U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, NUMBER 43, OCTOBER 24, 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. Maintaining the Momentum for Peace in the Middle East --Secretary
Christopher
2. Combating Threats to Peace In the Middle East -- President Clinton,
Secretary Christopher, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin, White House
Statement, Joint Statement
3. Honoring U.S. Commitments in Haiti and the Persian Gulf --President
Clinton
4. Haiti: Democratic Government Restored -- Secretary Christopher,
Fact Sheet
5. Hope for Peace in Northern Ireland -- President Clinton
6. UN Security Council Adopts Resolution 949 on Iraq
7. UN Security Council Adopts Resolution 948 on Haiti
Note: Additional material relating to the President's trip to the
Middle East will be printed in Dispatch Supplement No. 10.
ARTICLE 1
Maintaining the Momentum for Peace in the Middle East
Secretary Christopher
Address at Georgetown University, October 24, 1994
Father O'Donovan, ladies and gentlemen: Thank you, Dean Krogh, for that
introduction.
Few institutions have done more to train and test the future leaders of
our foreign policy than Georgetown. There is, of course, President
Clinton. Only in America could one go on from the high office of
undergraduate Chairman of the Georgetown Food Service Investigation
Committee to become Commander-in-Chief. Georgetown also provided a home
for Professor Madeleine Albright, our superb ambassador to the UN. It
has sharpened the minds of countless other past, present, and future
ambassadors and other diplomats.
Much has changed in the world since the cruel divisions of the Cold War
disappeared. Containment of the Soviet Union need no longer be the
focal point of American diplomacy. The United States has a new
opportunity to build a more secure and integrated world of open
societies and open markets.
But some things do not change. Four decades ago, in his final State of
the Union address, President Truman captured the abiding nature of our
national purpose:
Circumstances change, and current questions take on different forms, new
complications, year by year. But underneath, the great issues remain
the same--prosperity, welfare, human rights, effective democracy, and
above all, peace.
The extraordinary events of the last few weeks remind us once again that
our nation's enduring interests do not shift with the times. And
neither does our obligation to pursue those interests through persistent
and steady diplomacy, backed by a willingness to use force when
necessary. That kind of diplomacy does not seek immediate results at
the expense of long-term goals. As we have seen so far in this
remarkable autumn, the pay-off comes over time.
In Haiti, President Aristide's triumphant return capped a three-year
commitment to restore democratic government. When every avenue for a
peaceful resolution was exhausted, we mobilized military action. Our
willingness to back our commitments with force allowed us to meet our
initial goals with maximum speed and minimum bloodshed. The coup
leaders are gone. The legitimate government is back in place. Refugees
are returning. We have sent a powerful message to would-be coup
plotters: Democracy, the key to stability in the Americas, cannot be
overturned with impunity and cannot be stolen from the people. In
Haiti, as elsewhere, we must not be complacent. But we have made great
strides.
Our determined diplomacy on the North Korean nuclear issue has yielded
an agreed framework that advances long-standing American objectives. As
implemented, it will lift the specter of a nuclear arms race from
northeast Asia. Over 16 months of negotiations, we consulted closely
with South Korea, Japan, and the International Atomic Energy Agency. We
worked with China, Russia, and the other Security Council members and
made real the threat of economic sanctions. The result is a broadly
supported, verifiable agreement that preserves peace and stability in a
region vital to our interests.
The recent achievements in Haiti and on the North Korean nuclear issue
were the direct result of sustained American leadership, coalition-
building, and diplomacy backed by force. That same consistent purpose
and engagement have been the hallmark of this Administration's policy
toward the Middle East. Today, I would like to focus on the dramatic
changes that are occurring in this vital region. The Arab-Israeli
conflict is coming to an end, with American leadership playing a
critical role. What I want to do is to set the scene for the President's
trip to the Middle East, which begins tomorrow morning.
The day after his election, almost two years ago, President Clinton
reaffirmed America's enduring interest in the Middle East. He vowed to
make the pursuit of Arab-Israeli peace one of his top priorities. And
he put in place a comprehensive strategy to accelerate progress.
Diplomatically, the United States has helped to energize and sustain
negotiations launched in Madrid and based upon UN Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338. Economically, we have marshalled international
support for the Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles. We have
established the U.S.-Israel-Jordan Economic Commission. And we have
pressed for an end to the Arab boycott. Strategically, we have
strengthened our security ties with Israel and our key Arab friends, and
thus formed a bulwark against aggression by the region's rogue regimes,
especially Iraq and Iran.
Today, this strategy is producing historic results. In 24 hours, the
President will embark on a trip that will reinforce every element of the
basic approach he laid down almost two years ago.
First, to advance the peace process, he will witness Jordan become only
the second Arab state to sign a full peace treaty with Israel. In
Damascus, he will seek to build on this momentum by pressing for
progress in negotiations between Israel and Syria.
Second, in his meetings in Israel, Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, the
President will preview next week's economic conference in Casablanca.
There, 900 chief executive officers and senior executives from Israel,
the Arab states, and around the world will explore the opportunities
being created by the transformation of the Middle East and North Africa.
Finally, in Kuwait, the President will visit with American soldiers--
part of the force he deployed there two weeks ago to turn back Saddam
Hussein's threat to his neighbors.
Throughout his trip, the President will deliver an unmistakable message:
The United States will do everything in its power to advance the
opportunity that exists to build a new future for the Middle East. We
cannot allow the terrorists of Hamas and Hezbollah or the rogue regimes
of Iraq and Iran to kill the prospects for peace. Standing shoulder-to-
shoulder with Israel and our Arab partners, the United States will stay
the course to ensure that the forces of the future triumph over the
forces of the past.
This is also the message that Jordan and Israel will send at their
signing ceremony on Wednesday. King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin
are committed to building a "warm" peace. These two courageous leaders
are determined that their border will become a gateway rather than a
barrier. Already, there are ads in Israeli papers for tours of Jordan's
great historical sites in Petra and Jerash. Through the work of the
U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Commission, plans are underway to develop
joint economic projects, to share water resources, and to develop the
Jordan Rift Valley. These projects will build bonds of human contact
and common interest. They will cement an enduring peace.
Over the last year, the Middle East has begun a broad transformation
that I believe is fundamental. The changes have been so rapid and
constant that, today, we take for granted developments that two years
ago seemed fantastic.
The Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles is giving more than 800,000
Palestinians in Gaza and Jericho control over their lives. An agreement
has been reached on early empowerment for the West Bank, and
negotiations have begun for Palestinian elections. Of course, great
difficulties remain. But Prime Minister Rabin, Foreign Minister Peres,
and Chairman Arafat are determined to make peace a reality.
Economic development is essential to the Palestinians' success.
