1.  U.S. Actions to Preserve Stability in the Persian Gulf--President 

2.  South African President's Visit to the United States--President 
Clinton, Secretary Christopher, South African President Mandela

3.  U.S. Aid Initiatives and Continued Engagement in South Africa--
President Clinton, South African President Mandela

4.  U.S. and South Africa Sign Missile Non-Proliferation Agreement

5.  The Law of the Sea Convention:  Letter to the Senate--President 

6.  Senate Fails To Consider Biodiversity Treaty

7.  Partnership and Progress in Haiti--Secretary Christopher, Haitian 
President Aristide

8.  Reinforcing Haitian Democracy--Madeleine K. Albright, UNSC 
Resolution, White House        Statement

9.  The U.S. and China:  Curbing Missile and Nuclear Weapons 
Proliferation--Secretary Christopher, Chinese Vice Premier and Foreign 
Minister Qian, Joint Statements

10. Summit of the Americas:  The Impact on Women--Alexander F. Watson

11. Taiwan Policy Review--Winston Lord

12. What's in Print


U.S. Actions To Preserve Stability in the Persian Gulf
President Clinton
Oval Office address to the nation, the White House, Washington, DC, 
October 10, 1994

Good evening.  Tonight I want to speak with you about the actions  we 
are taking to preserve stability in the Persian Gulf in the face of 
Saddam Hussein's provocative actions.  But first, let me take just a 
minute to report to you on today's events in Haiti.

Three weeks ago today our troops entered Haiti.  They went there to keep 
America's and the world community's commitment to restore the 
democratically elected government to power by October 15.  Today, Lt. 
Gen. Cedras and Brig. Gen. Biamby, the two remaining coup leaders, have 
resigned.  They have said they will leave Haiti shortly.  I am pleased 
to announce that President Aristide will return home to resume his 
rightful place this Saturday, October 15.

I want to express again my pride in what our men and women in uniform 
have done in Haiti, and how well they have measured up to their 
difficult mission.  In just three weeks, the level of violence is down, 
the Parliament is back, refugees are returning from Guantanamo, and now 
the military leaders are leaving.

But I also want to caution again that the job in Haiti remains difficult 
and dangerous.  We still have a lot of work ahead of us.  But our troops 
are keeping America's commitment to restore democracy.  They are 
performing their mission very, very well with firmness and fairness, and 
all Americans are proud of them.

The strength of America's foreign policy stands on the steadfastness of 
our commitments.  The United States and the international community have 
given their word that Iraq must respect the borders of its neighbors.  
And tonight, as in Haiti, American troops with our coalition partners 
are the guarantors of that commitment, the power behind our diplomacy.

Three and a half years ago, the men and women of our armed forces--under 
the strong leadership of President Bush, Gen. Powell, and Gen. 
Schwarzkopf--fought to expel Iraq from Kuwait and to protect our 
interests in that vital region.  Today, we remain committed to defending 
the integrity of that nation and to protecting the stability of the Gulf 

Saddam Hussein has shown the world before, with his acts of aggression 
and his weapons of mass destruction, that he cannot be trusted.  Iraq's 
troop movements and threatening statements in recent days are more proof 
of this.  In 1990, Saddam Hussein assembled a force on the border of 
Kuwait and then invaded.  Last week, he moved another force toward the 
same border.  Because of what happened in 1990, this provocation 
requires a strong response from the United States and the international 

Over the weekend, I ordered the George Washington carrier battle group, 
cruise missile ships, a marine expeditionary brigade, and an army 
mechanized task force to the Gulf.  And today, I have ordered the 
additional deployment of more than 350 Air Force aircraft to the region.  
We will not allow Saddam Hussein to defy the will of the United States 
and the international community.

Iraq announced today that it will pull back its troops from the Kuwait 
border.  But we're interested in facts, not promises; in deeds, not 
words, and we have not yet seen evidence that Iraq's troops are, in 
fact, pulling back. We'll be watching very closely to see that they do 

Our policy is clear:  We will not allow Iraq to threaten its neighbors 
or to intimidate the United Nations as it ensures that Iraq never again 
possesses weapons of mass destruction.  Moreover, the sanctions will be 
maintained until Iraq complies with all relevant UN resolutions.  That 
is the answer to Iraq's sanctions problems--full compliance, not 
reckless provocation.

I'm very proud of our troops who tonight are the backbone of our 
commitment to Kuwait's freedom and the security of the Gulf.  I'm also 
proud of the planners and the commanders who are getting them there so 
very quickly, and in such force.  They all are proof that we are 
maintaining, and must continue to maintain, the readiness and strength 
of the finest military in the world.

That is what we owe to the men and women of America who are putting 
their lives on the line today to make the world a safer place.  And it 
is what we owe to the proud families who stand with them.  They are 
protecting our security as we work for a post-Cold War world of 
democracy and prosperity.

Within the last two weeks, America hosted two champions of post-Cold War 
democracy.  South African President Nelson Mandela came to thank the 
United States for our support of South Africa's remarkable democratic 
revolution, and to seek a partnership for the future.  And Russian 
President Boris Yeltsin came to further the partnership between our two 
nations so well expressed by the fact that now Russian and U.S. missiles 
are no longer pointed at each other's people, and we are working to 
reduce the nuclear threat even more.

In short, we are making progress in building a world of greater 
security, peace, and democracy.  But our work is not done.  There are 
difficulties and dangers ahead, as we see in Iraq and in Haiti.  But we 
can meet these challenges and keep our commitments.  Our objectives are 
clear, our forces are strong, and our cause is right.  Thank  you, and 
God bless America.   



South African President's Visit to the United States
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, South African President 
Remarks at Arrival Ceremony--Released by the White House, Office of the 
Press Secretary, Washington, DC, October 4, 1994.

President Clinton.  President Mandela, members of the South African 
delegation, distinguished guests, my fellow Americans.  We are here to 
welcome Nelson Mandela back to the United States; but for the first time 
to the United States as the President of his nation.  

Now, all over the world, there are three words which, spoken together, 
express the triumph of freedom, democracy, and hope for the future.  
They are "President Nelson Mandela."   In you, sir, we see proof that 
the human spirit can never be crushed.  For a half century, you pursued 
your ideals, keeping your promise never to surrender, risking all, 
despite danger.  For 27 years, we watched you from your prison cell 
inspire millions of your people with your spirit and your words.  And 
when you emerged, instead of retribution for past wrong, you sought 
peace and freedom and equality for your people.

You are living proof that the forces of justice and reconciliation can 
bridge any divide.  Every day, you teach the world that those who build 
triumph over those who tear down, that those who unite can actually 
prevail over those who would divide.  Your presence here and the growth 
of a new South Africa are stern rebukes to both the destroyers and the 
cynics of this world. 

The struggle in South Africa has always had a special place in the heart 
of America.  For, after all, we fought our own most terrible war here in 
our own land over slavery.  And our own civil rights movement has taken 
strength and inspiration from, and given aid to, your fight for liberty.  
Americans take great pride in the role we played in helping to overturn 
apartheid and in supporting the free elections which produced your 

Now we are working with you to build the new South Africa.  The 
challenges you face--poverty, joblessness, homelessness, the despair 
borne of long years of deprivation--are as large as they are difficult.  
But we know you will forge ahead, and we know that we, here in the 
United States, will also be better for your progress for a thriving 
South Africa, spurring greater prosperity throughout the region, opening 
new markets.  That makes us more prosperous, too.  And a stable and 
democratic South Africa, working with its neighbors to restore and 
maintain the peace--that makes us more secure as well.  And perhaps most 
important of all--in this age of ethnic, religious, and racial strife 
the world over--you can be our partner.  Together, our two nations can 
show the world that true strength is found when we come together despite 
our differences.

We know, and you know, that diversity and progress can go hand in hand.  
Indeed, that they must do so if we are to give all our people the chance 
to fulfill their God-given potential. 

Mr. President, you have brought forth a new nation, conceived in 
liberty, and dedicated to equality.  Today, the American people welcome 
you here, and we salute your stunning achievement.  We pledge, as you 
have pledged, that we will walk every mile with you, and that we will 
not grow weary on the way.

I say to all of you here, "Nkosi, sikelele Africa."  God bless Africa, 
and God bless America. 

President Mandela.  South Africa is located many thousands of miles away 
from the United States.  What happens there ought to be of no interest 
to the people of this country.  You fought the battles of freedom and 
won your independence.  But a striking feature of what is happening 
today is that in almost every country, men and women have emerged who 
will regard the entire world--every part of the globe--as the 
battlefield for their activities in the fight for the preservation of 
human rights.  That fight is joined by people across the seas in 
whatever area of the world there is suppression of human rights.  We are 
the beneficiaries of the generations that have chosen the world as the 
theater of their operations.

The people of the United States, black and white, have joined in the 
battle to liberate South Africa.  The people of South Africa--after many 
years of peaceful struggle, when all channels of communications were 
closed--decided to resort to arms.  We fought against the most brutal 
form of racial oppression the world has ever seen.

The international community joined in that battle in various ways.  They 
applied sanctions, diplomatic and otherwise.  They put a lot of pressure 
on the South African regime to abandon apartheid.  Eventually, we won 
that battle.  

