1.  Supporting Democracy and Promoting Economic Growth 
at Home and Abroad--President Clinton 
2.  The Americas:  A Community of Democratic Nations-- 
Vice President Gore 
3.  Restoring Democracy to Haiti--Secretary Christopher 
4.  State of the Western Hemisphere: Cooperation Now 
and for the Future--Secretary Christopher 
5.  Strengthening U.S. Relations With South Asia--
Secretary Christopher 
6.  The U.S. and the Asia-Pacific:  Intensifying Our 
Cooperation at APEC and Beyond--Secretary Christopher 
7.  A GCC Commitment To End the Secondary and Tertiary 
Boycott--Secretary Christopher, Saudi Crown Prince Saud 
8.  U.S. Policy Toward North Africa--Robert H. 
Supporting Democracy and Promoting Economic Growth at 
Home and Abroad 
President Clinton 
Radio address to the nation, Chicago, Illinois, 
September 24, 1994 
One week ago, America stood ready to use force if 
necessary to help restore the democratically elected 
government in Haiti.  American power marshaled in 
pursuit of our national interest enabled American 
diplomacy to succeed.  Haiti's military leaders agreed 
to leave power no later than October 15.  Our troops 
entered Haiti peacefully and without bloodshed, leading 
an international coalition of 28 nations that will work 
to bring greater security to the people and to restore 
to power Haiti's democratically elected government. 
Today, I am pleased to report on the progress of our 
mission.  The U.S. contribution to the international 
coalition will soon be at full strength--some 14,000 
American servicemen and -women.  Our troops include 
nearly 1,000 military police, who are working to help 
ensure that the Haitian police act with restraint 
toward the Haitian people.  Police monitors from our 
coalition partners--Argentina, Jordan, and Bolivia--are 
expected to arrive next week.  The United Nations human 
rights observers expelled from Haiti two months ago 
will soon return.  We have also have begun programs to 
confiscate heavy weapons controlled by the Haitian 
military and to buy back light weapons from the militia 
and civilians. 
Our presence, in short, is helping to restore civil 
order in a country wracked by violence and instability.  
Perhaps the best evidence of our success is that 200 to 
300 Haitian refugees, who we sheltered at our base in 
Guantanamo, will go home on Monday.  We expect more to 
follow soon. 
This remains a difficult undertaking--as with all 
military operations--and as I speak to you, Secretary 
of Defense Perry and General Shalikashvili, Chairman of 
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, are traveling to Haiti to 
review our progress on the ground.  I am proud of our 
troops and their commanders there.  They deserve our 
thanks, our prayers, and our praise. 
Our success in Haiti to date shows what the 
international community, with American leadership, can 
achieve in helping countries in their struggle to build 
democracy.  Our mission, however, is limited.  We must 
remember, as I plan to tell the United Nations General 
Assembly on Monday, that it is ultimately up to the 
people in those countries to ensure their own freedom.  
This is the great challenge and opportunity of 
That is also one of the lessons I hope Americans will 
learn as Russian President Boris Yeltsin and South 
African President Nelson Mandela visit our country 
during the next two weeks.  Their visits will be 
occasions to reflect on the remarkable democratic 
transformations of Russia and South Africa, which the 
United States has done a great deal to promote. 
America should be proud of our leadership in helping to 
build open societies around the world.  By supporting 
democracy and promoting economic growth, we are 
actively helping others, but we are helping ourselves 
at the same time. 
Despite this, some people in our country question the 
importance of American engagement in the post-Cold War 
world.  They say we should hide behind the walls of 
protectionism and isolationism.  They are wrong.  That 
is why, early next week, I will submit to Congress 
legislation to implement the GATT world trade 
agreement--the largest trade agreement in history.  By 
cutting tariffs around the world, GATT will mean a $36-
billion tax cut for Americans over the coming 10 years.  
It will also generate between 300,000 and 700,000 
permanent new jobs in those years, and, in time, many, 
many more for our children.  Most of all, it will mean 
that we are facing this moment of decision with the 
confidence we need to meet the challenges of the post-
Cold War world--tearing down walls that separate 
nations instead of hiding behind them.  
As we have learned again this week, when we approach 
our responsibilities around the world with the same 
sense of purpose, we can, indeed, accomplish great 
goals.  (###) 
The Americas:  A Community of Democratic Nations 
Vice President Gore 
Address to the Inter-American Development Bank, 
Washington, DC, September 16, 1994 
On this day--September 16--in1810, Father Miguel 
Hidalgo spoke at a crowded church in Dolores, Mexico.  
No one is certain of his exact words, but we do know 
that his legendary sermon and his issuing of the Grito 
de Dolores launched the Mexican independence movement.  
And although independence did not come until 1821, it 
is on this day--in the memory of Father Hidalgo and his 
cry which ignited a people--it is on this day that 
Mexican independence is celebrated.  Before his death 
in 1811, Father Hidalgo said,  
We are resolved to enter into no arrangement which does 
not have--as its basis--the liberty of the nation and 
the enjoyment of those rights which the God of Nature 
has given to all men. 
Today, as we honor Mexican Independence Day, it is a 
source of great satisfaction that the Mexican people 
have recently demonstrated their faith and commitment 
to--in Hidalgo's words--the "basis of liberty."  Last 
month, there was a record turn-out in the national 
election that chose President-elect Zedillo.  And it is 
equally significant that the Mexican people and the 
Mexican Government worked hard to ensure that the 
election earned the people's trust and confidence.  
I am reminded of the words of one of Father Hidalgo's 
contemporaries, "The Great Liberator"--Simon Bolivar. 
In 1818, Bolivar declared that it was not enough for 
the world to merely recognize Latin American 
independence.  He said, We need something more:  to be 
free under the auspices of liberal laws, emanating from 
the most sacred spring, which is the will of the 
people.  That most sacred spring . . . the will of the 
Democracy isn't perfect; no system is.  But we believe 
that in democracy--where power is rooted in the 
individual citizen, where compromise is hammered out in 
free elections and legislative debate--lies the road to 
peace, prosperity, social equality, and human 
development whether in the smallest village or in the 
national capital.  Democracy gives us the opportunity 
to make the right decisions.  It does not necessarily 
ensure that the right decisions will be made, but it 
allows people to choose their own destinies.  In the 
body politic, said Rousseau, there is "a moral being 
possessed of a will."  Democracy puts basic questions 
in the hands of the people--therein lies its virtue . . 
. that ultimate power can be transferred from one 
leader to another peacefully without interrupting the 
accountability of government to its people is a 
distinguishing feature of democracy.  It is also a 
distinguishing feature of our hemisphere.   
Today, democracy in the Western Hemisphere is the norm, 
not the exception.  Haiti is soon to rejoin that 
democratic community.  The United Nations, representing 
the collective will of the international community, has 
resolved to restore democracy to the suffering people 
of that island.  Thankfully, the Haitian people's cries 
have not fallen on deaf ears.  Democracy will be 
restored.  I do not view this pending action by the 
international community as outside intervention.  
Rather, I view what General Cedras did as intervention 
of the most despicable kind.  The Haitian dictatorship 
is an example of the worst form of government--
predatory, brutal, and illegal.   Just as many of you 
in this room struggled honorably to restore democracy 
in your own countries, the Haitian people are calling 
for an end to dictatorship.  I am proud that the 
international community, as embodied in the United 
Nations, is responding.  Haiti's economic recovery is 
essential to the restoration of democracy.  The Inter-
American Development Bank has a crucial role to play in 
this process, and I hope the bank will give this 
priority attention.  As we meet today, the hemisphere 
is closer than ever to realizing the visions of such 
legendary figures as Father Hidalgo and Simon Bolivar.  
We are becoming more interdependent; we depend on one 
another for both security and sustainable economic 
growth.  We are a community of democratic nations whose 
futures are inextricably linked.   