Palestinians need proof that peace will improve their lives. That is
why the United States has mobilized the donor community to support
Palestinian self-government. That is why we have worked so closely with
Chairman Arafat to allow aid projects to begin in Gaza and Jericho. But
more must be done to facilitate the flow of assistance and maximize its
effect so it can be felt by people on the ground.
If the Palestinians' greatest need is economic development--and it is--
the greatest threat they confront is Hamas terror. As surely as last
week's bus massacre was targeted at Israelis, it was also aimed at
destroying Palestinian aspirations. If peace brings nothing but more
terror, the process of reconciliation surely will not succeed.
Palestinians, more than anyone, will suffer. It is imperative that
Chairman Arafat fulfill his responsibility to root out terror in the
areas he controls. The same courage he has demonstrated in making peace
must now be shown in fighting the enemies of peace.
The Israeli-Syrian negotiating track also has undergone important
changes in the last year. For the first time, these once bitter enemies
are engaged in serious negotiations to end their conflict. I have spent
dozens of hours in intensive discussions with President Asad and Prime
Minister Rabin. I can tell you that both men are deeply engaged in
addressing the central issues of a settlement. We have succeeded in
narrowing differences, but important gaps remain.
In my view, the time is fast approaching when some very difficult
decisions must be made. If these talks are to succeed, if they are to
produce the "peace of the brave" of which President Asad speaks, then
the deliberate pace of the current negotiations must give way to a
bolder approach.
We understand the risks and costs involved. For Syria, peace requires
overcoming decades of suspicion and ending policies geared to
confrontation. In an environment of genuine and comprehensive peace, in
which there will be no place for terrorists on Israel's borders, we can
look to the day when relations between Syria and the United States will
improve. For Israel, peace with Syria will require difficult decisions.
But the promise of peace is powerful: an end to the Arab-Israeli
conflict, an end to the threat of war, and Israel's full integration
into the political and economic life of the Middle East.
There are stern tests for peace between Israel and Syria. First, it
must be a real peace that reflects an active commitment to
reconciliation. It is significant that President Asad has said that
Syria has made a strategic choice for peace with Israel and is prepared
to meet its objective requirements. The requirements of real peace are
clear to all: Agreed-upon withdrawal, full diplomatic relations,
borders that facilitate the movement of people and goods, and a
commitment never to threaten each other again.
Second, peace between Israel and Syria must provide security for both
sides. After decades of hostility, each side needs to be sensitive to
the security concerns of the other. If requested, the United States
stands ready to participate, in an appropriate form, in the security
arrangements negotiated between the parties.
Let there be no doubt on this point: America's strategic commitment to
Israel's security is unshakable. We will maintain Israel's qualitative
military edge and its ability to defend itself by itself. As President
Clinton has pledged, the United States will do all it can to help Israel
minimize the risks it takes for peace.
Finally, peace between Israel and Syria must open the way to a
comprehensive peace. An Israeli-Syrian agreement will inevitably widen
the circle of Arab states making peace with Israel. And it will build
the confidence of all that peace will endure. This is why we say an
agreement between Israel and Syria is a key to a comprehensive peace.
Our vision is simple: on the one hand, an Israel that is secure and at
peace with every Arab and Islamic state of goodwill; on the other hand,
an Arab world liberated from conflict, able to devote its resources to
economic development and the needs of its people.
We are making dramatic progress toward a comprehensive peace. In just
the last month, with American encouragement, Morocco and Tunisia
established official ties with Israel. And in a meeting with me at the
UN a very short time ago, Saudi Arabia and the other states of the Gulf
Cooperation Council announced an end to the secondary and tertiary
boycott of companies that deal with Israel. This opens enormous trade
and investment opportunities both for Israel and American business.
Very soon, we hope to see the entire boycott relegated, as it must be,
to the history books.
Next week in Casablanca, the Middle East's progress toward a new future
will take a leap forward when Morocco's King Hassan convenes the Middle
East/North Africa Economic Summit Conference. Just as the Madrid
conference shattered the taboo on political contacts between Israel and
the Arabs, so too will Casablanca shatter the taboo on private sector
cooperation.
Our message there will be powerful: The Middle East is open for
business. Through investment, trade, and joint ventures, private
commerce can build the ties that will transform peace between
governments into peace between peoples. Only a vibrant private sector
can generate the growth and integration needed to undergird an enduring
peace. I am pleased that American companies will be well represented at
Casablanca, and that they are poised to take advantage of tremendous new
opportunities in the Middle East and North Africa. Governments, too,
must do their part. They must reduce economic barriers and help build
the infrastructure that joins the Middle East by road, air, fax, and
microchip.
Redefining the Middle East from a zone of continuing conflict to one of
expanding reconciliation is the opportunity that we must seize now. And
that is the opportunity that we must protect from the enemies of peace.
The recent wave of terror against Israel has been undertaken by
desperate forces who know that their extremism has no future in a region
moving toward peace. Their only hope is to fight a rearguard action of
violence designed to return the Middle East to a tragic past of fear and
conflict. We will not let them succeed.
The international community must reject the terrorism of Hamas,
Hezbollah, and other extremists. Strong condemnation of terror,
especially from Israel's Arab partners, is an essential starting point.
But condemnation is not enough. A real penalty must be imposed. We
must join together to turn off all foreign sources of funding for
terrorism, both public and private. Front organizations based abroad
that are linked to terrorism must be shut down. And the perpetrators
and organizers of terror must be punished.
That is the course we are urging upon governments in the Middle East and
around the world. And that is the course we are pursuing. We will do
everything we can--and seek legislation where necessary--to ensure that
Hamas and other terrorists do not get support from inside the United
States.
Of course, radical groups could not continue their atrocities without
the support of rejectionist states. Iran and Iraq remain the region's
most dangerous actors. Through our policy of dual containment, the
United States is leading the world in combating the threat they pose.
Iran is the world's most significant state sponsor of terrorism and the
most ardent opponent of the Middle East peace process. The
international community has been far too tolerant of Iran's outlaw
behavior. Arms sales and preferential economic treatment, which make it
easier for Iran to divert resources to terrorism, should be terminated.
The evidence is overwhelming: Iran is intent on projecting terror and
extremism across the Middle East and beyond. Only a concerted
international effort can stop it.
In recent days, the rogue state of Iraq has tested our resolve, and we
have met the test. In a scenario chillingly like that preceding the
1990 invasion of Kuwait, Saddam Hussein moved troops to the Kuwaiti
border. Within hours, President Clinton deployed U.S. forces to Kuwait.
Saddam got the message, stopped dead in his tracks, and pulled back.
The UN Security Council--acting under U.S. leadership--passed a
unanimous resolution demanding that Saddam withdraw the forces he had
moved to the south. It barred him from taking any actions in the future
to enhance his military forces there. And it warned Saddam never again
to threaten his neighbors or UN operations in Iraq.
