, to settle them peacefully.

We, and the Europeans, have our work cut out for us. Some ethnic and national conflicts, such as those in the Transdniester region of Moldova, in Nagorno-Karabakh, and, of course, in Chechnya, have already exploded to devastating effect. There are also varying degrees of tension between Athens and Tirana, between Athens and Skopje, Budapest and Bucharest, Bucharest and Kiev, Kiev and Moscow, and even between Rome and Ljubljana.

But the most urgent and dangerous situation in Europe is, of course, the one that has erupted in the former Yugoslavia. While the history of this dreadful episode is tangled, and while there is, to be sure, plenty of blame to go around, part of the problem was that when the Cold War so suddenly ended, we, the transatlantic community, did not have in place institutions with the mandate and the means to deal with Europe's first major post-Cold War conflict. In other words, once again we didn't get it right because--let's face it--we weren't ready. We had, in NATO, the most successful military alliance in history, which had deterred the U.S.S.R. and the Warsaw Pact without firing a shot. But we did not have, in NATO or the United Nations, or the CSCE, or any other entity, the means to deal with the threat to humanity and to international order posed by the conflict in Yugoslavia.

That conflagration has already lasted as long as World War I--and longer than America's involvement in World War II. It has its roots in the bloody history of that region. It has multiple causes and multiple dimensions. But the worst, most dangerous aspect of the current conflict is the ruthless, determined attempt by one ethnic group, the Serbs, to carve out their own state--Greater Serbia--from the flank of two other states--Bosnia and Croatia--and to do so through a combination of military aggression, mass rape, mass murder, and ethnic cleansing.

The campaign for Greater Serbia carries with it the threat of a spreading conflict. If the fighting in Bosnia were to spread, the political disruption, if not the military conflict, could reach out to all points of the compass, including south and east, which carries with it the peril that two of our NATO allies--Greece and Turkey--could be drawn in as well--on opposite sides.

America's number one strategic interest in the Balkans is to contain the war--to stop it from escalating and spreading. To that end, we have stationed troops in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and have made clear that we will take actions in the event of Serb-incited violence in Serbia's ethnic Albanian region of Kosovo. We have also conducted the biggest, most sustained humanitarian airlift in history, while providing air support for our European and United Nations allies who have troops and personnel on the ground in Bosnia. 

The whole situation has grown  even more complicated in the last two weeks. What has happened boils down to this: The Bosnian Serbs are trying, literally as well as figuratively, to use the international presence in Bosnia as a hostage, as a human shield, so that they can consolidate their territorial gains. We are working with our partners to maintain a presence on the ground there, since its withdrawal would likely trigger an escalation of the fighting and an even worse humanitarian disaster. That is why the Europeans are forming a Rapid Reaction Force that will substantially make the presence of the UN peacekeepers in Bosnia more tenable.

I will not pretend--and you would not believe me if I tried--that the ending of this episode is clear or in sight. But this much I can say with total confidence and conviction: In Bosnia, as elsewhere, our European allies look to the United States to stand with them, just as we have stood with them three times before in this century. They look to us not just for solidarity and support, but also for leadership. 

There are at least two lessons to be drawn from the terrible conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The first, as I have already said, is that we must move briskly and boldly to expand and strengthen the institutions and patterns of cooperation that served us so well during the Cold War--to update and upgrade existing arrangements, and where necessary, create from scratch new ones to deal with post-Cold War challenges.

The second lesson is more general but just as important. It concerns our attitude toward seemingly intractable conflicts like the one in the Balkans. In the final analysis, of course, the onus for solving these problems is up to the locals. They must stop wanting to kill each other. If the people of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union are to take advantage of the opportunity for freedom that has come to them with the end of the Cold War, they must be prepared for one final act of liberation. They must liberate themselves from the unresolved legacies of their own tragic past. Some of these nations have already taken courageous steps in this direction that can be a model for others, who still have far to go.