We have come this far because people in the hemisphere 
have voiced their will through the democratic process.  
We are honored by the presence today of statesmen who 
can take pride in having advanced the cause of 
democracy--popularly elected leaders of high purpose 
who have passed the torch to others in the electoral 
process so central to democracy.  It was once said that 
the difference between a politician and a statesman is 
that a politician thinks of the next election, and a 
statesman thinks  of the next generation.  By that 
definition, these leaders are true statesmen.  I would 
like to acknowledge the presence today of former 
President Alfonsin of Argentina, President Aylwin of 
Chile, President Betancur of Colombia, President Borja 
of Ecuador, Prime Minister Manley of Jamaica, and 
President Herrera Campins of Venezuela.   
For much of the hemisphere, the challenge of the 1970s 
was the protection of basic human rights.  The triumph 
of the 1980s was the rejection of authoritarian regimes 
and the transition to free elections.  To redeem the 
promise of self-government and to ensure the progress 
of democracy in this hemisphere, the challenge of the 
1990s is the creation of an effective, efficient, and 
transparent state.  This is a challenge faced by all 
democratic nations of the hemisphere.  In our country, 
we have labeled it the movement to reinvent government; 
throughout the hemisphere, it has been referred to as 
"the modernization of the state."  But wherever this 
movement exists and whatever it is called, the problems 
it addresses and the principles behind it are the same.  
The solutions are straightforward and universal.  Let 
me mention some that come immediately to mind.  
First, if democratic institutions are to survive, the 
administration of the state must be honest and 
transparent. President Frei of Chile, for example, 
continues to make good on his promise to keep 
corruption from taking root in Chile.  His National 
Commission on Public Ethics has developed a national 
anti-corruption strategy to ensure honest and 
responsible government.  It is a superb document, and I 
have directed our National Performance Review to study 
its recommendations.  
Second, if democratic institutions are to flourish in 
open economies, the administration of the state should 
be as streamlined and as efficient as possible.  We are 
doing that in our country where, as a result of 
President Clinton's leadership in the National 
Performance Review, we are on our way to having the 
smallest federal work force since John Kennedy was 
Streamlining efforts are taking place in Argentina.  
President Menem has been able to make deep cuts in the 
federal public sector payrolls, an integral part of his 
movement to promote fiscal stability and improved 
government efficiency.  In Buenos Aires, 60% of the 
central administration has been cut since 1990.  By 
getting rid of redundancies, average salaries have gone 
up while wage expenditures as a share of GDP have gone 
down.  President Menem has also spearheaded movements 
to downsize the armed forces and improve tax 
Third, if democratic institutions are to serve people 
properly, the government must decentralize as many 
functions as possible and deliver services as close to 
the people as possible.  In our country, we are working 
hard to create a new relationship with state and local 
governments. We want to empower them to better serve 
their citizens.  In Bolivia, the Sanchez de Lozada 
administration has given local communities more 
responsibility for administering education, health, 
transportation, and irrigation systems--reversing 
decades of govern- ment centralization.  Bolivia has 
passed a "Popular Participation" bill that will 
encourage the development of grassroots democracy, 
improve tax collection, and ensure more equitable 
allocation of revenues.  
Fourth, most democratic states in the world make some 
provision for the security of their people.  The 
administration of these programs should be efficient, 
accessible, and reliable.  In our country, we are 
working on the first-ever major re-engineering of the 
disability insurance program.  Chile has led the way in 
pension reform, offering a model for Argentina, 
Colombia, and, most recently, Peru.   
Finally, democratic societies must rely on an open and 
modern judiciary.  Guatemala is opening and modernizing 
its judiciary.  In the Caribbean, CARICOM has drafted a 
"Charter on Civil Society," which amounts to a virtual 
bill of rights and responsibilities for all peoples of 
that region.  It is another stellar contribution to 
good governance.   
The list of success stories is impressive and growing.  
I am pleased that the hemisphere's premier regional 
institutions--the Inter-American Development Bank and 
the Organization of American States--have recognized 
this challenge and are assisting countries in their 
efforts to strengthen democracy and modernize the 
state.  I would like to congratulate Cesar Gaviria on 
his inauguration as the new Secretary General of the 
OAS.  I welcome his commitment to strengthen and defend 
democracy in the hemisphere.  As he said in his address 
to the OAS yesterday,  
There should be no doubt that the major topic on the 
inter-American agenda at the close of the century is 
the strengthening of the democratic state in the 
Today's IDB forum on "Governance and the Modernization 
of the Democratic State" is a significant and welcome 
event.  It signifies the IDB's commitment to making 
government effective, accountable, and open, and to 
reducing the institutional barriers to sustainable 
economic growth and development.  Both the IDB and OAS 
fully realize, and we strongly agree, that effective 
governance is a matter of legitimate international 
concern.  And we fully understand that good governance 
must be accompanied by sustainable economic growth and 
domestic stability.  The welfare and security of each 
nation are directly affected by the stability, well-
being, and prosperity of its neighbors.   
Democracy and human rights are certainly at the root of 
our shared interests, but we have a stake in other 
common issues, most notably trade and the environment.  
We are committed to expanding free trade throughout the 
hemisphere.  We believe that the completion of NAFTA is 
one of the historic turning points for the hemisphere, 
and we are pleased with the progress on NAFTA this 
year.  We expect to pass Uruguay Round implementing 
legislation this year, and we intend to pursue with 
vigor fast track legislation early next year.  Our 
clear vision is of open markets from Point Barrow to 
Tierra del Fuego.  And good governance requires that we 
manage our economies in a sustainable way.  Without 
sound and sensible management of our natural resources, 
our efforts to build better lives for ourselves and our 
children will surely fail.   
Happily, across the hemisphere, governments and the 
private sector are working together on creative and 
exciting projects to promote sustainable economic 
growth.  Costa Rica, for example, is pioneering 
innovative ways to facilitate the conservation and 
sustainable use of biodiversity.  In the Dominican 
Republic, rural cooperatives have shown dramatic 
success in harnessing solar power by marketing 
photovoltaic cells to small businesses.  These are but 
two examples of a broader trend--the recognition that 
sustainable growth and good governance go hand in hand.  
Indeed, it was in this hemisphere, in Rio de Janiero, 
that the world came together to address the challenge 
of sustainable development at the historic Earth Summit 
in 1992.   
Strengthening and accelerating our implementation of 
the Rio agreements is an important task for us all.  In 
this regard, the IDB and the Multi-Lateral Investment 
Fund can play a central role in supporting 
environmental and social programs.  This will require 
that the IDB have sufficient staff to support these 
efforts and that governments develop projects for 
funding in these areas.  As the IDB has rightly noted, 
what is needed is an integrated agenda that 
incorporates modernization of the state, economic 
reform, and sustainable development.   
We and our partners in the hemisphere will take such a 
comprehensive view at the Summit of the Americas in 
Miami this December.  The summit offers a superb 
opportunity to celebrate the hemisphere's successes in 
these three areas, to consolidate our gains, and to 
accelerate these positive trends.  Perhaps most 
important for those of you here today, the summit 
offers an opportunity to tackle together the issues 
that are central to good governance.  We will take 
effective action against two great threats to democracy 
in this hemisphere:  narcotics and official corruption.  
We will take on the drug cartels in concerted fashion.  
Colombia, for example, is proposing a hemispheric code 
on money laundering that would deny traffickers the 
ability to hide their illegal profits.  We are 
considering other measures as well to target 
traffickers and their assets.  The hemisphere is ready 
to stand up to the cartels, and that will be evident in 
Miami.  We are also discussing ways in which the 
Organization of American States can best protect 
democracy and avert crises that could threaten 
democratic rule.  
A number of countries are working on anti-corruption 
initiatives that would help ensure ethical government 
standards throughout the hemisphere.  For example, 
Ecuador is bringing together other countries to develop 
concrete proposals for summit consideration.  