Saddam has shown himself to be a repeat offender, trusted neither by the
international community nor by the Arab world. We have put him on
notice that any repetition of his recent threats will be met by all
means necessary, including military force.
The Iraqi people should understand that Saddam's brutal regime bears
full responsibility for their suffering. Saddam has continued to waste
Iraq's resources on military ventures. He has refused to take advantage
of UN resolutions that would permit humanitarian needs to be met. I
assure you that Saddam will not intimidate the UN into lifting
sanctions. He knows that sanctions can only be eased after Iraq
complies in full with all relevant Security Council resolutions. Not
surprisingly, that is the only approach he has not tried.
Saddam's continued aggression and Hamas' recent campaign of terror
underscore that forces of hatred and extremism still stalk the Middle
East. But we will not allow their violence to blind us to the broader
sweep of history at work in the region. Amazing change is under way.
As this century draws to a close, Arabs and Israelis stand on the
threshold of a new future--one of hope and peace, not despair and war.
American leadership, power, and diplomacy, through Administrations of
both parties, has been indispensable in bringing us to this moment of
promise. If the United States had not stepped forward, Iraqi forces
might today be back in Kuwait City, North Korea would be proceeding to
build nuclear weapons, and Haitians would still be suffering under
military dictators. Our recent achievements remind us that only the
United States has the strategic vision and the global capabilities to
lead.
Now more than ever, American leadership is critical to ensure that the
promise of peace becomes a reality. We cannot--we will not--allow the
forces of the past to destroy this historic opportunity. The momentum
for peace must be maintained. Thank you very much.
(###)
ARTICLE 2
Combating Threats to Peace in the Middle East
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin,
White House Statement, Joint Statement
President Clinton
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary,
Washington, DC, October 19, 1994.
The terrorist bombing this morning in Tel Aviv is an outrage against the
conscience of the world. Our thoughts and prayers are with the
Government and people of Israel at this terrible moment, especially the
families of those killed and wounded in this criminal act.
This attack comes at a moment when we are rejoicing in the progress
which has been made toward a real and lasting peace in the Middle East.
The terrorists who committed this act are enemies of that peace and
enemies of all those who are working to create a better future for the
people of the region. Their violence is aimed at destroying the hopes
of the Palestinian people as surely as it is directed at the people of
Israel. They must not be allowed to succeed. I call upon leaders in
the Middle East and throughout the world to condemn this act and to
ensure that there is no haven or support for those responsible.
Together, we will ensure that the promise of peace for which we have
worked so long is realized.
President Clinton
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary,
Washington, DC, October 14, 1994.
I wish to express my profound shock and abhorrence at the death of Cpl.
Nachshon Wachsman as the result of his kidnaping by Hamas terrorists.
On behalf of the American people, Hillary and I would like to convey our
deepest sympathy to the Wachsman family and to the people of Israel at
this dark moment. Nachshon Wachsman was a son of Israel, but he was
also a son of America.
Terrorists must know that these acts will not defeat the process that is
bringing peace to Israel and its Arab enemies. In the face of such
cowardly and evil actions, I know that it is hard to go forward. But we
owe it to all those who have paid such a heavy price to persist and
finally prevail in our pursuit of peace.
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at a press conference, Alexandria, Egypt, October 14, 1994.
It is always a pleasure to be back here in the presence of President
Mubarak, who has contributed so much to the peace process. I came here
expecting to report to him on the peace process--the remarkable progress
that has been made. Unfortunately, I have found that we are having to
deal with two of the most notorious threats to the peace process--Saddam
Hussein and Hamas. Those two subjects, I'm afraid, have intruded on our
discussions on the peace process. I emphasized to the President that,
in my view, the sole purpose of this week's wave of terror by Hamas is
to kill the peace process. I stressed that we must not permit that to
happen.
In the discussion that I had with President Mubarak, we were joined for
a few minutes at the end by Chairman Arafat, who had just arrived here.
I stressed to him in the strongest possible terms that he must take
every conceivable step to provide the safe freedom of Corporal Wachsman,
to punish whoever has kidnaped him, and to confront the reign of terror
imposed by Hamas. I feel that there can be no compromise with Hamas as
killers and as kidnapers.
President Mubarak and I reviewed the situation in the Gulf before we
were joined by Chairman Arafat. I briefed him on my trip to Kuwait and
found him steadfast in his opposition to the steps taken by Saddam
Hussein and fully supportive of the stance taken by the coalition: the
United States, the United Kingdom, France, and the Gulf Cooperation
Council countries, Syria, and Egypt. He agreed that the Iraqis must not
be permitted to threaten Kuwait again. I think we are steadfast in the
notion that there must be no easing of the sanctions at this time under
the threats from Saddam Hussein. To put it in a somewhat larger vein,
both Hamas and Saddam Hussein are fighting the rearguard action against
the great progress that has been made.
The transformation of the Middle East is a dominant factor here, and
President Mubarak has been one of the leaders in this historic
transformation. We will not permit any of the enemies of peace to
interfere in the tremendous progress, the bright hope that there is. I
have always enjoyed being in the presence of President Mubarak, because
he has been a strong force in this transformation of the Middle East
peace process. Thank you very much.
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at Andrews Air Force Base, Washington, DC, October 14, 1994.
Before going home tonight, I wanted to make a statement expressing my
great sorrow and anger over the death this evening of Cpl. Nachshon
Wachsman.
I cannot begin to express my outrage at the terrorists responsible for
this tragedy. Nor can I adequately convey the sympathy I feel for the
parents and family of Corporal Wachsman and for the Israeli people, who
have all been victims in this national tragedy. The hearts of all
Americans go out to Israel tonight as we stand together in the fight
against terror.
As a parent, I cannot imagine anything more painful than the nightmare
that Corporal Wachsman's parents have been forced to endure. Their son
was just 19 years old, only months out of high school. He was also an
American, whose life ended in the cruelest manner for no other reason
than that he was also an Israeli and a Jew.
The responsibility for the tragic death of Corporal Wachsman and his
Israeli comrade rests squarely on Hamas. The killers of Hamas place no
value on human life. Their only objective is to intimidate, to
terrorize, and to kill. Once again, Hamas has shown it has no place in
the civilized world.
There can be no compromise with these killers. We can never surrender
or turn a blind eye to their terror. The United States stands side by
side with Israel and all those who seek to give terror no quarter.
Hamas's efforts to kill the peace process are first and foremost a
threat to Israelis and Palestinians and their process of reconciliation.
Palestinians are building institutions of self-government, and there can
be no place for the proponents of terror in the new society they are
creating. I stressed this point today with Chairman Arafat and urged
him to do everything in his power to accomplish it, and he said he
would.
Palestinians and Israelis need our help in this struggle. Countries
throughout the region and the international community must take steps to
fight Hamas by shutting down its operations and its sources of funding.