But we have a role to play too; we can help; and we must not let ourselves get discouraged. The word hopeless does not belong in the vocabulary of our diplomacy. Nor should we credit the pernicious concepts of historical or geographical determinism, the notion that some nations or would-be nation-states are forever cursed, nor the notion that there is something in the air or the water of the Balkans that dooms each new generation to refight the battles of its forebears. Of course, history and geography are hugely important factors in any society's identity and destiny--in Europe, in America, and elsewhere. But we should beware of stereotypes about national character, particularly ones that would, if they become the basis of our policy, consign whole nations of people to tyranny or civil war or unending chaos on the perverse theory that that is the fate they deserve, or that that fate is encoded in their genes.

Just as there were brave champions of freedom in Gdansk and Prague in the 1970s--men like Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel--who went from being persecuted dissidents to being the presidents of their countries today, there are individuals in Belgrade and Pale and Banja Luka today whose basic humanity we hope will ultimately prevail over the rapacity of Milosevic, Mladic, and Karadzic.

In 1915, the great British historian Norman Angell said that every England--every country in Europe--has its Ireland, and every Ireland has its Ulster. By the way, not too long ago, Ulster was, like Bosnia today, a place name that stood for a murderously insoluble problem. Yet, today, the people of Northern Ireland are finally within reach of peace; that is thanks mostly to themselves. But it is also thanks to their desire to belong to an increasingly integrated Europe, and it is thanks as well to American statesmanship.

While we are keeping the big picture in view, let us not lose sight of the larger European context in which these regional conflicts have arisen. Let us not forget another confrontation that was expected to continue indefinitely, or at least well into the next century--a struggle that few of us here today believed we would see end in our lifetimes. I am referring, of course, to the conflict between the communist East and the capitalist West that began 50 years ago this spring.  

With the end of the Cold War, we have, despite Bosnia and all the other troubles that beset us, a unique opportunity to build, for the first time in history, a Europe that is not only undivided, but a Europe that is increasingly united by a shared commitment to the values that have made our own country--and, as a local boy, let me say our own city--great and strong. This time we can, and must, get it right.  (###)

(###)



ARTICLE 3

President Clinton Welcomes U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreement
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, June 13, 1995.

I welcome the agreement reached between the United States and the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea in Kuala Lumpur on key issues related to implementation of the U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreed Framework. Achieved through close consultation with our friends and allies in the Republic of Korea and Japan, the agreement keeps North Korea's dangerous nuclear facilities frozen and confirms that the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization--KEDO--will select the reactor model and prime contractor for the light-water reactor project. At the same time, KEDO has confirmed that both the reactor model and prime contractor will be South Korean.

In addressing these and other issues, today's understandings are an important step on the road toward full implementation of the U.S.-D.P.R.K. Agreed Framework, which provides the international community with assurance against a North Korean nuclear threat and North Korea with opportunity to rejoin the community of nations. We also continue to believe that the resumption of North-South dialogue is essential not only to the full implementation of the Agreed Framework, but also to the continuing effort to build lasting prosperity and a stable peace on the Korean Peninsula.  

(###)



ARTICLE 4

Fact Sheet: Independent States and Dependencies
*Diplomatic relations with the United States
+Member of United Nations
Independent States1

Short-form name	              Long-form name                      Code2          Capital

001. Afghanistan *+          Islamic State of Afghanistan     AF               Kabul
002. Albania *+                Republic of Albania                 AL                Tirana
003. Algeria *+                 Democratic and Popular           AG               Algiers
                                      Republic of Algeria     
004. Andorra *+                Principality of Andorra             AN                Andorra la Vella
005. Angola *+                 Republic of Angola                  AO               Luanda
006. Antigua and Barbuda *+   (no long-form name)          AC                Saint John's 
007. Argentina *+              Argentine Republic                 AR                Buenos Aires
008. Armenia *+               Republic of Armenia                AM                Yerevan
009. Australia *+              Commonwealth of Australia      AS                Canberra
010. Austria *+                 Republic of Austria                  AU                Vienna
011. Azerbaijan *+            Azerbaijani Republic                AJ                 Baku