Venezuela, Bolivia, and Honduras are among those 
interested in taking action on this problem.   
In pursuing these initiatives, we need to recognize 
that ill-conceived government regulations are an 
invitation to corruption--one that is inevitably 
accepted.  When governments downsize and remove such 
regulations, they remove opportunities for corruption.   
In concert with a number of countries and institutions, 
including the Inter-American Development Bank, we are 
exploring ways to help create vibrant civil societies 
in which non-governmental actors and civic associations 
can flourish.  These efforts are designed to promote 
public participation and encourage local private 
philanthropy with a view toward creating a new 
partnership between government and society.  The Civil 
Society Fund currently being explored by the bank 
offers a promising avenue to help reach this goal.  
Throughout the hemisphere, barriers are falling.  We 
are truly becoming a community.  We look forward in 
Miami to strengthening our hemispheric community of 
democracies and to creating a new architecture to 
support expanded hemispheric cooperation.   
I began by telling you about two of the legendary 
figures in Latin American independence--Father Hidalgo 
and Simon Bolivar.  They would marvel at the extent to 
which their visions for the future are reflected in the 
governments of the Americas today.  They would look in 
amazement at how the democratic process is enriching 
the lives of our citizens in ways which they could not 
have dreamed of.  And they would take heart in the fact 
that the most important consensus emerging from the 
hemisphere's renaissance in economics and governance is 
respect for the core values of democracy.   
But our greatest strength is that we recognize that our 
governments will never reach perfection.  We recognize 
that our institutions can always be improved.  But we 
also recognize that the future of our families, our 
nations, and our hemisphere rests on our unshakable 
commitment to democratic rule, where the only constant 
is change.  
We in this hemisphere know that the strongest single 
bond which unites us is our shared future.  And we 
approach that future with confidence because we hold in 
common those values which link our citizens to the 
critical decisions that affect their lives. (###) 
Restoring Democracy to Haiti 
Secretary Christopher 
Address to the United Nations Security Council, New 
York City, September 29, 1994 
Mr. President, distinguished members of the Security 
Council, colleagues, and friends:  I am pleased to have 
the opportunity to review with you the status of our 
efforts in Haiti. 
This Council continues to play a vital role in giving 
Haiti's people a chance to take back their destiny.  
Our shared determination is to deliver tangible 
results.  The Haitian military leaders will step down.  
Legitimate government will be restored.  The people of 
Haiti will have a chance to rebuild their country on a 
stable foundation of democracy and respect for human 
The multinational coalition is the culmination of three 
years of intensive, coordinated efforts by the United 
Nations, the Organization of American States, and the 
friends and neighbors of Haiti.  Since the 1991 coup, 
this Council has viewed the overthrow of democracy in 
Haiti as a threat to regional security and to 
international norms.  We recognized our responsibility 
to stand together for stability and the restoration of 
democratic government in the Western Hemisphere.  
Together, we explored every avenue to achieve a 
peaceful resolution.  We negotiated in good faith.  We 
imposed and then strengthened sanctions.  We made plain 
to the military leaders that their tyranny in Haiti was 
neither tolerable nor tenable. 
For almost three years, they met our efforts with 
defiance and disdain.  In July 1993, General Cedras 
signed the Governors Island Agreement, which had  been 
negotiated under UN auspices.  But he refused to 
implement the accord.  Instead, widespread atrocities 
continued.  Three months ago, the military leaders 
expelled the monitors sent by the UN and the OAS to 
encourage respect for human rights.  This Council then 
determined that the time had come to take decisive 
UN Security Council Resolution 940 and the 
multinational coalition it  authorized are an 
expression of our collective resolve.  An expanding 
coalition of 28 nations--as geographically diverse as 
Bangladesh, Benin, and Bolivia--has been  forged in 
pursuit of a common cause. 
This coalition is in the best tradition of the United 
Nations.  It is grounded in principled diplomacy, and 
it is backed by the determination to use force if 
necessary.  Our willingness to exercise military might, 
pursuant to Resolution 940, allowed us to reach an 
agreement for the peaceful restoration of democracy 
that has made the mission safer for our coalition and 
the Haitian people.  It is enabling us to implement our 
common goals:  the departure from power of the de facto 
leaders, the restoration of Haiti's legitimate 
government, and the return of President Aristide.  It 
is allowing us to establish a safe and secure 
environment more quickly than otherwise would have been 
As leader of the multinational coalition in Haiti, the 
United States values and depends on close consultation 
with other member states.  To that end, let me report 
to you on our progress.   
As you know, the first 3,000 soldiers stepped off their 
helicopters and landing craft on September 19.  Since 
then, their ranks have grown to almost 16,000.  The 
coalition has taken swift and important steps toward 
establishing a secure and stable environment.  One of 
the immediate priorities was to secure the airport in 
Port-au-Prince and seaports around the country.  With 
the transportation hubs under control, we have moved 
nearly 42,000 tons of supplies into Haiti. 
Another important element of promoting security is to 
reduce the number of guns on the streets.  The 
coalition is taking a variety of measures to achieve 
that goal.  Finally, hundreds of coalition personnel 
are in training in Puerto Rico, on their way to oversee 
and monitor the police in Haiti.  The first group of 
international police monitors will arrive in Haiti in 
the next few days.   
With the coalition's deployment, the time has come to 
prepare for the resumption of normal economic activity 
in Haiti.  The United States and Haiti have introduced-
-with President Aristide's support--a resolution in the 
Council to lift completely UN sanctions  when President 
Aristide returns.  By passing this resolution, we will 
reinforce Haitian democracy.  And we will signal our 
readiness to support Haiti's recovery when democratic 
government is restored.   
As President Clinton announced on Monday, we will act 
expeditiously, consistent with Resolutions 917 and 940, 
to allow goods essential to the coalition's efforts to 
enter Haiti.  In addition, the United States will lift 
all unilateral sanctions on Haiti except those targeted 
on the coup leaders and their named supporters.  We 
urge other nations to do the same. 
Part of the coalition's task is to create conditions in 
which refugees can return safely.  Hundreds of 
Haitians, reassured that they can walk their streets, 
speak their minds, and sleep in their homes without 
fear, have voluntarily left Guantanamo for Haiti since 
September 26.  We are confident that, with President 
Aristide's restoration, many more will want to go back 
to their homeland. 
I believe that political developments in Haiti are also 
cause for optimism.  Two weeks ago, President Aristide 
eloquently demonstrated his commitment to democracy 
when he said that the true test of a democracy is its 
second free election.  He has called repeatedly for a 
spirit of reconciliation, and he is making frequent 
radio statements urging the people of Haiti to remain 
calm and to avoid disrupting a peaceful transition. 
President Aristide has also called the Haitian 
Parliament into session, with an amnesty law as its 
first order of business.  As you know, the parliament 
began its deliberations yesterday.  Only two weeks ago, 
many Haitian parliamentarians were in hiding--fearful 
for their lives--or in exile.  Now the presence of 
coalition forces permits them to emerge and to 
represent the Haitian people in safety.  Another 
hopeful step forward is occurring today.  Mayor Evans 
Paul, barred from City Hall by armed thugs last year, 
will reclaim his rightful office.   
We should all be proud of the superb efforts of the 
coalition force in Haiti.  We should remember that two 
weeks ago, elements of the Haitian security forces and 
the attaches were free to intimidate the public with 
impunity.  Today, coalition forces allow Haitians to 
enjoy their first respite from terror in three years.  
The compassion and the competence of these troops have 
inspired the confidence of the Haitian people. 
We all know that in Haiti, the international community 
has taken on a serious challenge.  Our courageous 
troops will face difficult and sometimes dangerous 
situations.  There will be risks, even setbacks, and we 
must be ready for them.  Our hard work and commitment 
are essential, but we have the plans and the 
determination to move ahead. 