That victory was your victory.  We have now opened a new battle line to 
fight against poverty, against hunger, against joblessness, against 
homelessness, against disease, illiteracy, lack of electricity, of 
running water, of health care.  It may prove to be a more difficult 
battle than the one we fought with arms and other pressures.  It needs, 
first and foremost, resources.  I have said before, albeit in a light 
vein, that here the wealth of the entire universe is concentrated and 
that I will not ask for donations; I will ask for your checks so that I 
can write out the amount I want. 

But I have not been here to go back home with empty hands.  It matters 
not to us what government is in power in the United States of America.  
When I came out, the first head of state to telephone and welcome me 
back was the President of the United States of America--a Republican, 
George Bush--who invited me to come here.  I responded to that 

I then met the present President, at that time a common citizen of this 
country.  Every request I made to him, he responded very positively.  He 
has done so now even with more authority after his inauguration.  It 
matters not what government is in power in this country; they supported 
and still support our struggle to ensure a better life for all our 

But we never forget our friends, our old friends.  We have not forgotten 
that it was the masses of the people of the United States of America who 
supported us when we were all alone, when none of our officials could be 
seen by any government representative in the West.  The people of the 
United States of America never forget. 

I do not want on occasions like this to introduce any element of an 
ethnic nature, but Afro-Americans never forgot that Africa is their 
continent.   Wherever we went, they opened their arms; they opened the 
coffers and set the environment for every citizen of the United States 
of America to feel that this is a battle in which they should 
participate.  In moments of this nature, we think of all of you Afro-
Americans, because our victory is your victory. 

We think of American businesses that have supported the democratic 
process in our country, and that can play a decisive role in ensuring 
that there are enough homes, there are enough jobs, there are enough 
schools, there are enough hospitals and doctors for our country; that 
there is electricity for everybody.

I have come here with a message:  People of the United States of 
America, open your markets to us.  People of the United States of 
America, come and invest in our country.  You have no idea how your 
involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle in our country actually 
helped us to facilitate the transformation, because the message was that 
if one of the most powerful states in the world, its citizens have come 
to the assistance of the people of South Africa--in particular, the 
democratic movement led by the African National Congress--its policies 
must be right to deserve that support.  That is the role that you have 
played--all of you, without exception.  And I come here in that spirit 
knowing I will not go back with empty hands.

I think, speaking in the United States of America, I should go to 
something that I have been quoting in the run-up to the elections in our 
country.  An American--you will immediately recognize this--has said:  A 
person who does what all others can do is a normal person; a person who 
does what only a few others can do is exceptional; but a person who does 
what no other person has done is a genius, an asset, a national 
institution.  We want the men and women who are going to strive to be 
geniuses in fighting to ensure a better life for all people.  The people 
of the United States of America have the capacity to be geniuses, to be 
national assets, to be institutions.

I thank you very much.  God bless Africa.  

Luncheon Remarks--Released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, 
DC, October 4, 1994.

Secretary Christopher.   Thank you all for coming to the State 
Department on this beautiful fall day.  In the presence of so many 
distinguished Africans and Americans, it gives me great pleasure to 
welcome the first freely elected President of the new South Africa, 
Nelson Mandela.

Democracy does not depend upon any one person.  In almost every 
instance, it reflects the spirit and the hopes and the struggles of 
many.  But if there is any exception to this rule, it would be Nelson 
Mandela.  He has earned his place as one of the towering figures of the 
20th century.

Nelson Mandela's cause took him from prison to the presidency and took 
his nation from the injustice of apartheid to the promise of democracy. 
Whether in hiding, in captivity, or in office, he has fought for freedom 
and equality with courage and dignity.

He and his countrymen have turned South Africa from a reason for despair 
to an argument for hope.  A leader imprisoned for more than a quarter of 
a century, he has emerged unbroken to forge a non-racial democracy.  A 
Government of National Unity has joined the hands of those once 
separated by distrust and discrimination.

The spirit of reconciliation, not a spirit of bitterness, is prevailing 
today in South Africa.  Millions of people voting for the first time 
have found the ballot not only a vehicle for change, but a validation of 
their very humanity.

Mr. President, since your election, South Africa has rejoined the 
community of nations, and your diplomatic skills are already making a 
difference. You have helped to restore democracy in Lesotho, and you 
have worked vigorously for peace in Angola.  But we all know that the 
pressing needs of South Africa's people must demand your greatest 
attention, and the United States is determined to help.  In May, we 
committed to distribute nearly $600 million in assistance to South 
Africa over three years.  Equally and perhaps even more important, by 
investing in South Africa, American business can reinforce the historic 
transformation to democracy in a country that is eagerly awaiting 
American trade and investment.

Like South Africans, Americans have long struggled to build a multi-
racial society in which diversity is a source of strength and not a 
source of strife.  We have demonstrated, as you will, that one nation, 
by its example and by its practical efforts, can inspire change in other 

Mr. President, you once said that to overthrow oppression is the 
aspiration of every free man.  That aspiration is now being fulfilled in 
South Africa, and now comes the hard part of making democracy work.  We 
place great confidence in your leadership, in your government, and in 
your people.  Let me assure you on behalf of our government and all the 
people in the room that you will have continuing support, not only from 
our government, but from the American people.

Ladies and gentlemen, I now invite you to raise your glasses to 
President Nelson Mandela, to the new South Africa, and to the enduring 
ties between our people. 

President Mandela.  Mr. Warren Christopher, Secretary of State; ladies 
and gentlemen:  Thank you for your warm welcome and for this important 
opportunity to meet and speak with such a distinguished audience.

An occasion like this deepens the pride South Africans feel as a nation 
in our newly achieved democracy.  It expresses in concrete terms the 
fact that our nation--free at last--can take the place as an equal in 
the international community of democracies.

The struggle against apartheid was long, arduous, and painful.  The 
people and government of the United States shared in that effort in a 
manner that was decisive to the achievement of our final victory.  We 
salute and thank you for this.

Proud as South Africans are of their achievements, we are fully 
conscious of how much more is still to be done. Among the most urgent 
tasks, consolidating our young democracy and making it a living reality 
for all citizens is one of our major responsibilities. Above all, we 
appreciate the fact that democracy would be hollow if it did not entail 
fundamental socioeconomic changes to liberate millions from the bondage 
of poverty and deprivation.  Our reconstruction and development program 
is an all-encompassing process of transforming our society to ensure a 
better life for all.  Its success is crucial to the survival and 
development of democracy.  Its feasibility, on the other hand, depends 
on sustainable economic growth.

We have recently had positive indicators on the economic front, but the 
revival of South Africa's economy will not be an easy task.  The support 
of the international community is indispensable in this new frontier of 
economic development that our nation is tackling jointly and with 

We should, therefore, express our sincere appreciation for the role 
which the United States, and the State Department in particular, has 
played in putting material resources at our disposal for the social 
upliftment of our people and by providing facilities to encourage U.S. 
investment in South Africa.

The decision by your government to grant the new South Africa admission 
to the Generalized System of Preferences has provided great 
opportunities for our exports.  Indeed, the recent trade fair in New 
York involving South African business will leave you in no doubt that 
our business people will be exploiting that opportunity to the fullest.

Added to this are the preliminary discussions on joint efforts to 
mobilize funds throughout the world to help finance our reconstruction 
and development efforts. Without these generous measures, our task in 
South Africa would be that much more difficult.

We are fully conscious that American business will itself benefit from 
this relationship, and so will the cause of democracy throughout the 
world.  Our partnership, therefore, is one not premised on hand-outs, 
but a mutual effort to consolidate a young democracy and ensure that it 
plays its role in the effort to build a better South Africa, a better 
Africa, and a better world.  All these efforts, however, can succeed 
only in the context of political stability and sound economic policies.

The Government of National Unity is committed to creating an environment 
containing optimal conditions for investment and economic growth. During 
the course of our visit, we will spell out in more detail what the 
measures are which the government intends taking in this regard.

Today, I want only to emphasize the government's commitment to sound 
economic principles and that we feel confident that South Africans 
possess the determination and the will to abide by them.  This 
determination and will have manifested themselves so vividly in the 
manner in which our hitherto divided nation has found common cause in 
the pursuit of justice, democracy, and the economic well-being of all 
our people.

On its part, the government is committed to prudent management of our 
national resources and creating an environment in which both big and 
small, local and foreign, business can thrive.  Above all, we have gone 
a long way in building a partnership among all sectors, including 
government, business, and labor to promote joint strategies for a 
vibrant and growing economy.

In pursuit of a market free of distortions deriving from the apartheid 
era, this government has recently scrapped a number of subsidies which 
skewed the market.  The first reductions in import tariffs, in 
accordance with GATT requirements, have already taken place.  These were 
not easy decisions, for they demanded sacrifices from some of our 
people.  But they were necessary in the interest of our long-term 
economic goals.

Ladies and gentlemen, in pursuing democratic ideals and human rights, 
the United States and South Africa have a common interest and shared 
values.  As we have said on countless occasions, the ideals of the 
American founding fathers inspired us, and they continue to serve as a 
beacon in our endeavors to build democracy and entrench a culture of 
human rights in our land.  These are the ideals that spurred you, your 
sons, and daughters to sacrifice in no small measure to see to the 
eradication of apartheid.