Terrorism knows no borders, and eliminating it must be a collective
responsibility of the international community.
We cannot allow Hamas and the enemies of peace to destroy the remarkable
progress we have made. The Middle East is in a process of
transformation. The future is one of hope, and we will not permit
terrorism to stop it.
Again, I want to express my deepest sympathies to Corporal Wachsman's
parents and family. My thoughts and prayers are with them at this very
sad and difficult time.
Secretary Christopher, Prime Minister Rabin
Remarks following a meeting at the Ministry of Defense, Tel Aviv,
Israel, October 13, 1994.
Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. Secretary, your colleagues: We welcome you
again on your visit to Israel. As I told you on several occasions, we
appreciate very much your efforts, your contribution to the peace
process--to what has been achieved and to what is needed to be achieved.
No doubt, your efforts helped us so far and no doubt will continue to
help us in solving the problems, removing the obstacles, and reaching
comprehensive peace. In our talks today, the first issue, of course,
was the terrible event carried out by the Hamas of kidnaping an Israeli
soldier and bringing him--in accordance to our information--to Gaza and
holding him as a hostage, and I explained Israel's policy to the
Secretary. We see the Palestinian Authority and its leader, Chairman
Arafat, responsible for the well-being, life, and the safe return of
Nachshon Wachsman to his family and to Israel.
In accordance with the implementation of the Declaration of Principles--
the way it was formulated in the Cairo Agreement--the Palestinian
Authority and its leader, Chairman Arafat, have received a certain area
that comes under their control. I refer to the Gaza Strip and Jericho,
and they are responsible for what is done or is not done there.
Therefore, for us, they are the address to make sure that the soldier be
kept alive and returned alive to Israel. I described the severe
consequences, if this does not happen, to the continuation of the
implementation of the Declaration of Principles between the Palestinians
and Israel. We negotiate with every Arab partner in the context of the
Madrid peace conference on the merits of the bilateral issues.
Therefore, this issue is related only to the continuation of the
negotiations and the implementation of the Declaration of Principles
between us and the Palestinians and will not affect our progress with
Jordan and hopeful progress with Syria and Lebanon.
We discussed the situation in all these areas of negotiations, and we
look forward with great hope that we will move ahead. In certain areas,
it will take longer; in certain areas, I hope less time will be needed
to reach agreements. And no doubt, I would like to thank, in the name
of the Government of Israel, the U.S. Secretary, for your efforts, for
what has been done by you and what will be done with you.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you very much, Mr. Prime Minister. When I
met with the Prime Minister this morning, I conveyed the sense of
outrage and anguish I felt over the Hamas-sponsored terrorist incident.
I particularly told him that I felt outraged about the kidnaping of
Corporal Wachsman and that we were doing everything we could to assist
in his safe return. I reported my telephone call to Chairman Arafat and
the follow-up calls that my staff has been making to Chairman Arafat to
try to ensure that every conceivable thing is being done for his safe
return. We discussed the role of Hamas in this situation. I emphasized
that, in my judgment, Hamas is recognizing the progress that is being
made, recognizing the transformation of the landscape, and is taking
these actions out of desperation, because they see that progress is
being made. The Prime Minister asked me to report briefly on my trip to
Kuwait, and I did so. I told him that one of the high points of the
trip was the condemnation of terrorism by the Gulf Cooperation Council.
That is something that wouldn't have happened before, and that is an
indication that the area is changing, that things are improving, and, in
a sense, Hamas is fighting a desperate rearguard action. Things are
changing; things are improving, and Hamas will not be permitted to kill
these hopes--to kill the prospects for peace.
I am going to stay in close touch with the Prime Minister as we move
through this very difficult period, but I think both of us are resolved
to try to keep this process on the tracks. As the Prime Minister said,
we will be moving ahead on these tracks, making all possible progress--
some more accelerated than others--but, nevertheless, trying to seek
peace with security for Israel and peace with its neighbors. Thank you
very much, Mr. Prime Minister, for the support and cooperation you are
giving me.
Secretary Christopher
Statement following meeting with Syrian President Asad, Damascus, Syria,
October 13, 1994.
President Asad, Foreign Minister Shara, Dennis Ross, and our ambassador
and I met for about three and a half hours. We had a very substantive
discussion. I was renewed in my feeling that both parties are very
serious; both parties are seeking and pursuing a peace agreement with
great determination. I find them in a problem-solving mode, more so
than on any prior occasion. I feel that the parties are moving in the
right direction, and that we are on a steady course. At the same time,
there are gaps that remain, and much hard work is yet to be done. I
want to compliment both President Asad and Prime Minister Rabin, who I
met with this morning, for the seriousness with which they are going
about this endeavor. I believe this is probably the most substantive
and serious discussion I have had with both of them all through this
process, but, as I said, there is a lot of work ahead.
White House Statement
Statement by White House Press Secretary Dee Dee Myers, Washington, DC,
October 13, 1994.
President Clinton strongly condemns the cruel and cowardly abduction of
Israeli Cpl. Nachshon Wachsman by the violent terrorist group Hamas.
Secretary of State Warren Christopher has discussed the issue with Prime
Minister Rabin and Chairman Arafat and offered American assistance. The
President expects Chairman Arafat to do all in his power to ensure
Corporal Wachsman's safe return to his family.
The U.S. Government will continue to work closely with the Israeli
Government and the Palestinian authorities until Corporal Wachsman
is returned unharmed.
The President shares the anguish and grief of the Wachsman family and
conveys the sympathy and prayers of the American people for his safe and
speedy return.
Joint Statement
The following was issued by the United States, United Kingdom, and the
Gulf Coordination Council, Kuwait City, Kuwait, October 12, 1994.
The Foreign Ministers of the six members of the Gulf Cooperation
Council, joined by U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher and U.K.
Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd, met in Kuwait October 12 in order to
review the threat to peace and regional security posed by Iraq's recent
provocative actions--including threatening military movements and
bellicose statements--and appropriate responses to those actions.
The Ministers expressed their unwavering support for Kuwait's
independence and territorial inviolability, and their collective
determination to confront together threats to the region. They
condemned in strongest terms Iraq's recent hostile military movements--a
clear violation of UN Security Council resolutions, and called upon the
international community to join in prompt steps to end the current
threat to Kuwait and to ensure that Iraq does not again threaten the
State of Kuwait or the stability of the region. Iraq's announcement of
the withdrawal of troops mobilized on Kuwait's borders does not change
the fact that the Iraqi Government has again, as so tragically in the
past, demonstrated a willingness to resort to the threat of force to
achieve its objectives. They welcomed the statements throughout the
Arab world denouncing Iraqi behavior.
The Ministers agreed that mobilization of resources and deployment of
forces should continue until they are assured that Iraq no longer poses
an immediate threat. The Coalition-GCC forces should remain at the
highest degree of readiness so long as the current threat to Kuwait
exists. They agreed on the importance of further enhancement of
Coalition-GCC military coordination of ongoing deployments and joint
activities in the region.