012. Bahamas, The *+      Commonwealth of                    BF                Nassau
                                      The Bahamas         
013. Bahrain *+                State of Bahrain                      BA                Manama
014. Bangladesh *+          People's Republic                    BG                Dhaka
                                      of Bangladesh         
015. Barbados *+             (no long-form name)                 BB                Bridgetown
016. Belarus *+                Republic of Belarus                  BO               Minsk
017. Belgium *+               Kingdom of Belgium                 BE                Brussels
018. Belize *+                  (no long-form name)                 BH                Belmopan
019. Benin *+                  Republic of Benin                     BN                Porto-Novo 
020. Bhutan +                 Kingdom of Bhutan                   BT                Thimphu
021. Bolivia *+                 Republic of Bolivia                    BL                La Paz (administrative)
                                                                                                  Sucre (legislative/judiciary)
022. Bosnia and               Republic of Bosnia                  BK                Sarajevo
       Herzegovina *+          and Herzegovina         
023. Botswana *+             Republic of Botswana              BC                Gaborone
024. Brazil *+                   Federative Republic of Brazil    BR                Brasilia
025. Brunei *+                  Negara Brunei Darussalam       BX                Bandar Seri Begawan
026. Bulgaria *+               Republic of Bulgaria                 BU               Sofia
027. Burkina *+                Burkina Faso                           UV               Ouagadougou
028. Burma *+                 Union of Burma                        BM               Rangoon
029. Burundi *+               Republic of Burundi                  BY                Bujumbura

030. Cambodia *+            Kingdom of Cambodia              CB                Phnom Penh
031. Cameroon *+            Republic of Cameroon              CM               Yaounde
032. Canada *+               (no long-form name)                  CA               Ottawa
033. Cape Verde *+          Republic of Cape Verde            CV               Praia
034. Central African         Central African Republic            CT               Bangui
        Republic *+
035. Chad *+                   Republic of Chad                     CD               N'Djamena
036. Chile *+                   Republic of Chile                      CI                Santiago
037. China *+ (see note3) People's Republic of China        CH               Beijing
038. Colombia *+             Republic of Colombia                CO               Bogota
039. Comoros *+              Federal Islamic Republic           CN               Moroni
                                      of the Comoros     
040. Congo *+                 Republic of the Congo              CF                Brazzaville
041. Costa Rica *+           Republic of Costa Rica             CS                San Jose
042. Cote d'Ivoire 
       (Ivory Coast) *+        Republic of Cote d'Ivoire            IV                 Yamoussoukro 
043. Croatia *+               Republic of Croatia                    HR                Zagreb
044. Cuba +                   Republic of Cuba                       CU               Havana
045. Cyprus *+               Republic of Cyprus                     CY                Nicosia
046. Czech Republic *+   Czech Republic                          EZ                Prague

047. Denmark *+            Kingdom of Denmark                   DA                Copenhagen
048. Djibouti *+              Republic of Djibouti                     DJ                Djibouti
049. Dominica *+            Commonwealth of Dominica         DO               Roseau
050. Dominican Republic *+  Dominican Republic               DR                Santo Domingo

051. Ecuador *+              Republic of Ecuador                   EC                Quito
052. Egypt *+                 Arab Republic of Egypt                EG                Cairo
053. El Salvador *+         Republic of El Salvador               ES                 San Salvador
054. Equatorial Guinea *+  Republic of Equatorial Guinea   EK                 Malab
055. Eritrea *+                State of Eritrea                          ER                 Asmar
056. Estonia *+               Republic of Estonia                    EN                 Tallinn
057. Ethiopia *+              (no long-form name)                   ET                  Addis Ababa

058. Fiji *+                     Republic of Fiji                           FJ                 Suva
059. Finland *+               Republic of Finland                    FI                  Helsinki
060. France *+                French Republic                        FR                 Paris