All these efforts, your words of encouragement, and material assistance 
during our long and difficult negotiations process shall forever remain 
embedded in our hearts.  And one shining example of your consistency in 
this regard is the agreement we signed only a few days ago, for the U.S. 
Administration to assist in the restructuring of our judicial system.

There are many such instances we can quote.  But the underlying message 
is that our governments and peoples share common goals premised on noble 
human values.  This is the foundation of the partnership we seek to 
build and strengthen.

May I, with all humility, express once more our appreciation for this 
opportunity to share views with you and for your support over the years. 
Thus can our two democracies join hands in building a better world of 
free nations, of men, women, and children born free and destined to live 
their lives in freedom and economic prosperity.

It is now my honor to ask you to rise to drink a toast to the Secretary 
of State and to the strengthening of relations between our respective 



U.S. Aid Initiatives and Continued Engagement in South Africa
President Clinton, South African President Mandela
Opening statements at a press conference, Washington, DC, October 5, 

President Clinton.  Ladies and gentlemen:  For the last two days, 
President Mandela and I, joined by the American people, have celebrated 
freedom and democracy in South Africa.  We also have begun to assume our 
historic opportunity to join with the people of South Africa to ensure 
that their new democracy grows stronger. 

Since before President Mandela's election, the United States has played 
an aggressive role in helping South Africa shape its democratic future.  
We supported that historic balloting with $35 million in aid.  Following 
the elections, we reaffirmed our commitment with a $600-million trade 
and investment package.  In the five months since then, we have already 
delivered $220 million of that package. Americans have always invested, 
and will invest more, in private capital in South Africa to help that 
country's economy grow.  

We have moved forward on a range of issues, and let me just mention a 
few of the new initiatives within our aid program.  

First, we will form a joint binational commission to promote cooperation 
between our nations.  Vice President Gore will lead this commission 
along with Deputy President Mbeki.  This is important to America.  
Russia is the only other country with which we have such a commission.  
The commission will give a high-level boost to projects involving 
energy, education, and development.  

Second, to help heal the legacies of apartheid, American loans will be 
used to guarantee nearly one-half-billion dollars of new housing in 
South Africa.  We will also contribute $50 million to help bring 
electricity to the townships, and $30 million to support basic health 
care.  We are taking several actions to help advance President Mandela's 
goal of expanding trade and investment.  The Overseas Private Investment 
Corporation is launching its second $75-million fund to promote 
investment in South Africa.  

Commerce Secretary Ron Brown has created, with his South African 
counterpart, the U.S.-South Africa Business Development Committee.  It 
will seek to expand the $4-billion trade which already exists between 
our countries.  We will also promote private sector participation in a 
conference the South Africans are hosting in early 1995 to support the 
nation's pragmatic program for reconstruction and development. 

Mr. President, yesterday you asked for our geniuses to help build your 
land.  Today, I can tell you we are going to send you some of our best.  
The Peace Corps will establish a presence in South Africa next year.  
And we are prepared to help you develop, through Peace Corps volunteers, 
small enterprises to train nurses and teachers to create South Africa's 
own volunteer corps.  

President Mandela and I also discussed other issues, ranging from 
educational exchange programs promoted by the U.S. Information Agency, 
to rural development and school lunch programs developed with the 
leadership of Secretary Espy, to cooperation in the battle against drug-
trafficking under the leadership of our Drug Policy Director Lee Brown--
who has just returned from South Africa--to building roads and highways, 
to energy projects, which Secretary O'Leary is working on.  

President Mandela and I discussed, finally, the broader problems of 
Southern Africa.  I salute President Mandela not only for the remarkable 
work he has done within his own country, but his leadership has also 
been instrumental in resolving crises in Mozambique and Lesotho.  He has 
played a vital role in trying to solve the conflict in Angola as well.

To help the entire region, we are establishing a $100-million 
development fund for all of Southern Africa.  I am happy to welcome 
today to the White House ambassadors from 10 of those countries.  And I 
am also pleased to announce that Ambassador Andrew Young, who has long 
worked to improve conditions in the region, has agreed to chair this 

The new South Africa, with Nelson Mandela's wise leadership, has won the 
fight for freedom.  Now it stands at the crossroads of hope.  The 
problems it has inherited--the old and deep wounds of apartheid--are not 
small ones.  But, President Mandela, you can be certain that the United 
States will continue to do everything in its power to support the new 
nation you and your South African people have created and now seek so 
strongly to build.  After a half century of struggle, you have proved to 
people on every continent that justice and reconciliation can prevail. 

In a world where too many tear down, you and the South African people 
have proved that there are those who build up and create.  You have 
shown us the way, and we look forward, sir, to walking down the road 
with you. 

President Mandela.  It would be remiss of me to use this opportunity to 
express my gratitude and that of my delegation for the hospitality that 
has been extended to us during our visit to the United States.  I think 
I missed out on the word "not."  I should have said it would be remiss 
of me not to use this opportunity to express my gratitude and that of my 
delegation for the hospitality that has been extended to us during our 
visit to the United States.  

I hope journalists will report the second version of my statement.  A 
special note of thanks should go to my good friend, Bill Clinton.  The 
level of engagement by the United States in South Africa is largely 
attributable to the personal interest that Bill Clinton and his 
Administration have in ensuring that Africa does not become a forgotten 
continent.  The recently organized White House Conference on Africa is 
evidence of this.  We are particularly appreciative of the sensitivity 
and willingness to assist that has been shown by the Clinton 

Powerful leaders with a common touch are in great demand in the world 
today.  President Clinton is one of these.  It goes without saying that 
a great deal has happened in the world, and particularly in South 
Africa, in the 15 months since I last had the occasion of addressing 
remarks to the media after meeting President Clinton here at the White 

During that earlier meeting, President Clinton and I agreed on the 
importance of underpinning the political changes that occurred in South 
Africa with economic reconstruction.  The Government of National Unity 
has to demonstrate to our communities disadvantaged by apartheid that 
democracy has tangible economic as well as political benefits.  We can 
only accomplish this by improving the material well-being of our 
disadvantaged communities through economic growth and the promotion of 
increased trade and investment.  You will no doubt have noticed that 
this has been a recurring theme during my visit here.  In this regard, I 
am highly appreciative of efforts by President Clinton to encourage 
American trade with, and investment in, South Africa and for the support 
that has been pledged for our reconstruction and redevelopment program. 

Success will not only underpin the consolidation of democracy in South 
Africa, but will also enable South Africa to play its role as the 
powerhouse of the South African region in a mutually beneficial 
partnership with our South African Development Community neighbors. 

South Africa, and no doubt our neighbors, too, welcome continued U.S. 
engagement in the region.  The announcement that the U.S. Government-
sponsored South African Enterprise Development Fund will promote small- 
to medium-sized business enterprises throughout the region is tangible 
evidence of this.  I believe that the whole South African region and 
Africa, in general, can also benefit from these efforts. 

South Africa's transition to democracy has created a historic 
opportunity for South Africa to play its rightful role for the first 
time on the world stage.  Resuming our place in the international arena 
has been a challenging experience, none more so than rejoining world and 
regional bodies promoting world peace, democracy, and human rights, and 
participating in humanitarian relief operations in Africa--the most 
recent being Rwanda.  The United States and, indeed, all countries that 
participated in making the efforts in Rwanda a success are to be 
commended.  This helped to avert a human tragedy.  

We attach significance to the crucial role that the United States can 
play in the promotion of democracy and human rights worldwide.  South 
Africa will undoubtedly be called upon to participate in UN peace-
keeping missions.  We will not be found wanting, within the constraints 
imposed by budgetary and other considerations.  

In addition to humanitarian aid, another area which warrants further 
consideration by the South African Government is the provision of such 
non-military assistance as is monetary.  There is already a great deal 
of commonality in the goals and interests of South Africa and the United 
States, ranging from the promotion of human rights and the strengthening 
of democracy to the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.  
Coupled with active U.S. engagement in South Africa, this partnership 
can only grow from strength with strength. 

There are many areas in which practical relations are unfolding, such as 
joint and structured efforts to mobilize funds for investments in and 
trade with South Africa; cooperation in dealing with environmental 
issues; increased aid to South Africa in the context of our 
reconstruction and development program; and, lastly, assistance by the 
United States in restructuring the judicial system in South Africa as 
part of broader efforts to strengthen democracy and deepen the culture 
of human rights.  



U.S. and South Africa Sign Missile Non-Proliferation Agreement 
Statement by Department Spokesman Michael McCurry, Washington, DC, 
October 4, 1994.

Yesterday representatives of the United States and South Africa signed 
in Pretoria a bilateral missile-related export/import agreement as well 
as an accompanying joint statement on steps South Africa will take to 
terminate its Category I missile program.  The bilateral agreement 
commits South Africa to abide by the export guidelines of the Missile 
Technology Control Regime (MTCR).  The agreement includes provision for 
South Africa to temporarily import space-launch vehicles for satellite 
launches, when it is agreed that such activities will not contribute to 
missile proliferation.  The associated joint statement details South 
Africa's steps for terminating its space-launch vehicle program.