The Ministers underscored the continuing importance of the activities of
the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) inside Iraq, and stressed the
importance of a firm response to any attempt by Iraq to interfere with
UNSCOM's mission. Iraqi activities of the past week have shown that
Iraq poses a continued threat to the security of Kuwait. Saddam Hussein
has severely set back any prospect of relieving sanctions on his
country. Relaxation of sanctions will remain premature until Iraq
complies fully with its obligations under the relevant UNSC resolutions.
The Ministers emphasized that they had no quarrel with the Iraqi people.
They drew attention to the humanitarian provisions of the UNSC
resolutions which the Iraqi regime has failed to take up. The
responsibility for the hardship of the Iraqi people lies entirely with
the regime of Saddam Hussein.
The U.S. Secretary of State praised the support for the Middle East
peace process provided by the GCC member states' decision to lift the
secondary and tertiary aspects of the boycott and to support Arab League
action with respect to the primary boycott.
He briefed the Foreign Ministers
on latest developments in the peace process, including his just-
completed visits to Israel, Syria and Jordan.
The Ministers welcomed the positive steps achieved in the peace process
thus far and expressed their support for the continuing efforts of
Secretary Christopher to assist the parties in reaching a just and
comprehensive settlement of the Middle East conflict. They declared
their opposition to acts by terrorist groups designed to disrupt the
progress toward and the hope for peace. They also expressed their
support for the Middle East/North Africa Economic Summit Conference
being organized by his Majesty King Hassan of Morocco in order to
encourage greater private sector involvement in the peace process.
Kuwait's Foreign Minister in welcoming visiting Ministers expressed his
deep appreciation for the swift and decisive steps taken over the past
week by the U.S., U.K., GCC countries and other Coalition members to
meet the threat posed by Iraq's new provocations.
The Ministers express their appreciation to the Government of Kuwait for
holding the meeting and their intention to continue to consult and
cooperate closely on matters of regional peace and security.
Secretary Christopher, Prime Minister Rabin
Remarks following meeting at the Office of the Prime Minister,
Jerusalem, October 10, 1994.
Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. Secretary and colleagues: We welcome your
visit that has become part of the effort to achieve peace based on the
principles that have guided us since the Madrid conference almost three
years ago. Unfortunately, your visit today is under the shadow of the
terrible terrorist act carried out against innocent Israelis in the
center of Jerusalem. Those enemies of Israel--the Hamas and other
murderous organizations--will not hesitate to do everything to prevent
us from living in peace--to hit wherever and whenever possible to kill
Israelis because they are Israelis and to undermine the prospects of
peace. We will fight these murderous organizations. We will prevent
them to the best of our ability from killing Israelis. And by no means
will we allow them to achieve their goal--to interfere with our move
toward peace.
Mr. Secretary, allow me to thank the United States and to thank you for
the efforts that brought about in the last few months many positive
results. I believe that we continue in the process of the
implementation of the Declaration of Principles with the Palestinians.
I believe that we are moving hopefully toward peace this year with
Jordan. You brought about a decision by the Gulf countries to ignore
the boycott--the second and the third chapters of it. And there is no
doubt in my mind that your visit this week to the Middle East will make
possible other steps toward the achievement of our goal. I know the
problem of the negotiations with Syria remains unsolved. There are gaps
between the positions of Syria and Israel. What we want is peace and
security with dignity for Israel and Syria. We want a fair, real peace
that brings about normalization and security to both our countries, and
it has to be done while maintaining the dignity of our peoples and our
countries together. Because otherwise it will not be based on a real,
solid basis.
I wish you, Mr. Secretary, a fruitful visit in the region. And thank
you very much.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. I am very
pleased to be back here in the region and to have a chance to exchange
views with the Prime Minister and to work with him to facilitate the
peace process. Unfortunately, as the Prime Minister said, other items
have arisen on the agenda. Only last night, as he said, the enemies of
peace once again showed their cowardly face. These terrorists have no
purpose but to kill--to kill innocent men, women, and children and, most
of all, to kill the peace. Our being here brings home to us the terror
with which the people of Israel live day after day. I just want to tell
you on behalf of President Clinton and myself: We are determined that
they shall not succeed in killing the peace. I want to express my own
sense of outrage at this atrocity and give my condolences to all of the
families of those who were killed and injured in this terrible attack.
The Prime Minister and I also reviewed this morning the situation on the
Iraq-Kuwait border. We expressed our resolve that Saddam Hussein would
not be permitted to intimidate the people of Kuwait or the people of
this region. Our resolve is clear: The Iraqis must comply with all the
relevant Security Council resolutions, and there shall be no easing of
the sanctions until that happens. I think this incident shows once
again the need to maintain a very strong front against this kind of
conduct. We will certainly not allow him to threaten regional stability
again. I am glad to say that there seems to be a strong convergence of
the forces in this region that recognize that that simply cannot be
permitted to happen.
As the Prime Minister noted, we have seen a number of steps in recent
days that indicate that Israel's relations with its Arab neighbors are
vastly improved. The limitations on the enforcement of the boycott by
the Gulf Cooperation Council countries is an important step. The
relations between Israel and Tunisia and Morocco are also an indication
of the changing character of the scene here. The landscape really is
being transformed as we watch. We will be seeing a very important
meeting in Casablanca at the end of this month, in which there is an
opportunity for all the countries of the region to join with businessmen
and leaders from around the world in presenting economic opportunities
that flow from the peace process.
As the Prime Minister said, much hard work remains, particularly on the
track between Israel and Syria. I will be devoting a good deal of my
time to that effort while I am here, and I am leaving for Syria early
tomorrow morning. The interview given on Israeli television by Foreign
Minister Shara is, I think, an indication of the way circumstances are
changing. It is a good first step, but it also indicates the gaps that
exist and the distance that we have to travel. I want to renew the
dedication that President Clinton, our Administration, and I have to
facilitating the efforts to reach a peaceful, comprehensive settlement
at the earliest possible time. I am very honored to have an opportunity
to work with the Prime Minister in this historic effort to achieve peace
for the region. I feel, as the Prime Minister said, that we have great
opportunities before us, and I will be working hard to achieve that.
Thank you very much.
(###)
ARTICLE 3
Honoring U.S. Commitments in Haiti and the Persian Gulf
President Clinton
Radio Address to the nation, Washington, DC, October 15, 1994
Good morning. I want to begin by expressing my profound shock and
abhorrence at the death of Corporal Nachshon Wachsman as a result of his
kidnaping by Hamas terrorists. On behalf of the American people, Hillary
and I want to convey our deepest sympathy to the Wachsman family and to
the people of Israel at this dark moment. Nachshon Wachsman was a son
of Israel, but he was also a son of America.