061. Gabon *+                Gabonese Republic                   GB                 Libreville
062. Gambia, The *+        Republic of The Gambia            GA                Banjul
063. Georgia *+               Republic of Georgia                  GG                T'bilisi
064. Germany *+              Federal Republic of Germany     GM                Berlin 
065. Ghana *+                 Republic of Ghana                    GH                Accra
066. Greece *+                Hellenic Republic                      GR                Athens
067. Grenada *+              (no long-form name)                  GJ                 Saint George's
068. Guatemala *+           Republic of Guatemala              GT                Guatemala
069. Guinea *+                Republic of Guinea                    GV                Conakry
070. Guinea-Bissau *+      Republic of Guinea-Bissau          PU                Bissau
071. Guyana *+               Co-operative Republic of Guyana  GY               Georgetown

072. Haiti *+                    Republic of Haiti                        HA                Port-au-Prince
073. Holy See *               Holy See                                   VT                 Vatican City
074. Honduras *+             Republic of Honduras                 HO                Tegucigalpa
075. Hungary *+               Republic of Hungary                  HU                 Budapest

076. Iceland *+                Republic of Iceland                     IC                 Reykjavik
077. India *+                    Republic of India                       IN                 New Delhi
078. Indonesia *+             Republic of Indonesia                 ID                 Jakarta
079. Iran +                       Islamic Republic of Iran              IR                 Tehran
080. Iraq +                       Republic of Iraq                         IZ                 Baghdad
081. Ireland *+                 (no long-form name)                   EI                  Dublin
082. Israel *+                   State of Israel                            IS                 (see note4)
083. Italy *+                     Italian Republic                          IT                 Rome

084. Jamaica *+               (no long-form name)                    JM                Kingston
085. Japan *+                  (no long-form name)                    JA                 Tokyo
086. Jordan *+                 Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan      JO                Amman

087. Kazakhstan *+           Republic of Kazakhstan               KZ               Almaty
088. Kenya *+                   Republic of Kenya                      KE               Nairobi
089. Kiribati *                    Republic of Kiribati                     KR               Tarawa
090. Korea, North +           Democratic People's                   KN               P'yongyang
                                       Republic of Korea      
091. Korea, South *+         Republic of Korea                       KS               Seoul
092. Kuwait *+                  State of Kuwait                           KU              Kuwait
093. Kyrgyzstan *+            Kyrgyz Republic                          KG              Bishkek

094. Laos *+                    Lao People's Democratic Republic LA               Vientiane
095. Latvia *+                  Republic of Latvia                        LG              Riga
096. Lebanon *+              Republic of Lebanon                    LE               Beirut
097. Lesotho *+               Kingdom of Lesotho                     LT               Maseru
098. Liberia *+                 Republic of Liberia                       LI                Monrovia
099. Libya *+                   Socialist People's Libyan               LY               Tripoli
                                      Arab Jamahiriya     
100. Liechtenstein *+        Principality of Liechtenstein           LS               Vaduz
101. Lithuania *+              Republic of Lithuania                    LH              Vilnius
102. Luxembourg *+          Grand Duchy of Luxembourg         LU               Luxembourg

103. Macedonia, The
       Former Yugoslav        The Former Yugoslav Republic
       Republic of+              of Macedonia                              MK               Skopje
104. Madagascar *+          Republic of Madagascar               MA               Antananarivo
105. Malawi *+                 Republic of Malawi                       MI                Lilongwe
106. Malaysia *+              (no long-form name)                      MY               Kuala Lumpur
107. Maldives *+              Republic of Maldives                     MV               Male
108. Mali *+                     Republic of Mali                           ML                Bamako 
109. Malta *+                  (no long-form name)                      MT                Valletta
110. Marshall Islands *+    Republic of the Marshall Islands    RM                Majuro
111. Mauritania *+             Islamic Republic of Mauritania      MR                Nouakchott
112. Mauritius *+               Republic of Mauritius                   MP                Port Louis
113. Mexico *+                  United Mexican States                 MX                Mexico
114. Micronesia, Federated
       States of *+               Federated States of Micronesia     FM                Palikir
115. Moldova *+               Republic of Moldova                     MD                Chisinau
116. Monaco *+                Principality of Monaco                   MN                Monaco
117. Mongolia *+              (no long-form name)                      MG               Ulaanbaatar
118. Morocco *+               Kingdom of Morocco                      MO               Rabat
119. Mozambique *+         Republic of Mozambique                MZ                Maputo