Signature of these two documents is an important step in the shared 
commitment of the U.S. and South Africa to halt the spread of weapons of 
mass destruction and the means to deliver them.  



The Law of the Sea Convention:  Letter to the Senate
President Clinton
Text of transmittal letter to the U.S. Senate, Washington, DC, October 
6, 1994

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for the advice and consent of the Senate to 
accession, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, with 
Annexes, done at Montego Bay, December 10, 1982 (the "Convention"), and, 
for the advice and consent of the Senate to ratification, the Agreement 
Relating to the Implementation of Part XI of the United Nations 
Convention on the Law of the Sea of 10 December 1982, with Annex, 
adopted at New York, July 28, 1994 (the "Agreement"), and signed by the 
United States, subject to ratification, on July 29, 1994.  Also 
transmitted for the information of the Senate is the    report of the 
Department of State with respect to the Convention and Agreement, as 
well as Resolution II of   Annex I and Annex II of the Final Act of the 
Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea.

The United States has basic and enduring national interests in the 
oceans and has consistently taken the view that the full range of these 
interests is best protected through a widely accepted international 
framework governing uses of the sea.  Since the late 1960s, the basic 
U.S. strategy has been to conclude a comprehensive treaty on the law of 
the sea that will be respected by all countries.  Each succeeding U.S. 
Administration has recognized this as the cornerstone of U.S. oceans 
policy.  Following adoption of the Convention in 1982, it has been the 
policy of the United States to act in a manner consistent with its 
provisions relating to traditional uses of the oceans and to encourage 
other countries to do likewise.

The primary benefits of the Convention to the United States include the 

--  The Convention advances the interests of the United States as a 
global maritime power.  It preserves the right of the U.S. military to 
use the world's oceans to meet national security requirements and of 
commercial vessels to carry sea-going cargoes.  It achieves this, inter 
alia, by stabilizing the breadth of the territorial sea at 12 nautical 
miles; by setting forth navigation regimes of innocent passage in the 
territorial sea, transit passage in straits used for international 
navigation, and archipelagic sea lanes passage; and by reaffirming the 
traditional freedoms of navigation and overflight in the exclusive 
economic zone and the high seas beyond.

--  The Convention advances the interests of the United States as a 
coastal State.  It achieves this, inter alia, by providing for an 
exclusive economic zone out to 200 nautical miles from shore and by 
securing our rights regarding resources and artificial islands, 
installations and structures for economic purposes over the full extent 
of the continental shelf.  These provisions fully comport with U.S. oil 
and gas leasing practices, domestic management of coastal fisheries 
resources  and international fisheries agreements.

--  As a far-reaching environmental accord addressing vessel source 
pollution, pollution from seabed activities, ocean dumping, and land-
based sources of marine pollution, the Convention promotes continuing 
improvement in the health of the world's oceans.

--  In light of the essential role of marine scientific research in 
understanding and managing the oceans, the Convention sets forth 
criteria and procedures to promote access to marine areas, including 
coastal waters, for research activities.

--  The Convention facilitates solutions to the increasingly complex 
problems of the uses of the ocean--solutions that respect the essential 
balance between our interests as both a coastal and a maritime nation.

--  Through its dispute settlement provisions, the Convention provides 
for mechanisms to enhance compliance by Parties with the Convention's 

Notwithstanding these beneficial provisions of the Convention and 
bipartisan support for them, the United States decided not to sign the 
Convention in 1982 because of flaws in the regime it would have 
established for managing the development of mineral resources of the 
seabed beyond national jurisdiction (Part XI).  It has been the 
consistent view of successive U.S. Administrations that this deep seabed 
mining regime was inadequate and in need of reform if the United States 
was ever to become a Party to the Convention.

Such reform has now been achieved.  The Agreement, signed by the United 
States on July 29, 1994, fundamentally changes the deep seabed mining 
regime of the Convention.  As described in the report of the Secretary 
of State, the Agreement meets the objections the United States and other 
industrialized nations previously expressed to Part XI.  It promises to 
provide a stable and internationally recognized framework for mining to 
proceed in response to future demand for minerals.

Early adherence by the United States to the Convention and the Agreement 
is important to maintain a stable legal regime for all uses of the sea, 
which covers more than 70% of the surface of the globe.  Maintenance of 
such stability is vital to U.S. national security and economic strength.

I therefore recommend that the Senate give early and favorable 
consideration to the Convention and to the Agreement and give its advice 
and consent to accession to the Convention and to ratification of the 
Agreement.  Should the Senate give such advice and consent, I intend to 
exercise the options concerning dispute settlement recommended in the 
accompanying report of the Secretary of State.

William J. Clinton  



Senate Fails To Consider Biodiversity Treaty
Statement by Acting Department Spokesman Christine D. Shelly, 
Washington, DC, October 11, 1994.

The State Department regrets that the United States Senate failed to 
consider the Convention on Biological Diversity during the 103rd 
Congress.  Since the Convention was not ratified, the U.S. will be 
unable to participate fully at the first Conference of Parties in 
November 1994.  This will prevent the U.S. from working most effectively 
to ensure access to and conservation of crucial biological resources.  
These resources enrich our agriculture, pharmaceutical, and 
biotechnology industries.

A broad-based coalition--from the private sector and non-governmental 
organizations--favors ratification of the convention.  The supporters of 
the convention include biotechnology and pharmaceutical companies, seed- 
and agriculture-related associations, as well as non-governmental 
organizations including environmental, scientific, and academic groups.

A total of 92 countries, including all the other major industrialized 
nations, have already ratified the convention.  The Department of State 
urges prompt ratification of the convention by the Senate in 1995 to 
help preserve the earth's natural heritage and to protect U.S. 

The text of the Secretary of State's report is available on GPO's 
Federal Bulletin Board Service by dialing (202) 512-1387.

The text also will be available in Dispatch Supplement No. 9 along with 
other documents relating to the Law of the Sea Convention. 



Partnership and Progress in Haiti
Secretary Christopher, Haitian President Aristide
Remarks following meeting, Washington, DC, October 7, 1994

Secretary Christopher.  It is a great pleasure for me to stand here with 
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and to be able to say that his return 
to Haiti is imminent.  We are within days of the restoration of 
democratic government in his country.  I am glad to say that the process 
of reconciliation, reform, and renewal can soon begin.

Let me report to you briefly on the productive discussions that the 
President and I had this morning.  We agreed that the multinational 
coalition is beginning to achieve its important goals in Haiti.  Our 
troops have shown competence, compassion, and remarkable flexibility in 
dealing with the problems that they face.  They are executing a very 
difficult mission with dedication and resolve.  Let me add that I think 
that we have seen unprecedented cooperation between the military and the 
civilian agencies in addressing the problems in Haiti.

In just over two weeks, the multinational coalition has fostered 
stability with a minimum of violence.  It has worked systematically to 
remove heavy weapons from the country, to disarm the paramilitary 
forces, and to begin to get guns off the streets.  Police Chief Michel 
Francois has left the country.  Hundreds of international troops and 
police monitors have begun to arrive.  Haiti at last has a chance to 
supplant the rule of fear with the rule of law.

We recognize, of course, that difficult challenges remain ahead.  There 
are risks, and there may be set-backs.  But we must resolve that they 
will not deter us from carrying out the important mission in which we 
are engaged.

We certainly share President Aristide's conviction that reconciliation 
and civil peace are inseparable.  We urge the Haitian Parliament to act 
swiftly to develop and enact amnesty legislation.  Yesterday's action by 
the Chamber of Deputies was an important step.  The President and I 
discussed this subject this morning.  I emphasized to him that this was 
a decision for the Haitian Parliament to make, but I indicated the view 
of the United States is that it would be a healthy step for an amnesty 
law to be enacted.

We want to work closely with President Aristide and his government to 
professionalize the police and the armed forces and to create a fully 
independent judiciary.  Legislative elections this year and presidential 
elections in 1995 will be a critical challenge for the restored 
government.  Last week, the United States joined Haiti in a trilateral 
effort with the United Nations to support and monitor the forthcoming 
election process.

The President and I devoted our meeting this morning--which lasted 
almost an hour--to a discussion of the transition from where we are now 
to the important economic and political challenges that we face ahead.

We discussed the importance of enabling the United Nations mission to 
take over from the coalition--as soon as it is practical to have it 
happen--responsibility for maintaining a stable and secure environment.  
Our countries will continue to try to ensure a smooth transition.

President Aristide knows that the hard work of consolidating Haiti's 
democratic institutions and rebuilding Haiti's economy rests primarily 
with the government and people of Haiti.  The role of the coalition and 
of the United Nations mission remains limited--not to invent new 
institutions but to create conditions that will allow Haiti's legitimate 
institutions--its parliament, its executive branch, its judiciary, and 
its constitution--to function fully.  The United States will continue to 
do its part to help them succeed.  It will be our job to continue to 
rally the international community to provide Haiti with the 
humanitarian, economic, and technical assistance needed to spur 
development and strengthen democracy.