Terrorists must know that these acts will not defeat the process that is
bringing peace to Israel and her Arab neighbors. In the face of such
cowardly and evil actions, I know it is hard to go forward, but we owe
it to all those who have paid such a heavy price to persist and finally
to prevail in the pursuit of peace in the Middle East.
Our efforts to achieve a comprehensive peace in the Middle East are part
of an overall strategy to enhance American security and broaden American
opportunities in the post-Cold War world--by promoting democracy,
increasing trade, and reducing the threat of terror, chaos, and weapons
of mass destruction.
We are making progress on all fronts. U.S. and Russian missiles are no
longer targeted at each other. We are expanding trade through NAFTA,
the GATT world trade agreement, and a new agreement with Japan. This
means more jobs for Americans and less tension with other countries.
And we have to be encouraged by the recent successes of democracy and
our peace efforts in the Middle East, in Northern Ireland, and, of
course, in South Africa.
Today, I want to talk with you about Haiti and Iraq. In Haiti this
week, we helped restore the democratic government of President Aristide
after three years of brutal military rule. In the Persian Gulf, our
resolve in the face of Iraq's provocative actions is preserving security
in that vital region.
Even as I speak with you this morning, Haiti's first democratically
elected President is flying home to resume his rightful place at the
helm of his country. President Aristide's return marks the end of one
leg of a long and difficult journey and the start of a new era of hope
for the Haitian people.
They have come a long way since a military coup toppled the democratic
government in 1991. For three years, the international community, led
by the United States, tried diplomacy and economic sanctions to force
the brutal military regime from power. They were unwilling to yield.
Four weeks ago, faced with an imminent, U.S.-led invasion authorized by
the United Nations, the military regime finally agreed to peacefully
give up power. Since then, our troops, together with those of our
coalition partners, have done a remarkable job in moving Haiti from fear
to freedom.
President Aristide returns today to a more stable, less violent nation.
The parliament is once again open for business. In the best sign that
democracy is taking hold, thousands of refugees are returning from
Guantanamo. But let me say, dangers still remain. We know that.
Still, thanks to the men and women of our Armed Forces and the brilliant
work they have done in Haiti, democracy is back on track.
Now the difficult job of rebuilding Haiti must begin. Countries from
around the world have pledged to do their part, starting with a $550-
million recovery and reconstruction program. In the end, though, only
the Haitian people can do the job of rebuilding their country.
It clearly will be a difficult task. But the people of Haiti have
survived decades of violence and terror and poverty with dignity, pride,
and hope. Now they have an opportunity to make democracy work for
themselves and to reach their God-given potential.
Our troops have helped to give them the chance to do so, just as they
also are giving the people of Kuwait the confidence that they can live
in peace. It was less than four years ago that the men and women of
operation Desert Storm drove Saddam Hussein's troops out of Kuwait.
This time, we are determined not to let Iraq violate its neighbors'
borders or to create new instability in the Gulf region. That is why,
in the face of Iraq's threatening troop movements on the Kuwaiti border
last week, I ordered our troops, ships, and attack aircraft to the Gulf.
Our policy is clear--we will not allow Iraq to threaten its neighbors or
to intimidate the United Nations as it ensures that Iraq never again
possesses weapons of mass destruction.
Much of the force that Iraq sent to the border has retreated. But
significant elements still remain within striking distance of Kuwait.
We are watching this situation very carefully and continuing with the
deployment of our own forces. They will remain in the area and on alert
until we are absolutely satisfied that Iraq no longer poses threats to
Kuwait.
At the same time, we are working to ensure that Iraq does not threaten
its neighbors or UN weapons inspectors in the future. We are seeking
support in the UN Security Council for a strong resolution that would
prevent renewed provocations by Iraq.
I share the pride of every American in the men and women of our Armed
Forces. In both the Western Hemisphere and on the edge of the Persian
Gulf, they have answered the call of duty; they have performed difficult
tasks with great skill and devotion. They have shown again that the
American military remains the finest in the world. And, thanks to their
effort, the world now knows again that the United States will honor its
commitments, just as we expect others to honor the commitments they make
to us.
(###)
ARTICLE 4
Haiti: Democratic Government Restored
Secretary Christopher, Fact Sheet
Resuming the Journey to Freedom and Reconstruction
Remarks by Secretary Christopher at the departure ceremony for Haitian
President Aristide, Andrews Air Force Base, Maryland, October 15, 1994.
(Opening remarks omitted.)
Distinguished representatives of other foreign governments, members of
Congress, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen: In a few moments,
we will depart on a joyous and historic journey to accompany President
Aristide on his triumphant return to Haiti. Today, the people of Haiti
will resume their journey to freedom and reconstruction in dignity and
in peace. Haiti will resume its rightful place in the community of
democratic nations. In less than four hours, President Aristide will be
back home.
Today's ceremony and celebration mark the culmination of an intensive
three years of American and global commitment to the restoration of
democracy in Haiti. That commitment was backed by Americans who care
deeply about Haiti, and, I am glad to say, many of them will be on the
plane to take President Aristide back today.
It was a commitment that was effectuated by President Clinton and the
remarkable international coalition that he formed. Now the President's
leadership has brought us to this great day. The United States has kept
its word.
We have sent a clear and powerful message to would-be coup leaders
throughout the hemisphere: Democracy--the key to stability in the
Americas--cannot be overthrown with impunity and cannot be stolen from
the people.
Haiti is the nation with the longest history of independence of any of
the nations in Latin America or the Caribbean. Haiti is also a country
with an elected president, an elected government, a democratic
constitution, and a people who long to be free. Three years of
repression and terror have not altered these facts. Indeed, Haiti's
experience reminds us that fear cannot extinguish the memory of freedom
from people's minds or the desire for freedom in their hearts.
The role of the multinational force is to promote stability and
security, but the responsibility for rebuilding Haiti now rests with the
government and its people. They understand that the time for struggle
and resistance is past and the time for governance has begun.
In support of that effort, the United States will continue to rally the
international community to provide Haiti with humanitarian, economic,
and technical assistance--assistance that it badly needs--to consolidate
the rule of law and to promote development.
When President Aristide arrives in Haiti, it will be a glorious moment
for the Haitian people and for all those in the United States who have
worked so long and so hard for the restoration of democracy. Indeed, it
will be an inspiring victory for all of us who believe that freedom and
democracy are the keys to a brighter community for each of our nations
and for the world.
A Renewed Beginning
Toast by Secretary Christopher at a luncheon on the occasion of
President Aristide's return to Haiti, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, October 15,
1994. (Opening remarks omitted.)
Only one month ago, we stood with you at the White House and pledged to
give Haiti's people a chance to rebuild their country in liberty,
dignity, and peace. Today, we are proud to stand with you in your
house--a house that once again belongs to the people of Haiti and the
president they chose. The democracy that was stolen from this nation
has been restored.