A top priority for the coalition is to enable the UN 
Mission to enter Haiti promptly under conditions that 
will allow it to assume its full responsibilities.  The 
United States will do its part to ensure an early and 
smooth transfer of authority.  Twelve observers from 
UNMIH are in Haiti to coordinate with the coalition.  
They are working closely with General Shelton. 
Just as the coalition is fulfilling its mandate, so the 
UN Mission in Haiti must be ready to assume 
responsibility when a safe environment has been 
restored.  Most of the nations partici- pating in the 
coalition, including the United States, have indicated 
they also will participate in UNMIH.  A number of other 
states have expressed an interest in joining.  Clearly, 
the continued support of the Council, member states, 
and the Secretary General will be essential to ensure 
that the transition is seamless and effective. 
Our mission in Haiti reminds us once again of the 
importance of effective UN peace operations.  The 
United States is providing $1.2 billion for peace-
keeping this year--a major step toward meeting our 
obligations.  We also have proposed reforms to improve 
the way in which operations are financed, equipped, and 
organized.  When we ask the UN to act, as we have in 
Haiti, we must provide it with the means for mounting 
successful missions in a timely manner. 
The coalition will establish and the UN mission will 
help maintain a secure environment in Haiti.  But the 
broader international community must provide Haiti with 
the economic, humanitarian, and technical aid that will 
spur development and consolidate democracy.  An 
extensive humanitarian assistance program is already 
under way.  Food, medicine, and medical supplies are 
being distributed.  Sanitation is being improved.  
Engineering teams are helping to restore electricity. 
Last month, a World Bank meeting of many countries 
represented here today  favorably reviewed President 
Aristide's economic recovery program.  The United 
States has already committed $100 million and is ready 
to provide  additional aid.  But our effort must be 
part of a much larger undertaking.  We look to other 
nations and the international financial institutions to 
respond rapidly and generously.   
The importance of supporting Haiti's recovery and 
reconstruction in the first months cannot be 
overstated.  Assistance will be essential to provide 
balance-of-payment support and to clear arrears--an 
effort that will begin in earnest with a support group 
meeting our Treasury is hosting October 7.  On behalf 
of the United States, I strongly urge the members of 
this Council and other nations to do everything 
possible now to set Haiti's economy on the road to 
Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere 
and one of the poorest in the world.  But Haiti is not 
a state without institutions.  It is a state with an 
elected government, an elected parliament, and a 
democratic constitution--all of which were shoved aside 
in 1991 by the de facto regime.  The coalition's 
mission is not to invent new institutions but to create 
conditions that will allow Haiti's legitimate 
institutions to return. 
All of us know that the coalition, UNMIH, and our 
economic assistance cannot and should not be a 
substitute for determined efforts by Haiti's Government 
and people to build a democratic and prosperous 
society.  The hard work of rebuilding Haiti rests with 
them, and Haiti's democratic leaders fully understand 
Haiti has an opportunity to supplant the rule of fear 
with the rule of law; to take its rightful place in the 
growing community of democratic states;  to work with 
the international community to solve the transnational 
problems we all face; and to become an inspiration to 
other nations--not an outcast. 
In closing, I want to reaffirm the indispensable role 
that the international community has played in bringing 
Haiti to this hopeful point.  By joining together in 
strength, the burden each of us must bear is reduced, 
and the prospect for success is increased. 
Our nations understand that the best way to achieve our 
goals is by acting together.  That is what we did when 
we approved Resolution 940; that is what we are doing 
today; and that is what we will continue to do in the 
months ahead.  (###) 
States of the Western Hemisphere:  Cooperation Now and 
for the Future 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks at a reception for Latin American and Caribbean 
delegations to the 49th UN General Assembly, New York 
City, September 29, 1994 
Distinguished colleagues and friends:   In welcoming 
you here tonight, I am reminded that the annual opening 
of the General Assembly is not just about speeches and 
debates, or resolutions and budget battles.  When we 
have the opportunity to meet, the United Nations 
becomes what its name suggests:  a place where nations 
come together to address the world's problems and, more 
importantly, its prospects.  In this context, tonight, 
I want us to consider two examples of consultation and 
cooperation in our hemisphere--one in the immediate 
past, the other in the very near future. 
Events in Haiti have demonstrated once again that the 
world community, through the UN, the OAS, and the 
countries most concerned, can act decisively to 
safeguard its interests and its values.  UN and OAS 
mechanisms provided the framework for political 
consultation and political and military cooperation.  
Working together, we formulated and implemented a 
policy that will restore a lawful and democratic 
government to our island neighbor.  Together, we have 
shown that the democratic tide that has swept over this 
hemisphere cannot be subverted with impunity. 
I am proud--we should all be proud--of what we are 
doing in Haiti.  But at the same time, we must 
recognize that much hard work remains.  Our commitment 
to helping Haiti's people recover cannot end on the day 
a legitimate government returns.  That is why the 
United States has led the development of an economic 
aid program that will provide the foundation upon which 
the Haitian people can build and maintain a democratic 
Haiti is only one of the many issues likely to be 
discussed at the rapidly approaching Summit of the 
Americas.  That summit is the other example of 
hemispheric consultation and cooperation I want to 
highlight here tonight. 
Last year, when President Clinton proposed holding a 
hemispheric summit of democratically elected leaders, 
the response was overwhelming.  We have spent the last 
10 months in close consultation with each other in a 
variety of formal and informal settings--in bilateral 
talks, in Rio Group summits, in CARICOM meetings, in 
sessions of Central American foreign ministers, and in 
discussions within the OAS and other regional bodies.  
In fact, the preparatory work already has accom- 
plished one of the summit's primary goals:  It has 
brought us together at senior levels to consider the 
future of the Western Hemisphere.  That would not be 
possible were it not for a new consensus of the 
Americas--open markets work; democratic governments are 
just.  Together, they offer the best hope for lifting 
people's lives. 
Our consultations have underscored the relevance of 
President Clinton's proposed agenda: 
First, improving the performance, responsiveness, and 
accountability of democratic government;  
Second, ensuring that political and economic 
development remains sustainable by protecting the 
environment and improving the health and education of 
our citizens; and 
Third, and most important, the summit will cement the 
economic liberalization and revival now under way 
throughout the Americas and expand its benefits to all 
our citizens. 
Many of you in this room have been deeply involved in 
planning for the summit.  When we meet in Miami, I 
expect to hear your comments and recommendations on our 
hemisphere's future.  Moreover, we will consider 
various initiatives and action plans, some of which are 
already on the table. 
But more important than the details of any individual 
proposal is the fact that we--representatives of the 
free, sovereign states of the Western Hemisphere--are 
actively cooperating to make life better for our 
citizens.  And, as democratically chosen servants of 
our people, that is what counts. 
On behalf of the President and the people of the United 
States, I again welcome you here tonight and look 
forward to our further conversations here in New York 
and again, in a few short weeks, in Miami.  (###) 
Strengthening U.S. Relations With South Asia 
Secretary Christopher 
Address to the South Asian Association for Regional 
Cooperation, New York City, September 29, 1994 
Gentlemen:  I welcome you all here very warmly.  I met 
some of you last year at a breakfast we had, and I have 
met others of you at diplomatic events.  I know that 
many of you were in touch with my deputy, Strobe 
Talbott, when he was in your region.  So I say to all 
of you--new friends and old friends--welcome here 
today.  I hope that my standing here will not add an 
air of unnecessary formality, but there are some things 
that I wanted to say, and this, perhaps, provides an 
efficient way of doing so. 
The United States supports SAARC's continuing efforts 
to improve coordination in South Asia.  Indeed, the 
President and I both have very strong feelings that 
regional organizations will play an increasing role 
throughout the globe.  The pressures on the United 
Nations and the distance that New York has from all the 
regions of the world give increasing relevance to 
regional organizations.  It is a subject that the 
President and I have talked about a number of times.  