120. Namibia *+               Republic of Namibia                      WA                Windhoek
121. Nauru *                    Republic of Nauru                         NR                Yaren District  
                                                                                                             (no capital city) 
122. Nepal *+                   Kingdom of Nepal                         NP                Kathmandu
123. Netherlands *+          Kingdom of the Netherlands           NL                Amsterdam 
                                                                                                           The Hague (seat of govt.)
124. New Zealand *+        (no long-form name)                      NZ                Wellington
125. Nicaragua *+             Republic of Nicaragua                   NU               Managua
126. Niger *+                    Republic of Niger                         NG               Niamey
127. Nigeria *+                 Federal Republic of Nigeria            NI                Abuja
128. Norway *+                Kingdom of Norway                       NO               Oslo

129. Oman *+                  Sultanate of Oman                        MU               Muscat

130. Pakistan *+               Islamic Republic of Pakistan          PK                Islamabad
131. Palau *+                   Republic of Palau                         PS                Koror
132. Panama *+               Republic of Panama                      PM               Panama
133. Papua New Guinea *+   Independent State                    PP                Port Moresby
                                         of Papua New Guinea     
134. Paraguay *+              Republic of Paraguay                   PA                Asuncion
135. Peru *+                     Republic of Peru                          PE                Lima
136. Philippines *+            Republic of the Philippines            RP               Manila
137. Poland *+                  Republic of Poland                       PL               Warsaw
138. Portugal *+                Portuguese Republic                    PO               Lisbon

139. Qatar *+                    State of Qatar                             QA               Doha

140. Romania *+               (no long-form name)                     RO               Bucharest
141. Russia *+                  Russian Federation                      RS                Moscow
142. Rwanda *+                Republic of Rwanda                     RW               Kigali

143. Saint Kitts and Nevis *+  Federation of Saint Kitts           SC                Basseterre
                                           and Nevis 
144. Saint Lucia *+            (no long-form name)                     ST                Castries
145. Saint Vincent and the 
       Grenadines *+            (no long-form name)                     VC                Kingstown 
146. San Marino *+            Republic of San Marino                SM                San Marino
147. Sao Tome and Principe *+  Democratic Republic 
       and Principe               of Sao Tome                                TP                Sao Tome
148. Saudi Arabia *+          Kingdom of Saudi Arabia               SA                Riyadh
149. Senegal *+                Republic of Senegal                      SG                Dakar
150. Seychelles *+            Republic of Seychelles                   SE                Victoria
151. Sierra Leone *+         Republic of Sierra Leone                SL                 Freetown
152. Singapore *+             Republic of Singapore                   SN                 Singapore
153. Slovakia *+               Slovak Republic                             LO                Bratislava
154. Slovenia *+               Republic of Slovenia                      SI                  Ljubljana          
155. Solomon Islands *+    (no long-form name)                      BP                 Honiara
156. Somalia *+                (no long-form name)                      SO                Mogadishu
157. South Africa *+           Republic of South Africa               SF                 Pretoria (administrative)
                                                                                                              Cape Town (legislative)
                                                                                                              Bloemfontein (judiciary) 
158. Spain *+                    Kingdom of Spain                        SP                  Madrid
159. Sri Lanka *+               Democratic Socialist                    CE                  Colombo
                                       Republic of Sri Lanka
160. Sudan *+                   Republic of the Sudan                 SU                  Khartoum

Short-form name                Long-form name                        Code2                  Capital
161. Suriname *+               Republic of Suriname                  NS                  Paramaribo
162. Swaziland *+              Kingdom of Swaziland                 WZ               Mbabane (administrative)
                                                                                                            Lobamba (legislative)
163. Sweden *+                 Kingdom of Sweden                    SW                 Stockholm
164. Switzerland *              Swiss Confederation                   SZ                  Bern
165. Syria *+                     Syrian Arab Republic                   SY                  Damascus