This historic celebration caps three years of intensive efforts by the
United Nations, the Organization of American States, and the friends and
neighbors of Haiti. Our extraordinary coalition is the embodiment of
our collective will. And our solidarity will hold firm, President
Aristide, as your government and your people begin the hard work of
reconciliation and reform.
Mr. President, you understand more than anyone that today's celebration
marks a renewed beginning, not a conclusion. You know it rests with you
and your fellow Haitians to build a working democracy, where the force
of argument conquers the argument of force; to create accountable
government that exists to serve the people, not to serve itself; to
breathe life into your economy and lift the lives of your people; and to
safeguard the freedom for which you have sacrificed so much.
We have seen democracy prevail throughout the Americas. We have
witnessed implacable foes join hands in the Middle East. We have
marveled at the victory of unity over vengeance in South Africa. And
now it is Haiti's turn.
As its bicentennial approaches, Haiti has a chance to begin anew and
take its rightful place in the community of democratic states. To
become an inspiration to other nations--a "rainbow," as you called it--a
model of dignity and hope. One month ago, President Aristide, you told
us, "A new day is coming for Haiti; may it come soon." Mr. President,
that day is here. Today is Haiti's day. The whole world is on your
side.
Let us raise our glasses to President Aristide, the people of Haiti, and
the future of Haitian democracy.
The Lessons of Haiti
Excerpt from remarks by Secretary Christopher following the return of
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to Haiti, Port-au-Prince, Haiti,
October 15, 1994.
There are some important lessons that ought to be drawn from this. One,
to me, is that steady diplomatic pressure is often the solution to
problems. There are no miracle solutions. We began with every form of
diplomacy we could find, then applied sanctions, then tougher sanctions.
But finally it was necessary to support diplomacy with the use of force
that brings us to this day.
I hope all would-be coup leaders and all military men in the hemisphere
who have designs on their democratic governments will take a lesson from
this--that not only the United States but the hemisphere as a whole
stands ready to defend democracy and to protect democracy in our
hemisphere. I thought it was very significant that the foreign minister
of Argentina at the luncheon today spelled that out as a new commitment
of this hemisphere.
The Steel in the Sword of U.S. Diplomacy
Remarks by Secretary Christopher during a review of U.S. troops, Port-
au-Prince, Haiti, October 15, 1994.
I am honored to be here with you. Over these last few weeks, I have
addressed many audiences about our goals in Haiti. But today, I enjoy a
rare privilege. Today, I stand before the dedicated men and women who
have taken our goals and turned them into achievements. Today, I say,
on behalf of President Clinton and the American people, thank you.
Many of you have been here for almost a month. I have been here for
less than a day. But already I have witnessed the extraordinary
transformation that is taking place in Haiti. We all can be proud of
what our country has accomplished here, just as your country is proud of
you.
Only one month ago, Haiti was ruled by fear. Today, you have given the
rule of law a chance to prevail. You have fostered stability with a
minimum of violence. You have worked systematically to remove heavy
weapons from the army, to disarm the paramilitary forces, and to begin
getting guns off the streets. You have ensured that promises delivered
were kept: Cedras, Francois, and Biamby are gone. In 27 days, you have
made history.
We have been impressed by your competence and inspired by your
compassion. We have learned from the example of staff sergeant Donald
Holstead, who showed courage and resilience when he was ambushed October
3. We have been moved by the service of the Haitian-Americans among
you, who are acting not only as soldiers but as ambassadors of good
will. From the highest commander to the newest recruit, everywhere we
look we see a hero.
Of course, this operation is not yet over. Risks remain, and serious
challenges lie ahead. Haiti's democratic institutions have been
restored. Now, you and your colleagues in the multinational force must
help maintain the secure environment that will permit them to function
freely.
Let me emphasize the value we place on the multinational character of
our efforts in Haiti. The coalition includes troops from countries as
distant as Poland and Benin. We Americans may take for granted the
values and institutions we are defending in Haiti. But many of our
partners have learned from experience that democracy is fragile and that
liberty and justice must be guarded.
I know it is hard to be away from your families and homes. But the role
that you are playing is indispensable. As President Clinton said last
week, "The awesome force you represent is the steel in the sword of
American diplomacy." We see your spirit reflected in the crowds of
Haitians who cheer you on. We see your confidence mirrored in the
smiles of those who taste liberty for the first time in years.
Your country and I salute you with respect and admiration.
Fact Sheet
Released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington,
DC, October 14, 1994.
The President this morning signed an executive order terminating the
national emergency and U.S. sanctions against Haiti effective 12:01 a.m.
Sunday, October 16, 1994. The order:
-- Terminates the national emergency regarding Haiti that President
Bush declared following the 1991 Haitian coup when he issued Executive
Order 12775 on October 4, 1991. Under the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act, the national emergency was the basis for imposition
of all unilateral and OAS-based U.S. sanctions against Haiti.
-- Revokes all executive orders imposing sanctions on Haiti, whether
unilateral or based on actions of the Organization of American States or
the UN Security Council. UN Security Council Resolution 944 directs the
lifting of UN-mandated sanctions on the day after President Aristide
returns to Haiti. Lifting unilateral sanctions at the same time is
consistent with the purposes for which they were imposed as well as with
the spirit of UN Security Council Resolution 944.
The UN-based sanctions lifted on October 16 include:
-- The comprehensive import and export embargo that allowed only
humanitarian exports to Haiti;
-- The protective blocking of Government of Haiti assets;
-- The blocking of the assets of the de facto regime in Haiti,
including the 1991 coup leaders, the military and police, and their
named supporters; and
-- All remaining prohibitions on flights between the United States and
Haiti.
Unilateral U.S. sanctions previously suspended include:
-- The blocking of assets of Haitian nationals resident in Haiti not
identified as de facto regime members or supporters;
-- The prohibition on payments and financial transfers between the
United States and Haiti or the de facto regime and its members and
supporters;
-- The prohibition on commercial exports of food to Haiti;
-- The prohibition on entry to U.S. ports by vessels calling in Haiti
for unauthorized purposes;
-- The prohibition on temporary import and export of journalists' and
broadcast media equipment; and
-- The prohibition on regularly scheduled commercial passenger flights
between the United States and Haiti.
As of 12:01 a.m. EDT on Sunday, October 16, 1994 (the day after
President Aristide returns), all U.S. and UN sanctions against Haiti
will have been terminated.
(###)
Article 5
Hope for Peace in Northern Ireland
President Clinton
Statement by President Clinton
released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington,
DC, October 13, 1994.
I welcome today's announcement by the Combined Loyalist Military Command
in Northern Ireland declaring an end to its campaign of violence. The
cease-fire announcement by the IRA on August 31 and today's announcement
by Loyalist paramilitaries present the best hope for peace in a
generation in Northern Ireland. The parties must now build on this
historic step forward and enter into negotiations for a lasting
settlement.