We believe that regional organizations are especially 
well attuned to helping to reduce tensions, bolster 
stability, and promote constructive relations within 
your region.  Indeed, you have a capacity to do so that 
extends far beyond that of a distant global 
We gather, as so often is said, at a time of really 
profound change--of profound opportunity.  All across 
the globe, men and women are taking very bold steps 
toward political and economic freedom.  This is one of 
the great blessings of the post-Cold War period.  There 
is a new flexibility.  There is a new capacity to move 
beyond the old strictures.  Yes, we have some problems 
that are resulting from the release of tensions at the 
end of the Cold War, but they are far outstripped by 
the opportunities. 
In South Asia, it is really striking to me to think 
about how this trend is more important, in a sense, 
than elsewhere because it affects so many people.  The 
return of democracy to Bangladesh and the transition to 
democracy in Nepal touches more people than all those 
affected by the return of democracy in Eastern Europe, 
although the latter is so much more talked about. 
Minister Rahman, your country has eloquently 
demonstrated its commitment to democracy by helping to 
give democracy a chance in Haiti.  We appreciate it 
especially because it is a country so far from your 
own; but, of course, for years you have demonstrated 
that you have a global view toward peace-keeping, and 
you and the other South Asian states have been among 
the major contributors to the UN peace-keeping forces 
around the world.  I know that is a tradition that is 
bound to continue. 
Our Administration is committed to strengthening our 
partnership with South Asia.  Today, as never before, 
the values and the interests of our nations are 
converging.  Your increasing commitment to democratic 
reform, to the rule of law, and to the belief that 
economic development is important brings you closer and 
closer together with us, and we commit ourselves to 
working with you. 
We increasingly view South Asia as a region of intense 
economic growth and development.  Indeed, many of the 
businessmen that I talk with in the United States think 
that South Asia may be the next major area for economic 
growth and development. 
India's economic reform plan has cleared the way for 
unprecedented trade and investment between our two 
countries, a matter that has certainly been noted by 
more and more of our business community.  Our 
investment in India has increased more in the last year 
than it had in the preceding four decades of Indian 
Pakistan, too, has undertaken a long-term economic 
reform program.  Last night, at the inauguration of the 
new Russian embassy in Washington,   I was talking with 
Secretary O'Leary, and she spoke about the splendid 
trip that she had taken to India and Pakistan.  What 
she saw were the enormous opportunities in both your 
countries.    I am glad you received her so warmly.  It 
was greatly appreciated and left, I am sure, a lifetime 
impression on her. 
India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh have all accepted the 
Uruguay Round, which will improve your access to world 
markets and, I think, redound to the benefit of each of 
our nations.  We recognize that policy changes in the 
economic front are underway in virtually all of your 
countries, and we will work together with you to carry 
them out. 
Of course, we all know that sustained development 
cannot take place unless there are stable foundations 
of peace.  So, we must resolve to redouble our efforts 
to tackle these long-standing international 
differences.  America will work with you in dealing 
with the critical issues of the deployment of weapons 
of mass destruction and ballistic missiles.  The fact 
is that a nuclear arms race or a missile race in South 
Asia would jeopardize not just stability in your region 
but could affect nuclear proliferation all over the 
globe.  We share a responsibility to address these 
problems of nuclear expansion. 
We are committed to global arms control efforts.  We 
are committed to working with India and Pakistan on a 
comprehensive test ban and a fissile materials cutoff.  
We hope that India and Pakistan will engage in direct 
discussions on nuclear and missile non-proliferation. 
As I conclude, I would like to emphasize that meeting 
challenges such as these will require a lot of resolve 
and a lot of determination on the part of your nations 
and your people, but we will work closely with you to 
try to build a constructive, balanced, and mutually 
beneficial relationship.  I feel that our partnership 
can make a difference in many different ways. 
We face some genuine threats that cross borders--that 
are not confined to any country.  Threats like 
environmental degradation; AIDS; unsustainable 
population growth, which was addressed so effectively 
at the Cairo conference; narcotics problems; and 
organized crime problems.  But, I think if we pool our 
efforts and double our resolve, we can make a 
difference on each  of these issues. 
Mahatma Ghandi once said that the difference between 
what we do and what we are capable of doing would 
suffice to solve most of the problems of the world.  
That is a model that I have thought a good deal about, 
and I think if we make it our maxim for the future, it 
can be very important in resolving not only the 
problems of the region that you inhabit, but problems 
which are worldwide and globally significant. We will 
dedicate ourselves to the extent that we can to be 
helpful to you in resolving these problems. 
Thank you so much for being here with me today and 
giving me a chance to ventilate a little bit on these 
important international problems that we share and that 
we will try to  
address together. (###) 
The U.S. and the Asia-Pacific:  Intensifying Our 
Cooperation At APEC and Beyond 
Secretary Christopher 
Remarks at the breakfast in honor of Asia-Pacific 
Foreign Ministers to the 49th UN General Assembly, New 
York City, September 30, 1994 
It is a pleasure to welcome you this morning.  Many of 
you I had hoped to see at the ASEAN Regional Forum and 
Post-Ministerial Conference in July.  While an 
important breakthrough in the Middle East peace process 
prevented me from joining you in Bangkok, I want you to 
know that I followed the ARF and the PMC with great 
interest and was thoroughly briefed by my Deputy, 
Strobe Talbott, Under Secretary Spero, and Winston Lord 
on your deliberations. 
I am glad we have the chance to meet now, before the 
APEC ministerial and leaders' meeting this November.  I 
hope we can have an informal exchange of ideas this 
morning as we prepare for the historic meetings in 
President Clinton and I are committed to deepening 
American engagement in the Asia-Pacific--a region of 
vital importance to our security and prosperity.  Our 
five security alliances will continue to be the 
linchpin of our engagement in the region, along with 
our important bilateral ties with your nations.   
But the emergence of a global economy and the end of 
the Cold War give us a chance to intensify our 
cooperation in an increasingly integrated world.  That 
is why the United States is leading a global effort to 
expand and strengthen the structures and institutions 
of cooperation around the world.  APEC is at the 
forefront of this effort. 
We are committed to APEC as a catalyst for economic 
integration in the region.  I believe that President 
Clinton demonstrated this commitment by hosting the 
first APEC leaders' meeting in Seattle last November.  
We look forward to the meetings in Bogor, where our top 
priority is to strengthen APEC's mandate to liberalize 
trade and investment. 
I want to commend Indonesia for its leadership and for 
the intensive consultations it has conducted.  We look 
forward to a consensus agreement at the leaders' 
meeting in November. 
I also want to mention the GATT.  The APEC summit in 
Seattle helped generate the final push we needed to 
conclude the Uruguay Round--a step that clearly served 
the best interests of each of our nations.  My 
government is working hard to ensure that we ratify the 
Uruguay Round this fall.  I am confident that when the 
debate is over and the votes are cast, the United 
States Congress will again choose trade, growth, and 
jobs.  Quick ratification by the nations of the Asia-
Pacific is also essential if we are to successfully 
launch the World Trade Organization in January. 
ASEAN  remains an important forum for addressing a wide 
range of issues--from refugees to drug-trafficking to 
trade to security.  The historic first meeting of the 
ASEAN Regional Forum this year is further proof of 
ASEAN's ability to keep pace with a fast-changing 
The United States is sensitive to the divergent views 
about the nature and function of the ARF.  We want to 
work in a collaborative spirit with you to strengthen 
this forum.  For our part, we hope that workshops or 
seminars can be organized, particularly on important 
issues like peace-keeping. 
If treaty alliances and strong defenses help ensure 
stability in the Pacific, so does democracy.  And if 
open markets and open sea lanes promote prosperity and 
security, so do open societies.  That is not a uniquely 
American insight.  Indeed, men and women from Cambodia 
to Mongolia and elsewhere have demonstrated that the 
quest for freedom knows no boundaries.  The United 
States will maintain its firm commitment to support 
universal values and aspirations. 