166. Tajikistan *+               Republic of Tajikistan                  TI                  Dushanbe
167. Tanzania *+               United Republic of Tanzania        TZ                  Dar es Salaam     
168. Thailand *+                Kingdom of Thailand                   TH                  Bangkok
169. Togo *+                     Republic of Togo                        TO                  Lome
170. Tonga *                     Kingdom of Tonga                      TN                   Nuku'alofa 
171. Trinidad and               Republic of Trinidad
       Tobago *+                  and Tobago                               TD                   Port-of-Spain
172. Tunisia *+                  Republic of Tunisia                     TS                   Tunis
173. Turkey *+                   Republic of Turkey                     TU                   Ankara
174. Turkmenistan *+         (no long-form name)                    TX                   Ashgabat
175. Tuvalu *                    (no long-form name)                    TV                   Funafuti

176. Uganda *+                 Republic of Uganda                    UG                   Kampala
177. Ukraine *+                 (no long-form name)                    UP                   Kiev
178. United Arab Emirates *+ United Arab Emirates               TC                   Abu Dhabi
179. United Kingdom *+      United Kingdom of Great Britain 
                                        and Northern Ireland                   UK                  London
180. United States +          United States of America              US                  Washington, DC
181. Uruguay *+                Oriental Republic of Uruguay        UY                  Montevideo
182. Uzbekistan *+            Republic of Uzbekistan                 UZ                  Tashkent

183. Vanuatu *+                Republic of Vanuatu                    NH                  Port-Vila 
184. Venezuela *+             Republic of Venezuela                 VE                  Caracas
185. Vietnam +                 Socialist Republic of Vietnam        VM                  Hanoi

186. Western Samoa *+      Independent State of
                                       Western Samoa                           WS                 Apia

187. Yemen *+ (see note5)  Republic of Yemen                      YM                 Sanaa

188. Zaire *+                     Republic of Zaire                         CG                 Kinshasa
189. Zambia *+                  Republic of Zambia                      ZA                 Lusaka
190. Zimbabwe *+              Republic of Zimbabwe                  ZI                  Harare

Other     


001. Taiwan (see note6 )    (no long-form name)                    TW                 Taipei


1In this listing, the term "independent state" refers to a people politically organized into a sovereign state with a definite territory      recognized as independent by the U.S.


2Federal Information Processing Standards (FIPS) 10-4 codes.


3With the establishment of diplomatic relations with China on January 1, 1979, the U.S. Government recognized the People's Republic of China as the sole legal government of China and acknowledged the Chinese position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is part of China. 


4In 1950 the Israel Parliament proclaimed Jerusalem as the capital. The U.S., like most other countries that have embassies in Israel, maintains its embassy in Tel Aviv.


5The U.S. view is that the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has dissolved and no successor state represents its continuation. Serbia and Montenegro have asserted the formation of a joint independent state, but this entity has not been formally recognized as a state by the U.S.


6Claimed by both the Government of the People's Republic of China and the authorities on Taiwan. Administered by the authorities on Taiwan. (see Note3)

Dependencies and Areas of Special Sovereignty

Short-form name            Long-form name                     Sovereignty            Code1      Capital

01. American Samoa     Territory of American Samoa     United States          AQ          Pago Pago
02. Anguilla                 (no long-form name)                 United Kingdom       AV          The Valley
03. Antarctica              (no long-form name)                 None 2                    AY          None
04. Aruba                    (no long-form name)                 Netherlands             AA          Oranjestad
05. Ashmore and          Territory of Ashmore and
     Cartier Islands        Cartier Islands                         Australia                  AT          Admin. fr.  
                                                                                                                           Canberra
06. Baker Island          (no long-form name)                  United States          FQ          Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                           Wash. DC 
07. Bermuda               (no long-form name)                  United Kingdom       BD          Hamilton
08. Bouvet Island        (no long-form name)                  Norway                   BV          Admin. fr. Oslo
09. British Indian Ocean   British Indian Ocean Territory  United Kingdom      IO          None
      Territory 3          