Prime Minister John Major of the United Kingdom and Prime Minister
Albert Reynolds of Ireland deserve great credit for their leadership and
persistence in pressing for progress. The principles put forward in
their Downing Street Declaration provide an important foundation for a
just and lasting peace. I look forward to the next steps in the
process, including the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation proposed by
Prime Minister Reynolds, and the round-table talks convened by the Irish
and British Governments with all involved parties.
I am pleased that the United States has been able to contribute to the
peace process in Northern Ireland. We continue to stand ready to assist
in achieving a negotiated, democratic settlement supported by both
communities in Northern Ireland.
(###)
Article 6
UN Security Council Adopts Resolution 949 on Iraq
Resolution 949
(October 15, 1994)
The Security Council,
Recalling all its previous relevant resolutions, and reaffirming
resolutions 678 (1990) of 29 November 1990, 686 (1991) of 2 March 1991,
687 (1991) of 3 April 1991, 689 (1991) of 9 April 1991 and 833 (1993) of
27 May 1993, and in particular paragraph 2 of resolution 678 (1990),
Recalling that Iraq's acceptance of resolution 687 (1991) adopted
pursuant to Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations forms the
basis of the cease-fire,
Noting past Iraqi threats and instances of actual use of force against
its neighbours,
Recognizing that any hostile or provocative action directed against its
neighbours by the Government of Iraq constitutes a threat to peace and
security in the region,
Welcoming all diplomatic and other efforts to resolve the crisis,
Determined to prevent Iraq from resorting to threats and intimidation of
its neighbours and the United Nations,
Underlining that it will consider Iraq fully responsible for the serious
consequences of any failure to fulfil the demands in the present
resolution,
Noting that Iraq has affirmed its readiness to resolve in a positive
manner the issue of recognizing Kuwait's sovereignty and its borders as
endorsed by resolution 833 (1993), but underlining that Iraq must
unequivocally commit itself by full and formal constitutional procedures
to respect Kuwait's sovereignty, territorial integrity and borders, as
required by resolutions 687 (1991) and 833 (1993),
Reaffirming the commitment of all Member States to the sovereignty,
territorial integrity and political independence of Kuwait and Iraq,
Reaffirming its statement of 8 October 1994 (S/1994/PRST/58),
Taking note of the letter from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait of
6 October 1994 (S/1994/1137), regarding the statement by the Revolution
Command Council of Iraq of 6 October 1994,
Taking note also of the letter from the Permanent Representative of Iraq
of 10 October 1994 (S/1994/1149), announcing that the Government of Iraq
had decided to withdraw the troops recently deployed in the direction of
the border with Kuwait,
Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
1. Condemns recent military deployments by Iraq in the direction of the
border with Kuwait;
2. Demands that Iraq immediately complete the withdrawal of all
military units recently deployed to southern Iraq to their original
positions;
3. Demands that Iraq not again utilize its military or any other forces
in a hostile or provocative manner to threaten either its neighbours or
United Nations operations in Iraq;
4. Demands therefore that Iraq not redeploy to the south the units
referred to in paragraph 2 above or take any other action to enhance its
military capacity in southern Iraq;
5. Demands that Iraq cooperate fully with the United Nations Special
Commission;
6. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
VOTE: Unanimous (15-0).
(###)
Article 7
UN Security Council Adopts Resolution 948 on Haiti
Resolution 948
(October 15, 1994)
The Security Council,
Recalling the provisions of its resolutions 841 (1993) of 16 June 1993,
861 (1993) of 27 August 1993, 862 (1993) of 31 August 1993, 867 (1993)
of 23 September 1993, 873 (1993) of 13 October 1993, 875 (1993) of 16
October 1993, 905 (1994) of 23 March 1994, 917 (1994) of 6 May 1994, 933
(1994) of 30 June 1994, 940 (1994) of 31 July 1994 and 944 (1994) of 29
September 1994,
Recalling the terms of the Governors Island Agreement (S/26063) and the
related Pact of New York (S/26297),
Recalling also the different positions taken by its members when
resolution 940 (1994) was adopted,
Looking forward to the completion of the mission of the Multinational
Force in Haiti (MNF) and to the deployment of the United Nations Mission
in Haiti (UNMIH) as soon as a secure and stable environment is
established, as foreseen in resolution 940 (1994),
Having received the reports of the MNF, dated 26 September 1994
(S/1994/1107, annex) and 10 October 1994 (S/1994/1148, annex),
Having also received the report of the Secretary-General of 28 September
1994 (S/1994/1143), submitted pursuant to paragraph 16 of resolution 917
(1994),
Welcoming the letter from the Secretary-General (S/1994/1169),
confirming that President Aristide has returned to Haiti,
1. Welcomes with great satisfaction the return to Haiti of President
Jean-Bertrand Aristide on 15 October 1994 and expresses its confidence
that the people of Haiti can now begin to rebuild their country with
dignity and consolidate democracy in a spirit of national
reconciliation;
2. Welcomes in particular that, with the convening of the Haitian
Parliament and the departure of the military leadership, the process of
implementing the Governors Island Agreement, the New York Pact, and the
objectives of the United Nations as expressed in the resolutions of the
Council is well under way;
3. Expresses full support for efforts by President Aristide, democratic
leaders in Haiti, and the legitimate organs of the restored government
to bring Haiti out of crisis and return it to the democratic community
of nations;
4. Commends the efforts of all States, organizations and individuals
who have contributed to this outcome;
5. Recognizes in particular the efforts of the MNF, authorized under
resolution 940 (1994), and those of the Member States participating in
the MNF on behalf of the international community in creating the
conditions necessary for the return of democracy to the people of Haiti;
6. Expresses its support for the deployment of the advance team of the
United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH) and the continued efforts of the
Secretary-General to complete the composition of UNMIH;
7. Notes that under the terms of resolution 940 (1994) UNMIH will
replace the MNF when the Security Council determines that a secure and
stable environment has been established;
8. Welcomes the appointment of the new Special Representative of the
Secretary-General and thanks the former Special Envoy of the
Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the Organization of
American States for his efforts;
9. Urges that cooperation continue between the Secretaries-General of
the United Nations and of the Organization of American States,
especially regarding the rapid return to Haiti of the members of the
International Civilian Mission (MICIVIH);
10. Welcomes the fact that, now that President Aristide has returned to
Haiti, sanctions will be lifted in accordance with resolution 944
(1994);
11. Reaffirms the willingness of the international community to provide
assistance to the people of Haiti, with the expectation that they will
do their utmost to rebuild their country;
12. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
VOTE: 12-0-1 (Brazil abstaining).
(###)
END OF DISPATCH VOLUME 5, No. 43
(###)
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