We have worked very closely with President Aristide and his economic 
advisers--and I must say he has gathered together a very talented and 
experienced group--to work together with them and the international 
financial institutions to develop a program of support for the restored 
government's reconstruction efforts.  Last Friday, the United States 
agreed to make $15 million available immediately upon President 
Aristide's return.  This will help support Haiti's balance of payments, 
stimulate normal economic activity, and permit Haiti's legitimate 
government to begin to function.

Today, the Treasury Department is hosting a very important conference of 
donors at which representatives of more than 15 nations are making 
pledges toward the $82 million needed to clear Haiti's arrearages to the 
international financial institutions.  We are confident that sufficient 
pledges will be forthcoming to meet that goal within a month of 
President Aristide's return.  The important fact about clearing up the 
arrearages is that it will allow $230 million of assistance to flow to 
Haiti from the international financial institutions--assistance that has 
been held upŠpending the clearance of those arrearages.

As I conclude, I want to emphasize that, three weeks ago, 
representatives of nations of the coalition stood with President 
Aristide at the White House in a very moving ceremony at the beginning 
of this great effort.  We pledged to give the people of Haiti the chance 
they deserve to rebuild their country in liberty, dignity, and peace.  
Today--here and in Haiti--that pledge is being fulfilled.

Mr. President, it's a pleasure and an honor to have you here at the 
State Department, and I welcome any statement that you might like to 

President Aristide.  Thank you.  Secretary Christopher, today we stand 
on the eve of the full restoration of democracy--of the full restoration 
of constitutional order in Haiti.  I take this opportunity to once again 
thank the United States, thank you, and thank President Clinton for the 
leadership demonstrated in implementing United Nations Resolution 940.

It is through this international initiative that we will achieve 
reconciliation, peace, and democracy in Haiti.  It is in concert with 
the international community that the people of Haiti choose to move 
toward reconciliation, peace, and democracy.  Aware of the many 
challenges that face us in eight days, we are confident that a future of 
peace and reconciliation awaits Haiti.

Our commitment to democracy is strengthened by the determination to 
rebuild our nation and by the pledge of Haiti's many friends to continue 
to stand by her.  Our sincere thanks to you, Mr. Secretary of State; our 
sincere thanks to the people of the United States; our sincere thanks to 
President Clinton for the support  given to us during these three years 
and particularly for this meeting we had this morning.  One day very 
soon, we hope to welcome you to a new and democratic Haiti; already we 
are swimming in the light of this new Haiti while we explore the road to 
go to Haiti.

On behalf of the Haitian people I would like once again, Mr. Secretary 
of State, to extend our sincere thanks to you.  



Reinforcing Haitian Democracy
Madeleine K. Albright, UNSC Resolution, White House Statement

Madeleine K. Albright--Statement by the U.S. Permanent Representative to 
the United Nations before the UN Security Council, New York City, 
September 29, 1994.

Mr. President, the Council's vote today sends a strong political message 
to Haiti.  With this vote, the international community again makes 
common cause with the Haitian people in their support for President 
Aristide.  We reaffirm that sanctions will be lifted only when the 
legitimately elected President, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, returns to Haiti 
and resumes his duties.  By acting now and not waiting for President 
Aristide's return, the international community's message is clear:  
There will be no conciliatory gesture while the military remains in 
power, but when President Aristide and democracy return to Haiti, Haiti 
can return to the community of nations.

Let me be clear--my government believes that voting today is the right 
choice.  By voting today, we promote the early departure of the coup 
leaders, the early return of President Aristide, and, thus, the early 
restoration of democracy to Haiti.

Today, the Haitian people are enjoying their first respite from terror 
since the coup which ousted President Aristide on September 30, 1991, 
three years ago tomorrow.  In this regard, we must note the brave 
efforts of the members of the multinational force which was deployed, 
peacefully and without bloodshed, only two weeks ago.

Mr. President, as noted by Secretary of State Christopher in his remarks 
to the Council this morning, this resolution reinforces Haitian 
democracy.  With it, we take a crucial step toward our common goals:  
the departure from power of the de facto leaders, the restoration of 
Haiti's legitimate government, and the return of President Aristide.

The hard part now begins:  Haiti stands at a cross-roads and will 
require the full support--economic, political, and technical--of the 
international community.  We must work together to assist the Haitian 
people in rebuilding their country.  My government has already committed 
resources to these efforts.  We look to the international community, in 
turn, to contribute rapidly and generously so that democracy can truly 
and finally flourish in Haiti.  Thank you, Mr. President.

Resolution 944
(September 29, 1994)

The Security Council,

Recalling the provisions of its resolutions 841 (1993) of 16 June 1993, 
861 (1993) of 27 August 1993, 862 (1993)Šof 31 August 1993, 867 (1993) 
ofŠ23 September 1993, 873 (1993) of 13ŠOctober 1993, 875 (1993) of 
16ŠOctober 1993, 905 (1994) of 23 March 1994, 917 (1994) of 6 May 1994, 
933 (1994) of 30 June 1994 and 940 (1994) of 31 July 1994,

Reaffirming the objectives of the urgent departure of the de facto 
authorities, the prompt return of the legitimately elected President 
Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and the restoration of the legitimate 
authorities of the Government of Haiti,

Recalling the terms of the Governors Island Agreement (S/26063) andŠthe 
related Pact of New York 

Welcoming the fact that initial units of the multinational force were 
peacefully deployed in Haiti on 19 September 1994,

Looking forward to the completion of the mission of the multinational 
force and to the timely deployment of the United Nations Mission in 
Haiti (UNMIH) as foreseen in resolution 940 (1994),

Noting the statement of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide dated 
25ŠSeptember 1994 (S/1994/1097, Annex),

Having received the report of theŠmultinational force in Haiti, dated 26 
September 1994 (S/1994/1107, Annex),

Recalling that, in Paragraph 17 of resolution 940 (1994), the Security 
Council affirmed its willingness to review the measures imposed pursuant 
to resolutions 841 (1993), 873 (1993) and 917 (1994) with a view to 
lifting them in their entirety immediately following the return to Haiti 
of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,

Noting that paragraph 11 of resolution 917 (1994) remains in force,

1.  Requests the Secretary-General to take steps to ensure the immediate 
completion of the deployment of the observers and other elements of the 
sixty-person UNMIH advance team established under resolution 940 (1994);

2.  Urges Member States to respondŠpromptly and positively to 
theŠSecretary-General's request for contributions to UNMIH;

3.  Encourages the Secretary-General, in consultation with the 
Secretary-General of the Organization of American States, to continue 
his efforts to facilitate the immediate return to Haiti of the 
International Civilian Mission (MICIVIH); 

4.  Decides, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United 
Nations, to terminate the measures regarding Haiti set out in 
resolutions 841 (1993), 873 (1993) and 917 (1994), at 0001 a.m. EST on 
the day after the return to Haiti of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide;

5.  Further decides to dissolve the Committee established under 
resolution 841 (1993) with effect from 0001 a.m. EST on the day after 
the return to Haiti of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide;

6.  Requests that the Secretary- General consult with the Secretary- 
General of the Organization of American States regarding the 
consideration of appropriate measures which might be taken by that 
organization consistent with this resolution and report to the Council 
on the results of those consultations;
7.  Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

VOTE:  13-0-2 (Brazil and Russian Federation abstaining).

Haiti Sanctions Modifications
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, 
Washington, DC, September 26, 1994

The UN has imposed two sets of sanctions on Haiti.  In June 1993 (UNSC 
Resolution 841), the Security Council banned oil and armaments and froze 
Haitian Government assets.  In May 1994 (UNSC Resolution 917), the 
Security Council imposed a comprehensive trade embargo--with general 
exceptions for food and medicine and case-by-case exceptions for 
humanitarian relief supplies--and a ban on non-scheduled airlines.  In 
July 1994 (UNSC Resolution 940), the Security Council authorized 
coalition forces to "use all necessary means to facilitate . . . the 
prompt return of the legitimately elected President . . . and to 
establish and maintain a secure and stable environment . . . ."

The U.S. imposed a series of unilateral sanctions over the last 16 
months.  In addition to supporting the UN sanctions, they banned non-
staple food items, scheduled passenger air flights, and financial 
transactions between the U.S. and Haiti, and put a freeze on all Haitian 
assets in the U.S.

U.S. unilateral sanctions to be suspended are:

--  Food-product sanctions on non-staple items.  Staple items, such as 
wheat flour, rice, and beans were already unrestricted.

--  Regularly scheduled, passenger air-service ban.  Passenger air 
service will resume to and from Haiti, enabling, among others, U.S.-
resident Haitian citizens to travel to Haiti and foreign nationals 
resident in Haiti to resume more normal travel.

Determination of when scheduled airlines can use the Port-au-Prince 
airport will be made by the coalition Force Commander later this week.  
The U.S. also will consult with other nations that have unilaterally 
restricted passenger air service to encourage them to resume service.

--  The general freeze on Haitian financial assets in the United States.  
Haitian assets frozen in the U.S. (e.g., bank accounts and property) 
will be unblocked except for targeted assets of the military officer 
corps and their immediate business associates.  This step will 
facilitate normal commerce and economic reconstruction.