Almost 30 years ago, American commentator Walter 
Lippman suggested that "the central drama of our age is 
how the Western nations and the Asian peoples are to 
find a tolerable basis of co-existence."  Today, our 
aspirations far exceed that limited horizon.  Co-
existence has been transformed into cooperation, 
communication, and a spirit of common cause.  I look 
forward to your comments this morning.  (###) 
A GCC Commitment To End the Secondary and Tertiary 
Secretary Christopher, Saudi Crown Prince Saud al-
Remarks following a meeting with the Gulf Cooperation 
Council, New York City, September 30, 1994 
Secretary Christopher.  We have had a very productive 
discussion here today, an extremely useful exchange of 
views, and a very useful outcome.  Our dialogue on 
regional security, on the peace process, and on Iraq, 
illustrates the deep cooperation that exists between 
the United States and the members of the Gulf 
Cooperation Council and their officials and diplomats. 
The Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia, Crown Prince 
Saud, will be reading a statement on their behalf, and 
we will be issuing that to you in the near future.  But 
let me make a couple of comments on the statement that 
you will be receiving and that he will be either 
reading or summarizing. 
As you know, ending the Arab boycott of Israel has long 
been a key objective of the United States as we work to 
advance peace in the region.  That is why I want to 
emphasize the great importance of what has been done 
today.  Essentially, there is a commitment from the 
states of the Gulf Cooperation Council no longer to 
enforce the secondary and tertiary aspects of the 
boycott and not to discriminate against American 
companies.  These are very significant moves.  
In addition, we welcome their indication that they will 
support an effort in the Arab League to do away with 
the boycott in its entirety.  It is our hope that that 
effort will be undertaken in the very near future. 
There can be no doubt that the Gulf states have played 
a very valuable role in the region.  The Middle East-
North Africa economic summit in Casablanca this year 
will be an unusual--I believe an unprecedented--
opportunity to break down barriers and build new 
relationships to provide economic incentives and 
economic results, which will bring to the area the 
benefits of peace in a way that can help the lives of 
people in their day-to-day work.  
We look forward to the participation of the member 
states of the Gulf Cooperation Council in that 
Casablanca meeting.  The discussion that we had today 
on Iraq, which is reflected in the statement of the 
Council which will be released, underscores the 
congruence of the views of the United States and the 
member states. 
Our nations agree that we must maintain sanctions on 
Iraq as long as Baghdad fails to demonstrate its 
peaceful intentions and fails to carry out all the 
resolutions of the UN Security Council.  We will 
continue to work with the members of the Gulf 
Cooperation Council.  These meetings will hopefully 
become an annual fixture of the UN General Assembly.  I 
think they are very valuable. 
The steps taken today with respect to the boycott of 
Israel are very significant steps, and I want to thank 
each of the ministers for the courage and commitment 
that enabled them to move forward in this very 
significant way. 
Your Highness, we would welcome anything that you might 
want to say.Crown Prince Saud.  Thank you, Mr. 
Secretary.  May I say first of all that the statement 
on the boycott has already been distributed to the 
press, and I shall read the joint statement by the Gulf 
Cooperation Council Ministers as regards the meeting 
that we had with the Secretary today.  Since it is a 
joint statement, may I be allowed to read it, Mr. 
My colleagues and myself of the GCC have had a 
productive meeting with you, Mr. Secretary, in which 
the GCC-U.S. economic cooperation as well as a variety 
of regional issues were reviewed.  [Crown Prince Saud 
al-Faysal reads from the joint statement.] 
The GCC ministers noted with satisfaction the results 
of the fifth GCC-U.S. meeting held in Riyadh last 
January and reiterated the importance of the early 
implementation of the recommendations of that meeting, 
particularly with regard to the expansion and 
diversification of trade and improved access to 
The GCC ministers look forward to the success of the 
second GCC-U.S. business conference to held in Bahrain 
in March 1996.  The GCC ministers welcomed agreements 
already reached between the PLO and Israel, between 
Jordan and Israel, and look forward to continued 
progress on the Syrian, Lebanese, and Israeli tracks 
toward the achievement of a comprehensive peace. 
The GCC ministers reiterated their countries' continued 
support for the peace process and their efforts to 
prepare the environment for further progress.  The 
ministers expressed appreciation for the continued 
efforts of the United States to bring about a just, 
comprehensive, and lasting settlement to the Arab-
Israeli conflict and the Palestinian question in 
accordance with  Security Council Resolutions 242 and 
338 and the principle of land for peace. The ministers 
also called for an Israeli commitment to refrain from 
introducing any demographic changes in Jerusalem that 
will prejudice the forthcoming final status 
The GCC ministers express their firm and united stand 
that Iraq must comply fully with all relevant Security 
Council resolutions.  In particular, the GCC insists 
that Iraq fulfill all of its obligations toward Kuwait 
to include formal and irrevocable recognition of 
Kuwaiti sovereignty, independence, and its 
international border as demarcated by the UN Special 
Committee and endorsed by the Security Council in its 
Resolution 833; and accounting for and return of all 
Kuwaitis and other nationals missing in action and 
property, including military equipment, currently in 
Iraqi hands. 
The GCC urged the Security Council to bear in mind 
Iraq's continued threat to peace and stability in the 
Gulf region when it considers the status of Iraqi 
compliance with the UN Security Council resolution. 
The GCC pledged its strong continuing support for the 
work of the Special UN commission, UNSCOM.  The GCC 
ministers noted with appreciation the support of the 
United States for the Gulf Cooperation Council's call 
to refer the dispute between Iran and the United Arab 
Emirates over the three Emirate islands to the 
International Court of Justice.  (###) 
U.S. Policy Toward North Africa 
Robert H. Pelletreau, Assistant Secretary For Near 
Eastern Affairs 
Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the 
House Foreign Affairs Committee, Washington, DC, 
September 28, 1994 
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the 
committee:  I am pleased to have this opportunity to 
discuss with you U.S. policy toward, and our relations 
with the countries of North Africa. 
North Africa is in many ways a microcosm of the 
developing world.  Its societies are at different 
stages of economic development and are responding in 
different ways to the demands being made on their 
governments for political participation and economic 
well-being.  Algeria confronts a violent insurgency 
brought on in part by the failure of the promises of 
revolutionary socialism; it highlights the challenges 
posed by political Islam.  Libya is a rogue state 
rightly sanctioned by the international community for 
sponsoring unpardonable acts of terrorism.  Tunisia and 
Morocco, more traditional states with a history quite 
divergent from that of their neighbors, are facing the 
challenges of development in their own unique fashion. 
President Clinton and Secretary Christopher have 
outlined the broad basic principles that frame our 
foreign policy:  the promotion of democracy and respect 
for human rights together with the fostering of market-
led economic development and the encouragement of 
regional policies that promote stability.  As will 
become clear in the course of my testimony, Mr. 
Chairman, those principles animate and are fully 
integrated into U.S. policy toward the states of the 
Mr. Chairman, before moving on to address the specifics 
of our relations with the countries of the region, I'd 
like to say a few words about the phenomenon of 
political Islam or Islamic fundamentalism in North 
Africa.  This tendency--it is too diffuse and varied to 
be called a movement--shows a variety of faces in the 
Maghreb, ranging from violent confrontation in Algeria 
to nuanced forms of interaction with traditional 
leadership in Morocco.  Local conditions largely 
determine the character of each country's Islamists, 
and we on the outside need to be careful to avoid 
sweeping characterizations of a complex phenomenon. 
While a major component of political Islam in the 
Maghreb is dissatisfaction with socioeconomic 
conditions, another factor fueling this tendency is a 
search for a unique identity grounded in tradition.  
The legacy of colonialism and the rise and fall of 
intellectual tides that have swept the Arab world--
socialism and Pan-Arabism among them--have left some in 
these societies feeling adrift as they confront the 
challenges of the modern world.  It is worthwhile to 
make a few basic points concerning our approach to this 
--  Islam, one of the world's great religions, is not 
our enemy, and we are not its enemy. 