10. Cayman Islands      (no long-form name)                 United Kingdom       CJ          George Town
11. Christmas Island     Territory of Christmas Island      Australia                KT          The Settlement
                                                                                                                      (Flying Fish Cove)
12. Clipperton Island    (no long-form name)                 France                   IP          Admin. fr. Fr. 
                                                                                                                          Polynesia
13. Cocos (Keeling)      Territory of Cocos 
      Islands                  (Keeling) Islands                      Australia               CK          West Island
14. Cook Islands          (no long-form name)                 New Zealand         CW         Avarua
15. Coral Sea Islands    Coral Sea Islands Territory       Australia               CR          Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                         Canberra
16. Falkland Islands      Colony of the Falkland Islands  United Kingdom4   FK          Stanley
     (Islas Malvinas)          
17. Faroe Islands          (no long-form name)                Denmark               FO          Torshavn
18. French Guiana         Department of Guiana            France                  FG          Cayenne
19. French Polynesia     Territory of French Polynesia    France                 FP           Papeete 
20. French Southern      Territory of the French 
     and Antarctic Lands 5 Southern and Antarctic Lands France                 FS           Admin. fr. Paris

21. Gibraltar                (no long-form name)                 United Kingdom     GI          Gibraltar
22. Greenland              (no long-form name)                 Denmark              GL          Nuuk (Godthab)
23. Guadeloupe 6         Department of Guadeloupe       France                GP          Basse-Terre
24. Guam                     Territory of Guam                    United States       GQ         Agana
25. Guernsey                Bailiwick of Guernsey              British Crown Dep. GK         Saint Peter Port

26. Heard Island and     Territory of Heard Island and    Australia               HM         Admin. fr.
     McDonald Islands     McDonald Islands                                                            Canberra
27. Hong Kong             (no long-form name)                 United Kingdom7    HK        Victoria
28. Howland Island       (no long-form name)                 United States         HQ        Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                         Wash. DC

29. Jan Mayen             (no long-form name)                 Norway                  JN        Admin. fr. Oslo 8
30. Jarvis Island           (no long-form name)                 United States         DQ        Admin. fr. Wash
                                                                                                                        DC
31. Jersey                   Bailiwick of Jersey                     British Crown Dep. JE         Saint Helier
32. Johnston Atoll        (no long-form name)                  United States        JQ         Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                        Wash. DC

33. Kingman Reef        (no long-form name)                  United States        KQ         Admin. fr.
                                                                                                                        Wash. DC

34. Macau                  (no long-form name)                   Portugal9             MC         Macau
35. Man, Isle of          (no long-form name)                   British Crown Dep. IM          Douglas
36. Martinique            Department of Martinique            France                 MB          Fort-de-France
37. Mayotte                Territorial Collectivity of Mayotte  France                 MF          Mamoutzou
38. Midway Islands      (no long-form name)                   United States       MQ          Admin. fr.
                                                                                                                         Wash. DC
39. Montserrat            (no long-form name)                   United Kingdom    MH          Plymouth

40. Navassa Island     (no long-form name)                   United States        BQ          Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                         Wash. DC
41. Netherlands Antilles 10  (no long-form name)           Netherlands          NT          Willemstad
42. New Caledonia     Territory of New Caledonia and    France                 NC          Noumea 
                                Dependencies
43. Niue                    (no long-form name)                   New Zealand         NE          Alofi
44. Norfolk Island       Territory of Norfolk Island           Australia                NF          Kingston
45. Northern Mariana  Commonwealth of the Northern
      Islands                Mariana Islands                         United States        CQ          Saipan

46. Palmyra Atoll        (no long-form name)                  United States         LQ          Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                         Wash. DC
47. Paracel Islands     (no long-form name)                  undetermined 11     PF          None
48. Pitcairn Islands     Pitcairn, Henderson, Ducie,        United Kingdom      PC          Adamstown
                                and Oeno Islands
49. Puerto Rico          Commonwealth of Puerto Rico    United States         RQ          San Juan