--  The general ban on financial transactions in the United States.  
Haitian residents in Haiti will be allowed to transfer money to and from 
Haiti as economic activity resumes, except for targeted sanctions 
against the Haitian military officer corps and their immediate business 

--  Ceiling on remittances.  The current ceiling of $50 per month per 
person will be lifted to permit individuals to send any amount of money 
to family and friends (mostly among the poor) in Haiti.

U.S. unilateral sanctions remaining in effect are:

--  The targeted assets freeze on the Haitian officer corps and 
immediate financial supporters (600 individuals total).

--  The targeted ban on financial transactions by the Haitian officer 
corps and their immediate financial supporters.

The UN sanctions to be modified temporarily under the authorities of UN 
Security Council Resolutions 917 and 940 are:

--  Fuel and equipment.  Temporarily allow fuel and equipment for 
electrical power generation.  This will allow increased power output 
from the current level of three hours per day, which would increase 
security and improve the general daily life of Haitians in metropolitan 

--  Charter flights.  Temporarily allow charter air flights to support 
coalition forces and the humanitarian effort.  This allows coalition 
forces and humanitarian relief agencies to move in needed personnel and 

--  Food, medical, humanitarian, and information supplies.  Temporarily 
allow a wide category of food, medical, humanitarian, and information 
supplies into Haiti as follows:

--  Medical supplies, including for water purification and related 
public health and sanitation services;

--  Materials to rebuild the telecommunications infrastructure;

--  Media (e.g., newsprint) and educational (e.g., textbooks) supplies;

--  All agricultural supplies; and

--  Construction and transportation supplies for humanitarian purposes 
(e.g., materials for the immediate expansion of the humanitarian 



The U.S. and China:  Curbing Missile And Nuclear Weapons Proliferation
Secretary Christopher, Chinese Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Qian, 
Joint Statements
Remarks following the signing of joint statements on missile 
proliferation  and fissile materials production, Washington, DC, October 
4, 1994

Secretary Christopher.   Good afternoon.  Vice Premier and Foreign 
Minister Qian Qichen's trip is closing on a very positive note--I am 
pleased to announce today that the United States and China have reached 
important agreements to help curb the proliferation of missiles and the 
production of fissile material for nuclear weapons.  Stopping the spread 
of weapons of mass destruction is a strategic priority for President 
Clinton's Administration.  Today's agreements are another advance toward 
achieving that objective.  They also represent a vital element of our 
relationship with China, a nuclear power and a permanent member of the 
UN Security Council.

First, on the question of missile non-proliferation, the United States 
and China have agreed to a   step-by-step approach to resolve their 
differences on the export of missiles under the Missile Technology 
Control Regime--MTCR.  As a first step, the United States will move to 
lift the sanctions it imposed against China in August 1993 for 
transferring missile parts to Pakistan.  Once the sanctions are lifted, 
China has agreed not to export ground-to-ground missiles covered by the 
MTCR agreement.

In effect, this communique today goes beyond the MTCR requirements.  It 
represents a global and verifiable ban on Chinese exports of missiles 
capable of a range of at least 300 kilometers and a payload of at least 
500Škilograms.  This is a very important step forward, and I urge you 
not to let the complexity of it blind you to the achievement that 
resulted here today.

This agreement also resolves a previous difference of opinion between 
the United States and China on the interpretation of the MTCR.  Under 
the terms of this agreement, China accepts the MTCR definition of a 
missile's inherent capability.  That means that any missile that has the 
inherent capability to be modified to meet the MTCR thresholds is also 
under the control ofŠthe regime.  Both of our countries have reaffirmed 
our respective commitments to the MTCR guidelines and its parameters.  
As a second step in this regard, the United States and China also have 
agreed to hold further in-depth discussions on the MTCR, including 
discussion of China's possible MTCR membership in the near future.

Now, on a second subject--that is, fissile material production--the 
United States and China have agreed to work together to promote a global 
and verifiable ban on the production of fissile materials for nuclear 
weapons and other nuclear explosive devices.  This agreement will enable 
us to advance the shared goal of stopping the production of nuclear 
weapon materials in states that are on the threshold of developing 
nuclear weapons.  It also strengthens our broader, shared commitment to 
halt the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

As influential members of the international community, the United States 
and China have a special obligation to cooperate in promoting peace and 
security.  These two agreements are good examples of the benefits that 
cooperation can bring, and I am gratified that we were able to reach 
them.  I also want to thank the Vice Premier and Foreign Minister for 
his visit here today.  I think the talks that have taken place in 
connection with human rights, as well as the talks we have had on non-
proliferation, are a reflection of a good degree of progress in our 
relationship; I am grateful to you, Mr. Minister, for your important 
leadership role in these achievements.  Thank you very much.

Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Qian (through interpreter).  Just now, 
I signed with Secretary Christopher two important agreements:  one on 
non-proliferation, the other on ending fissile material production.

On the first subject--that is nuclear non-proliferation--it is our 
consistent position that China does not engage in the proliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction, including missiles outside the MTCR.  In 
1991, China and the United States had discussions on this issue.  
However, due to the sanctions applied against China by the United 
States, this issue was not resolved at that time.  In March 1992, after 
the United States lifted its sanctions against China, China made that 
commitment.  Now we are reaffirming our commitment made in March 1992.

Later, in August 1993, the United States reimposed sanctions against 
China, and our two countries had a long discussion on this issue.  
Today, we  reached agreement on this issue--that is, after the lifting 
of the sanctions imposed on China by the United States in August 1993, 
China reaffirms its commitment to MTCR guidelines and parameters.  So, 
after long-term discussions, our two sides have now resolved this issue.  
We are very pleased about this.

On the second issue--that is, stopping the production of fissile 
materials--both China and the United States are nuclear countries, even 
though the nuclear arsenal of the United States is much bigger than that 
of China.  Still, China is ready to work with the rest of the 
international community to promote the earliest achievement of a 
convention on stopping the production of fissile materials among the 
nuclear-capable countries.  We hope to see an early and smooth 
completion of this process.

The conclusion of these two agreements between our two countries will 
contribute to the development of Sino-American relations.  It also will 
play aŠpositive role in promoting global non-proliferation of weapons of 
mass destruction and stopping production of fissile materials.  
Therefore, it will also contribute to world peace and stability.

I wish to thank Secretary Christopher for the good arrangements for my 
visit.  We have had useful discussions, and I wish to express our thanks 
for the warm reception accorded to us by our host.  Thank you.  

Joint Statement of the United States of America and The People's 
Republic of China On Missile Proliferation

The United States of America and the People's Republic of China, in 
furtherance of their shared nonproliferation interests, have agreed to 
take the following steps as of today's date:  (1) the United States will 
take the measures necessary to lift the sanctions imposed in August 
1993, and (2) once the United States lifts the sanctions, China will not 
export ground-to-ground missiles featuring the primary parameters of the 
Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)--that is, inherently capable of 
reaching a range of at least 300 km with a payload of at least 500 kg.

Both sides also reaffirm their respective commitments to the Guidelines 
and parameters of the MTCR, and have agreed to hold in-depth discussions 
on the MTCR.

Joint Statement of the United States of America And the People's 
Republic Of China on Stopping the Production of Fissile Materials For 
Nuclear Weapons

The United States of America and the People's Republic of China, in 
support of their shared interest in preventing the proliferation of 
nuclear weapons, have agreed to work together to promote the earliest 
possible achievement of a multilateral, non-discriminatory, and 
effectively verifiable convention banning the production of fissile 
materials for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.  



Summit of the Americas:  The Impact on Women
Alexander F. Watson, Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs
Remarks to Inter-American Dialogue and International Center for Research 
on Women Meeting on Investing in Women, Washington, DC, October 6, 1994

Thank you very much.  It is indeed a pleasure to be here with you this 
evening, and an honor t o be here with so many distinguished experts on 
issues of concern to women in the Western Hemisphere.  Throughout the 
Americas, women have  played central roles in historic events, such as 
the women soldiers or Adelitas in the Mexican revolution, women 
suffragists in the United States, and the Argentine mothers in the Plaza 
de Mayo.  And, of course, women contribute more quietly and often at 
great sacrifice to the quotidian struggle for life and dignity 
throughout the hemisphere.  Yet, for reasons which have been all too 
apparent, their contributions to society and the family are often 
overlooked, and they are frequently the victims of discrimination.  
Perhaps the traditional pain and suffering of women in the Americas was 
best captured by the Argentine poet, Alfonsina Storni, in her 1920 poem 
"La que Comprende."  In this poem, Storni portrays a pregnant woman in 
church, imploring:  "Senor, el hijo mio que no nazca mujer."  (Lord, let 
my child not be born a woman).

Despite progress in recent years, women in our hemisphere are 
disproportionately poor.  Prior to and during the 1980s, both the 
absolute numbers and the proportion of women among the poor increased.  
Many women in our hemisphere live in precarious conditions; one example 
is that maternal mortality rates are estimated at 270  per 100,000 live 
births.  Women suffer more than men from anemia, stunted growth from 
lack of proteins and calories, and iodine deficiency.  In nine countries 
of the region, female illiteracy is 15% or more, and in three of them 
more than half the women are illiterate.