--  U.S. policy is firmly opposed to fanaticism and 
extremism, whether religious or secular in nature.  We 
resolutely oppose those who preach intolerance, abuse 
human rights, or seek to impose their will on others by 
--  While the United States recognizes that each 
country has its own unique path to both development and 
identity, we will support the values of democracy, 
pluralism, and respect for individual human rights and 
the rule of law that are part of who we are as a 
Though the excesses of some Islamist political 
movements in North Africa attract a great deal of 
attention, they should not obscure our many and long-
standing common interests with the countries of North 
Africa.  Our efforts have and will continue to make a 
difference in this important part of the world.  
Morocco and Tunisia have played vital roles in 
fostering the Arab-Israeli peace process, a key area of 
U.S. foreign policy, and Morocco has recently 
established formal links to Israel.  Let me now turn to 
the individual nations and outline for you some of the 
challenges we face. 
The United States remains concerned over the situation 
in Algeria.  There are some recent positive 
developments, which are encouraging, but violence 
between the regime's security forces and armed 
insurgents has steadily risen since the suspension of 
the electoral process in 1992 and the banning of the 
Islamic Salvation Front (FIS).  A renewed government 
offensive last April failed to crush the insurgency.  
Daily attacks on police, military targets, and 
civilians continue and have become more lethal.  The 
Algerian Government recently indicated that over 10,000 
have died so far. 
Algerian society as a whole is paying the price for 
this increasingly brutal internal conflict.  A 
relatively new and virulent band of Islamic extremists 
called the Armed Islamic Group has carried out a 
campaign of terror and intimidation against innocent 
Algerians, including journalists, academics, and 
political figures as well as foreign residents of 
Algeria.  It is difficult to understand how these 
reprehensible acts of terrorism advance in any way the 
principles of Islam, a religion which preaches 
tolerance and respect for human life.  There can be no 
justification for such actions.  Islamist figures who 
are sincere about finding a nonviolent solution to 
Algeria's problems should clearly disassociate 
themselves from this type of blind fanaticism. 
At the same time, excesses by government security 
forces in their efforts to contain the insurgency 
continue.  We are disturbed by reports of extrajudicial 
killings, torture, and detention without trial.  The 
United States condemns violations of basic human rights 
by all sides.  Algeria's problems will not be solved by 
an endless cycle of violence and counter-violence, 
atrocity, and counter-atrocity.  Algeria's crisis is 
rooted in frustration arising from political exclusion, 
economic misery, and social injustice--conditions which 
have facilitated the growth of the armed Islamist 
insurgency.  The evidence suggests that large numbers 
of Algerians seek a more meaningful voice in their 
political system and the opportunity to build a better 
life.  The failure of security measures alone to end 
Algeria's crisis is testimony to the depth of such 
feelings.  Any realistic hope for ending the crisis 
peacefully must respond to them. 
We thus applaud the current government's efforts to 
transform Algeria's stagnant economy into a market-
based system capable of fulfilling the needs of its 
people.  The decision to sign and implement an economic 
reform program with the support of the International 
Monetary Fund last spring was an important first step.  
The United States encouraged the Algerian Government in 
its negotiations with the IMF and participated in a 
Paris Club rescheduling of its official debts on 
favorable terms.  Economic performance has improved 
under the IMF-sponsored program.  The government has 
begun to implement recommended structural reforms as 
well as fiscal and monetary policy measures in a manner 
which has drawn favorable comment from the IMF and many 
Algerians.  We support this approach, which is 
essential for eventual economic recovery and for the 
long-term well-being of the Algerian people. 
Economic measures, however, can only be part of the 
solution.  Ultimately, the many Algerians who have 
become alienated by past governmental policies must be 
convinced that they will be able, in a meaningful way, 
to participate in a process which can lead to national 
reconciliation.  The U.S. Government has thus 
repeatedly stressed to Algerian leaders at the highest 
levels the need for concrete steps to establish a 
dialogue with opposition elements--secular and 
Islamist--willing to work toward a nonviolent solution 
to Algeria's crisis.  Such a strategy offers the best 
chance to reinforce pragmatic tendencies within the 
Islamist movement and to marginalize the most violent 
Therefore, Mr. Chairman, the U.S. Government is 
encouraged by renewed efforts to negotiate a peaceful 
solution, including President Zeroual's decision 
earlier this month to release from prison Abassi Madani 
and Ali Belhadj--the two principal leaders of the 
Islamic Salvation Front generally referred to as the 
FIS or "fees"--along with three members of the FIS 
executive bureau.  This decision comes amid other signs 
of greater interest on the part of President Zeroual 
and FIS leaders in moving toward dialogue.  These 
moves, which we and such interested countries as 
France, Spain, and Italy have welcomed, offer hope for 
the emergence of a political process of national 
Numerous obstacles remain.  Hardliners in the military 
and in the Islamist opposition may act to block any 
movement toward compromise.  The regime, Islamist 
opposition leaders, and Algeria's other political 
parties which participate in any negotiations, will 
need to overcome the distrust and animosity which have 
deepened over two and a half years of bloodshed.  All 
participants in the dialogue will face the challenge of 
designing a formula which gives all Algerians a 
meaningful stake in its success. 
Notwithstanding these problems, these recent 
developments offer the first--albeit tentative--
indications that a negotiated solution to the crisis 
might be possible.  We have used this opportunity to 
reiterate our message on the need for all parties to 
engage in a process which broadens political 
participation, prepares for an eventual return to 
elections, and protects the rights of all Algerians. 
Those who say that the United States is resigned to--or 
is willing to condone--a victory of extremism in 
Algeria are wrong.  They clearly are not listening to 
what we are saying.  Beyond the far-reaching 
consequences for Algeria itself, further radical 
Islamist gains there could embolden extremists in 
Egypt, Tunisia, and Morocco--key U.S. allies in the 
region.  Instability in Algeria could provoke an influx 
of refugees into France and elsewhere in Western 
The goal of U.S. policy toward Algeria is to avoid such 
developments.  The question is--"how?"  We are 
convinced that attempts to suppress the insurgency 
through military means alone will prove insufficient.  
That is the lesson of the past two years.  The best 
hope for a solution that will guarantee Algeria's 
internal peace and prospects, as well as its 
contribution to long-term regional stability, lies not 
in a strategy of repression, but in one of inclusion 
and reconciliation. 
Having previously had the honor of serving as U.S. 
Ambassador to Tunisia, I would like to take this 
opportunity to reiterate our appreciation for Tunisia's 
long-standing commitment to forging a lasting peace in 
the Middle East.  In October of last year, Tunisia was 
the first Arab country to host a multilateral working 
group session of the Middle East peace process.  
Tunisia has offered to host the arms control and 
disarmament working group in December. 
Tunisia's commitment to peace is not just confined to 
the Arab world.  As this year's president of the 
Organization of African Unity, Tunisia has dispatched 
an advance party of military officers to Kigali who are 
paving the way for some 958 peacekeepers scheduled to 
arrive in Rwanda shortly.  The Tunisians are seasoned 
peacekeepers with experience in Somalia and Cambodia. 
Tunisia is a testament to the success that assistance 
programs can achieve.  After 40 years and some $1.5 
billion in funding for economic and social programs, 
Tunisia has in a sense "graduated" from U.S. assistance 
and is now in the enviable position of being able to 
offer assistance and training to lesser developed 
countries.  Foreign military financing for Tunisia 
ended in FY 1994, but Tunisia remains eligible for 
excess defense articles and military education 
programs.  I am pleased to report that the Tunisian-
American Chamber of Commerce has grown in size and 
effectiveness since my departure in 1991, in step with 
the rising confidence and activity of the private 
We will remain supportive of Tunisia's commitment to 
enlarge the private sector's role in its economic 
modernization program.  Our housing loan guarantee 
program reflects the maturity of our bilateral economic 
relationship and the transition Tunisia has made toward 
an alliance based more on trade and investment than 
foreign aid. 