50. Reunion 12           Department of Reunion             France                   RE          Saint-Denis

51. Saint Helena 13    (no long-form name)                  United Kingdom      SH          Jamestown
52. Saint Pierre and     Territorial Collectivity of            France                   SB          Saint-
      Miquelon              Saint Pierre and Miquelon                                                    Pierre
53. South Georgia       South Georgia and                   United Kingdom 4   SX          None
      and the South       the South Sandwich      
      Sandwich Islands  Islands
54. Spratly Islands      (no long-form name)                  undetermined 14     PG         None
55. Svalbard              (no long-form name)                   Norway                  SV          Longyearbyen

56. Tokelau               (no long-form name)                   New Zealand          TL          None
57. Turks and Caicos  (no long-form name)                   United Kingdom      TK          Grand Turk
      Islands 

58. Virgin Islands       Virgin Islands of the                    United States         VQ          Charlotte 
                               United States                                                                        Amalie
59. Virgin Islands,      (no long-form name)                    United Kingdom      VI           Road 
      British                                                                                                            Town

60. Wake Island        (no long-form name)                    United States          WQ         Admin. fr. 
                                                                                                                           Wash. DC
61. Wallis and Futuna Territory of the Wallis and           France                   WF          Mata'utu
                                Futuna Islands
62. Western Sahara    (no long-form name)                   undetermined          WI          None


1Federal Information Processing Standards (FIPS) 10-4 codes.

 2Antarctica consists of the territory south of 60 degrees south latitude. This area includes claims by Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New Zealand, Norway, and the United Kingdom, the legal status of which remains in suspense under the terms of the Antarctic Treaty of 1959. The United States recognizes no claims to Antarctica.

3Chagos Archipelago (including Diego Garcia).

4Also claimed by Argentina.

5"French Southern and Antarctic Lands" includes Ile Amsterdam, Ile Saint-Paul, Iles Crozet, and Iles Kerguelen in the southern Indian Ocean, along with the French-claimed sector of Antarctica, "Terre Adelie."  The United States does not recognize the French claim to "Terre Adelie" (see Note2).

6The Department of Guadeloupe includes the nearby islands of Marie-Galante and la Desirade and Iles des Saintes, as well as Saint  Barthelemy and the northern three-fifths of Saint Martin (the rest of which belongs to Netherlands Antilles).

7Under a Sino-British declaration of September 1984, Hong Kong will revert to China on July 1, 1997, the expiration of the U.K.'s 99-year lease on the New Territories.

8Administered from Oslo, Norway, through a governor resident in Longyearbyen, Svalbard.

9Under a Sino-Portuguese declaration of April 1987, Macau will revert to China on December 20, 1999.

10Netherlands Antilles comprises two groupings of islands: Curacao and Bonaire are located off the coast of Venezuela; Saba, Sint Eustatius, and Sint Maarten (the Dutch two-fifths of the island of Saint Martin) lie 800 km to the north.

11South China Sea islands occupied by China but claimed by Vietnam.

12Bassas da India (BS), Europa Island (EU), Glorioso Islands (GO), Juan de Nova Island (JU), and Tromelin Island (TE) are controlled by France and are administered from Reunion. (These islands are claimed by Madagascar; Tromelin Island also is claimed by Mauritius and Seychelles).

13The territory of Saint Helena includes the Island group of Tristan da Cunha; Saint Helena also administers Ascension Island.

14South China Sea islands claimed in entirety by China and Vietnam and in part by the Philippines and Malaysia; each of these states occupies some part of the islands. (

###)


[BOX]

The Independent States in the World list and the Dependencies and Areas of Special Sovereignty list are available on the Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) on the Internet and are accessible in the following ways: 

1. GOPHER: dosfan.lib.uic.edu
2. UNIVERSAL RESOURCE LOCATOR (URL): gopher://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/
3. WORLD WIDE WEB (WWW): http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/dosfan.html

Please select the menu item "General Foreign Policy" under which you will find entries for "Independent States in the World" and "Dependencies and Areas of Special Sovereignty." 

The lists also are accessible through the Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs' Fax-on-Demand system. For access information call (202) 736-7720. 

(###)


END OF DISPATCH VOL. 6, NO. 25

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