Although many countries in the region have enjoyed steady economic 
growth for the last 5 years, we must really question the value of 
economic development if its fruits are not going to be enjoyed fully by 
half of the population.

In short, women are interested in and deeply affected by the central 
issues the United States and the other countries in this hemisphere are 
trying to address--issues of democracy, prosperity, and equity.

The Summit of the Americas, at which the chiefs of state and heads of 
government of the Western Hemisphere will convene at President Clinton's 
invitation in Miami in a couple of months, will focus explicitly on 
these issues through its three central themes of

--  Making Democracy Work:  Reinventing Government;
--  Making Democracy Prosperous:  Hemispheric Economic Integration; and 
--  Making Democracy Endure:  Sustainable Development.

We believe that specific initiatives generated by the Summit of the 
Americas will be tools to forge opportunities for both women and men, 
and to further the progress women have already achieved.

Making Democracy Work: Reinventing Government

Women cannot become full partners in the hemisphere's development until 
their right to live free from all forms of violence or discrimination in 
both public and private spheres is recognized and protected.  Women's 
rights are human rights, and violence against women should be seen as a 
human rights violation and as a public rather than a private issue.  
Through an initiative under the rubric of "Making Democracy Work," the 
United States  is proposing to our colleagues in the hemisphere actions 
to encourage development of private voluntary associations, many of 
which have been pioneers in protecting women's rights.

Although civil and family codes affecting women have been very 
restrictive in the past, many encouraging new laws have been passed to 
address these problems in our hemisphere.  In the United States, some of 
the best examples have happened within our own lifetimes:  legislation 
providing for widows otherwise facing destitution to gain access to the 
Social Security pensions of their husbands; legislation protecting 
women's rights to property and credit in their own names; and a judicial 
system and police force becoming more responsive and sensitive to 
women's needs for protection from domestic violence.

Important legislation has also been passed in other countries of the 
hemisphere, such as the new family codes in El Salvador and Trinidad and 
Tobago.  For all of us, the continuing challenge is to see that such 
legislation is improved and--even more importantly--faithfully 

In Brazil, another example--police stations staffed by women and for 
women have encouraged women to denounce attacks against them.  These 
special police stations have been a model followed by other countries.  
I  remember when I was in Brazil as Deputy Chief of Mission of our 
embassy, these Delegacias were being established for the first time, and 
I remember talking at great length with a leading Brazilian political 
figure and leader of this fight for women's rights in Brazil, Ruth 
Escobar, on exactly how these Delegacias were working.

But beyond legislation and government programs, the key to women 
becoming full partners in our hemisphere lies in a generalized awareness 
that the future of society is dependent upon full partnership of 
citizens, regardless of gender.

Women can only become full partners in the hemisphere's development, 
however, when they have an equal opportunity to influence and decide 
public policy at all levels.  In Latin America and the Caribbean we have 
seen efforts to involve women in public policy through political 
affirmative action.  For example, in Argentina a law requires political 
parties to present slates with a minimum of 30% female candidates.  The 
group assembled here tonight is a living example of what all women can 
achieve, if given the basic opportunities and resources.

The United States will propose an initiative at the Summit of the 
Americas, under the theme of "Making Democracy Work," which would commit 
governments of the region to take concrete actions to encourage the 
development throughout the hemisphere of civic-minded NGOs, and private 
voluntary organizations, such as Poder Ciudadano and Conciencia in 
Argentina, and Participa in Chile, which are major threads in the fabric 
of civil society.

Making Democracy Endure: Sustainable Development

Improving and implementing legislation to protect women is not enough by 
itself.  Women make a significant contribution to economic development, 
and deserve recognition and encouragement in their endeavors in the 
informal economy, and deserve an opportunity to participate in the 
formal economy.  Women in urban areas are skillful entrepreneurs--
starting up small businesses with next to no seed money.  Estimates are 
that in the shantytowns or favelas surrounding large cities, a 
staggering percentage--up to 70-80%--of households are headed by women.

The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Inter-
American Development Bank have introduced micro-enterprise loans to 
encourage and nurture micro-enterprise as an employment alternative, 
with great success.  At the Summit of the Americas, the United States 
will propose an initiative on nurturing micro-enterprise--an integrated 
set of projects that would further promote micro-enterprise and small 
business development.  These projects could help non-governmental 
organizations provide financing on market terms, reduce legal obstacles 
that hurt micro-enterprises, lower transaction costs for small loans 
made by commercial banks to    micro-enterprises, and encourage the 
development of business advisory services for small businesses--all of 
which should benefit women.

Another critically important area to improve women's standard of living 
throughout the hemisphere is health care.  Women's health is a factor in 
the productive capacity of countries all over the world, and its 
importance was just recently recognized at the Cairo Conference on 
Population.  The Summit of the Americas, through an initiative on 
equitable access to basic health services proposed by the United States, 
could call for each country's commitment to ensure equitable, universal 
access to basic health services so as to reduce child mortality rates in 
the region by one third and maternal mortality rates by half by the year 

Although human rights, economic opportunities, political affirmative 
action, and health are all important, we must not forget education.  In 
the very high-growth economies of East Asia, for example, resources were 
targeted in the 1950s and 1960s to give priority to universal primary 
education of girls and boys.  I think that Nancy Birdsall has been a 
pioneer in analyzing this data.  This front-loading of resources formed 
a solid base for girls and boys to continue successfully into secondary 
and university-level education.

In some countries there are still gender biases and stereotypes limiting 
women's occupational choices to dead-end, low-paying jobs.  Let all of 
us in the hemisphere examine our educational programs with the objective 
of replacing gender-restrictive stereotypes with encouragement and 
opportunities for girls and boys throughout their lives.  Careful and 
hard-hitting economic studies by the World Bank and others have shown 
that educating girls and women is an essential investment with a very 
high return in economic productivity, improved health, sustainable 
population growth, better natural resource management, and greater civic 
participation.  All of these benefits will serve our hemisphere well in 
competing in the new world environment of free trade and economic 

Through an initiative of "Universal Access to Quality Primary 
Education," the United States proposes that the Summit of the Americas 
call for a hemispheric partnership to re-focus existing resources more 
effectively toward quality primary education through reforms in 
financing, decentralization, and a reordering of budget priorities so as 
to achieve 100% primary school completion rates and 75% secondary school 
enrollment by the year 2000.

There is still a long way to go before women are full partners in our 
hemisphere.  But times are certainly changing.  Today, from Rigoberta 
Menchu in Guatemala to dissident poet Maria Elena Cruz Varela in Cuba, 
women are speaking out with conviction, defending not only their rights 
but those of their fellow human beings.  I believe that if she were here 
now, the woman in Alfonsina Storni's poem would be encouraged to see the 
changes forged by people like yourselves, and would share the hope which 
we all share for the future of women--and men--in our hemisphere.   
Thank you very much.  



Taiwan Policy Review 
Winston Lord, Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC, 
September 27, 1994

Thank you for inviting me to testify on behalf of the Administration on 
an issue of substantial importance to our policy in the Asia-Pacific 
region.  Our bonds with Taiwan are robust, friendly, growing, and 

Your invitation is timely.  For the first time in 15 years, we have 
systematically enhanced the ways in which we promote American interests 
and manage our relationship with Taiwan.  The Administration has 
carefully examined every facet of our unofficial ties, with a view to 
correcting their anomalies and strengthening their sinews.  The 
President has taken a personal interest in this process and directed 
that a series of changes be implemented.

The lengthy, detailed interagency policy review that we have conducted 
is the first of its kind launched by any administration of either 
political party since we shifted recognition to Beijing in 1979.  We 
have consulted with interested members of Congress and the private 
sector.  The foundation of our approach has been to advance U.S. 
national objectives in our relations with Taiwan and the P.R.C., as well 
as in the Asia-Pacific area generally.  The results, we believe, strike 
the right balance between Taipei and Beijing, laying the basis for 
further expanding relations with both while ensuring continued peace and 
stability in the Taiwan Strait.

Policy Framework

The basic framework of our policies toward the P.R.C. and Taiwan remains 
unchanged.  It is worth recalling how durable and productive that policy 
has been.  During 22 years, six administrations of both political 
parties have closely examined this approach and concluded that it is 
firmly rooted in U.S. national interests.  Throughout this period we 
have maintained our friendship and ties with Taiwan while advancing our 
considerable goals with the People's Republic of China.

U.S. policy toward Taiwan is governed, of course, by the Taiwan 
Relations Act of 1979.  Three communiques with the People's Republic of 
China--the Shanghai Communique of 1972, the Normalization Communique of 
1979, and the Joint Communique of 1982--also constitute part of the 
foundation.  In the joint communique shifting diplomatic relations to 
the P.R.C. 15 years ago, the United States recognized "the Government of 
the People's Republic of China as the sole legal Government of China."  
The document further states that "Within this context, the people of the 
United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial 
relations with the people of Taiwan."  The United States also 
acknowledged "the Chinese position that there is but one China and 
Taiwan is part of China."  These formulations were repeated in the 1982 
communique.  Since 1978, each administration has reaffirmed this policy.