When I was last here before you in March, Tunisia was 
two weeks away from presidential and parliamentary 
elections.  Let me review the results of those 
elections.  President Ben Ali was re-elected to a 
second five-year term capturing 99.91% of the vote in 
what was widely viewed as a predetermined outcome.  
Political observers on the scene reported some 
incidents of inappropriate election activities such as 
the removal or closure of some voting stations.  Two 
presidential candidates were imprisoned for a period of 
time and then released.  On the other hand, these 
elections saw 19 seats go to opposition parties, making 
the current parliament the first to contain 
representation by the opposition. 
The economic development of Tunisia is the achievement 
of a well-educated and hard-working population with a 
vigorous middle class.  This is a principal strength of 
Tunisian society.  We believe that Tunisians want and 
deserve the kind of open political system that goes 
hand-in-hand with the stability and prosperity so 
evident in the country today.  We also believe it 
should be possible to handle challenges from the 
extremes--even in this volatile part of the world--
without compromising these principles.  This is the 
basis of our ongoing dialogue with Tunisia on human 
rights and democracy. 
Let me now turn to Morocco, a country that we have long 
relied upon as a stable and constructive force in the 
region.  The United States and Morocco have one of our 
oldest diplomatic relationships, one that has evolved 
constructively toward cooperation on key U.S. foreign 
policy goals--Arab-Israeli peace, security in the 
Persian Gulf, and moderation in North Africa.  Morocco 
and Israel announced on September 1 their decision to 
open liaison offices in one another's countries.  This 
action further advances both the Arab-Israeli peace 
process and the important goal of full normalization of 
ties between Arab states and Israel.  Together with 
steady progress in the cultural, religious, and 
commercial fields between Morocco and Israel, it is a 
testament to the vital role Morocco has and will 
continue to play in forging a comprehensive Middle East 
Under King Hassan's leadership, Morocco has implemented 
sound economic policies that are now bearing fruit in 
an expansion of the private sector and increasing 
interest from international investors.  Morocco will 
host the Middle East and North Africa economic summit 
conference in Casablanca from October 30 to November 1, 
an event that will advance the economic potential of 
the region and build on the political momentum of the 
peace process. 
U.S. security and economic assistance to Morocco has 
been a significant component of our bilateral 
relations, and, though security assistance has been 
greatly reduced, we continue to provide economic 
assistance to help Morocco meet its important 
development goals.  Morocco's continued eligibility for 
excess defense articles under the Southern Region 
Amendment will allow us to continue our military 
cooperation that has yielded concrete benefits in the 
Gulf war, where Morocco was the first Arab country to 
commit troops, and in Somalia, where Morocco made a 
significant contribution to UNOSOM. 
Morocco has made progress in the areas of human rights 
and democratization by establishing a Deputy Minister 
for Human Rights, proclaiming an amnesty for political 
prisoners, and legitimizing the use of the Berber 
languages during this past year.  But problems remain.  
We continue to receive credible reports of torture, 
restrictions on freedom of speech and the press, and a 
lack of access to fair trial.  While King Hassan has 
spoken of his commitment to constitutional democracy, 
the results have been uneven.  In the first round of 
parliamentary elections last year, opposition parties 
did very well, and these elections received generally 
favorable marks from international observers.  The 
second round of "indirect" elections reversed these 
gains amid widespread charges of manipulation.  Working 
with the Moroccan Government to advance the process of 
institutional democratization is a top U.S. priority. 
Moroccan society is clearly evolving from its 
traditional agrarian base into a more urbanized and 
politicized nation, a trend we see throughout the 
region.  King Hassan's challenge is to manage this 
transition, and he enjoys important advantages, not the 
least of which is a high degree of consensus around the 
monarchy as a central institution in Moroccan political 
and religious life.  Islamic militancy in Morocco takes 
the form of various social and student movements, some 
of them legal and others suppressed, but focused 
largely on socioeconomic issues.  U.S. policy in 
Morocco seeks to preserve the long friendship and 
cooperation we enjoy on a variety of issues and to 
encourage Morocco's role as a stable anchor in the 
Turning to Libya, the challenge that we face in dealing 
with Colonel Qadhafi's Libya is of an entirely 
different nature than that which we confront elsewhere 
in the Maghreb.  Libya's behavior under Qadhafi has 
placed it outside the parameters of acceptable 
interstate action, resulting in international and 
unilateral sanctions. 
The current focus of our attention regarding Libya is, 
of course, the Pan Am 103 and UTA 772 bombings and our 
insistence that Libya comply fully with the UN Security 
Council's demands concerning these horrendous crimes.  
We are now working with the international community to 
ensure effective implementation of the sanctions 
against Libya.  We reserve the right, however, to seek 
even stronger measures--including a worldwide oil 
embargo--if Libya continues to defy the demands of the 
international community. 
Qadhafi's preemptive strike against alleged coup 
plotters in October 1993  and the security crackdown 
that fol- lowed demonstrate his firm control over the 
Libyan regime.  Qadhafi's public calls for the murder 
of Libyan dissidents--in Libya or abroad--demonstrate 
his continued willingness to employ terrorism as a tool 
of Libyan policy.  Libya is a prime suspect in the 
December 1993 disappearance of dissident Mansur Kikhya 
from Cairo. 
We have declined to conduct a direct dialogue with 
Libya since the 1986 bombing of a Berlin discotheque.  
Libya's continued solicitation of intermediaries and 
disingenuous "compromise" proposals are attempts to 
evade full compliance with UN Security Council demands.  
Let me state as clearly as I know how:  The United 
States is not interested in such ploys.  We insist upon 
full compliance with UN Security Council resolutions 
731, 748, and 883.  Libya must: 
--  Surrender the two suspects in the Lockerbie bombing 
for trial in the United States or United Kingdom, 
--  Cooperate fully with U.S., British, and French 
investigations into the Pan Am and UTA bombings, 
--  Compensate the victims of Pan Am 103, and 
--  Sever all ties to terrorism. 
The resolutions also make clear that the channel for 
communication on these subjects is the Secretary 
General of the United Nations. 
We also desire to see Libya end support for 
destabilization activities, abandon chemical weapons 
and other nonconventional warfare programs, and cease 
pursuit of offensive ballistic missile 
capabilities.Western Sahara 
Mr. Chairman, I would like to close my prepared remarks 
with a few words about the still unresolved Western 
Sahara mediation.  This former Spanish colony, as you 
well know, is disputed territory awaiting 
implementation of a UN-planned referendum to determine 
its final status.  We consider it important that any 
referendum organized by the UN be perceived as free and 
fair so that the results will be respected and enduring 
and contribute to the stability of the region.  The 
United States has worked with the Secretary General and 
other members of the Security Council to try to bring 
this about. 
Some progress has followed pas- sage of UN Security 
Council Resolution 907 on March 29, 1994.  MINURSO has 
collected tens of thousands of voter registration 
applications and has actually registered the first 
several hundred potential voters in the referendum.  
The Secretary General reported to the Security Council 
in July his satisfaction with the progress achieved and 
his intent to provide a final report, due shortly, that 
would assess the prospects for a vote and set a date 
for the referendum. 
Logistical and technical problems have delayed 
MINURSO's work more than we would have liked, and we 
hope the start which has been made this summer will 
gain momentum.  The U.S., while continuing to urge 
flexibility and compromise on the parties, recognizes 
and appreciates that continuing UN involvement is 
costly and that the patience of the international 
community is not inexhaustible on this issue.  We will 
work hard to assist the UN in this goal, but the 
parties to the dispute must exhibit a parallel, 
sustained commitment to seeing the matter resolved.  

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