The policy has been essential in maintaining peace, stability, and 
economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and throughout 
the region.  It has buttressed expansion of bilateral contacts between 
China and Taiwan, including a broadening of social and economic linkages 
that have improved standards of living both in Taiwan and in the 
People's Republic of China.  Meanwhile, the United States has maintained 
mutually beneficial ties with both the P.R.C. and Taiwan.  We have 
focused our bilateral and multilateral agendas on working cooperatively 
with each while not putting at unnecessary risk our relations with 
either.  We have made absolutely clear our expectation that cross-strait 
relations will evolve in a peaceful manner.  We neither interfere in nor 
mediate this process.  But we welcome any evolution in relations between 
Taipei and Beijing that is mutually agreed upon and peacefully reached.

Change in the Region

During the past two decades, Taiwan has been one of the world's greatest 
economic success stories, achieving rapid growth and prosperity.  Its 
security has been enhanced and is more solid than ever.  It has taken 
dramatic strides toward democracy and the fulfillment of human rights.  
With a small population and modest resources, Taiwan has risen to become 
one of the world's major economic actors, while putting into practice a 
lively, increasingly representative political system.  It has shown that 
political openness must accompany economic reform and that Asians value 
freedom as much as other peoples around the globe.

These remarkable developments are a tribute, above all, to the talents 
and energy of the people of Taiwan and to their enlightened leaders.  
They also reflect the soundness of bipartisan U.S policies pursued 
through successive administrations.  We have been faithful to Taiwan 
while addressing our wide range of goals with Beijing.

At the same time, in recent years, changes of a profound nature have 
taken place in the People's Republic of China.  The P.R.C. is undergoing 
a significant transition from a command to a market economy that has 
brought unprecedented prosperity to millions.  It has opened up to the 
outside world, but it clings to a repressive political system.  It is an 
increasingly important player on the world stage.

In the end, it is only the two parties themselves--Taiwan and the 
P.R.C.--that will be able to resolve the issues between them.  In this 
regard, the United States applauds the continuing progress in the cross-
strait dialogue.  The record is one of slow but not inconsequential 
advance.  We should not underestimate the significance of two parties--
who have a history of bitter enmity--getting together to discuss issues.  
While credit must go, first of all, to each for enhancing their 
dialogue, U.S. policy has contributed to a climate which has fostered 
not only these growing exchanges but also trade, investment, and travel 
between them. This trend toward contact and dialogue serves the 
interests of both parties and the United States and of regional 
stability and prosperity.

Taiwan's security is one of the most important aspects of our policy.  
Meeting the needs of Taiwan is critical not only for Taiwan but also for 
peace and stability in the region.  We will continue to provide material 
and training to Taiwan to enable it to maintain a sufficient self-
defense capability, as mandated by the Taiwan Relations Act.

There is no change in our arms sales policy as a result of the 
adjustments we are undertaking.  Our sales to Taiwan will remain fully 
consistent with both the Taiwan Relations Act and the 1982 U.S.-P.R.C. 
communique.  These documents are complementary and support the same 
basic objectives--peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.

Policy Adjustments

Within this framework, the President has decided to enhance our 
unofficial ties with Taiwan.  Our goal is to reinforce the success of 
the fundamental policy approach I have outlined, which has promoted 
peace and growth in the region, while accommodating changing 
circumstances in ways that advance U.S. interests.  We believe it would 
be a serious mistake to derail this basic policy of several 
administrations by introducing what China would undoubtedly perceive as 
officiality in our relations with Taiwan.  This is why the 
Administration strongly opposes Congressional attempts to legislate 
visits by top leaders of the "Republic of China" to the U.S.

Let me give you the highlights of our changes.  Taken together, they 
represent a significant advance while remaining faithful to the 
undertakings of several administrations of both political parties to 
Beijing.  I will be pleased to provide more details later in response to 
your questions.

We are now prepared to send high-level officials from U.S. economic and 
technical agencies to visit Taiwan.  We will make judgments as to what 
level of visitor best serves our interests.  They will have meetings at 
whatever levels necessary to accomplish our objectives.  We are also 
prepared to establish a sub-cabinet economic dialogue with Taiwan.  
Moreover, last week we signed a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement 
and anticipate an early commencement of talks.  We also are making some 
changes in the ways we promote our commercial and technical interests in 
Washington, including where meetings can be held.

Taiwan will have a new name for its office here--the Taipei Economic and 
Cultural Representative Office.  Recognizing Taiwan's important role in 
transnational issues, we will support its membership in organizations 
where statehood is not a prerequisite, and we will support opportunities 
for Taiwan's voice to be heard in organizations where its membership is 
not possible.

Due in significant part to a well-conceived and consistent U.S. policy 
since 1979, U.S. and Taiwan relations are thriving.  We can conduct any 
important business.  Our trade and investment levels are high and 
rising.  Some 37,000 students from Taiwan study in the U.S.--the second-
highest number in the world.  Thanks to our efforts, Taiwan is a valued 
member of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum--the most 
important regional economic body in Asia.  It is engaged in serious, 
productive negotiations which will lead to its accession to GATT.


Mr. Chairman, U.S. policy toward Taiwan has been a major bipartisan 
success story through several administrations.  It is balanced, it is 
faithful to our obligations, our commitments, and our national purposes.  
It promotes our goals with both the P.R.C. and with Taiwan.  Relations 
with the P.R.C. are official and diplomatic; with Taiwan, they are 
unofficial but strong.  We do not believe that we can or should tamper 
with this successful formula.  We do not seek and cannot impose a 
resolution of differences between Taiwan and the People's Republic of 
China.  Nor should we permit one to manipulate us against the other.

What we can do--and what we have just done is the most thorough review 
and adjustment in 15 years--is to strengthen our unofficial relations 
with Taiwan, permit the expansion of ties with the P.R.C., promote 
regional peace and development, and serve American national interests.  
Thank you.  



What's in Print
Foreign Relations of The United States

The Department of State has recently released two volumes in the Foreign 
Relations of the United States series. 

Foreign Relations, 1958-1960, Volume XVII, Indonesia, documents U.S. 
relations with Indonesia during the final term of the Eisenhower 

In the late 1950s Indonesia was a populous, deeply anti-colonial state, 
and was a leading member of the non-aligned world.  The country's 
politics were dominated by President Sukarno, a spellbinding orator and 
the hero to Indonesia's masses.  The Eisenhower Administration was 
deeply concerned about the growth of the country's communist party, the 
PKI, as well as increasing Soviet bloc military aid.  To prevent a 
communist takeover, the United States secretly supported rebellions by 
anti-communist dissident military forces.  However, the central 
government in Java strongly suspected U.S. complicity in the revolt.  By 
the end of 1958, the rebellion had been reduced to sporadic guerrilla 
warfare.  President Eisenhower became convinced that the United States 
should shift its Indonesian policy and agreed to support the regular 
Indonesian army as the best counterweight to the communist threat.  
Eventually, relations with the army and President Sukarno were repaired.  
The two Presidents met in late 1960; however, many issues remained 

This volume is one of more than 60 printed volumes and 10 microfiche 
supplements documenting the foreign policy of the Eisenhower 
Administration.  It may be purchased for $29; $36.25 for foreign orders. 
The GPO Stock No. is 044-000-02379-2. 

Foreign Relations, 1961-1963, Volume XIII, West Europe and Canada, 
documents the strong U.S. support for the idea of West European economic 
and political integration, U.S. policy toward the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization, and U.S. relations with France, Italy, Portugal, Spain, 
the United Kingdom, and Canada.  The incoming Kennedy Administration 
sought to move Western Europe toward greater long-term security.  
Administration officials believed that NATO relied too heavily on the 
nuclear deterrent and attempted to convince the alliance to expand its 
conventional forces.  By the end of 1962 and especially in 1963, the 
U.S. became more concerned about creating a multilateral nuclear force. 

U.S. relations with France were dominated by the Kennedy 
Administration's struggles with the strong personality of French 
President de Gaulle, particularly from different perceptions of France's 
role as a nuclear power, the configuration of a unified Europe, and the 
French demand for trilateral consultations with the British.

Elsewhere, the entry of the Italian Socialist Party into a governing 
coalition was the primary issue in U.S.-Italy relations.  The relations 
between the United States and the United Kingdom were dominated by 
defense and economic questions.

In Canada, questions about North American defense and the accusation of 
American interference in Canadian domestic politics produced growing 
tension between the United States and Canada that was dissolved only by 
the victory of the Liberal Party in Canada's 1963 election.

This volume, one of 25 print volumes and six microfiche supplements 
documenting the foreign policy of the Kennedy Administration, may be 
purchased for $48; $60 for foreign orders.  The GPO Stock No. is 044-

Both volumes are available from:

Superintendent of Documents
Government Printing Office
P.O. Box 371954
Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954

To FAX orders, call (202) 512-2250.  Checks made payable to the 
Superintendent of Documents are accepted, as are VISA and MasterCard.  
For further information, contact Glenn W. LaFantasie, General Editor, 
Foreign Relations series, at (202) 663-1133; FAX (202) 663-1289. 


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