U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, NUMBER 37, SEPTEMBER 12, 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

1.  U.S.-German Relations and the Challenge of a New 
Europe -- Vice President Gore
2.  Berlin:  A Symbol of Europe's New Possibilities 
-- Secretary Christopher
3.  A Tribute to the Berlin Airlift -- Secretary 
Christopher 
4.  Improving Relations Between North and South 
Korea -- Secretary Christopher, South Korean Foreign 
Minister Han
5.  U.S.-Cuba Joint Communique on Migration

ARTICLE 1:

U.S-German Relations and the Challenge of a New 
Europe
Vice President Gore
Speech via satellite to the conference on New 
Traditions, Berlin, Germany, September 9, 1994

May I begin by expressing my thanks to the 
organizers of this important meeting, to the senior 
executives who have taken the time to be here, and 
especially to Chancellor Kohl, whose leadership I 
greatly admire and for whose friendship I am deeply 
grateful.  I have heard wonderful things about the 
speech he gave to you earlier today.  I also 
appreciate his understanding of my inability to be 
with you in Berlin today.  I very much regret that I 
had to miss the thrilling landmark moments of 
yesterday's "grand tattoo."  I can tell you very 
frankly, and with deep sincerity, and even with some 
chagrin, that I wish the basketball game that 
resulted in my injury had been postponed

The miracles of technology--miracles we now take for 
granted--do allow me to speak to you by way of 
satellite and to respond to your questions and 
comments.  Even so, that is no substitute for being 
there on this very special occasion.

This morning the sun rose on a new era of German 
history.  Yesterday, Allied troops left after almost 
50 years.  You meet in a Berlin that once again 
belongs to itself and to Germany.  The magnitude of 
this moment requires us to pause, to reflect 
together on its meaning for Berlin, for Germany, for 
Europe, and for the Atlantic alliance.

One thing is as certain as granite.  The withdrawal 
of our troops from Berlin does not mean that the 
United States is any less committed to the security 
and prosperity of Europe and to our strategic 
partnership with our European Allies than we were at 
the height of the Berlin airlift or when our 
soldiers looked unblinking into the guns of the 
Warsaw Pact at Checkpoint Charlie.

American, British, and French troops proudly left 
Berlin yesterday with their mission accomplished.  
They left behind a better opportunity for a great 
era of peace than at any time in this century.  The 
collapse of the Soviet Union did not in and of 
itself present us with a benign new world order ripe 
for the taking.  Rather, it created a period of 
profound transition from which might emerge either 
the world we have struggled so hard to secure, or a 
world submerged in new nightmares.  We are in the 
midst of a struggle to make sure that the future 
turns out well.  Our task now is to work together to 
ensure that the new framework we are building can 
sustain a durable international order based on 
democracy, free markets, and mutual security.

The scale of the problems we face is proportionate 
to the immense scale of our opportunities.  Today, 
we have a chance to not only streamline our forces, 
but to redefine our alliance and, in the end, recast 
the very definition of collective military security.  
At the same time, we face the challenge of 
integrating into the West's economic and political 
structures hundreds of millions of persons who have 
been previously left out.

In this situation it is impossible to protect our 
interests by rejecting change in our basic 
institutions.  Everyone realizes that a military 
alliance, when faced with a fundamental change in 
the threat for which it was founded, either must 
define a convincing new rationale or become 
decrepit.  Everyone knows that economic and 
political organizations tailored for a divided 
continent must now adapt to new circumstances--
including acceptance of new members--or be exposed 
as mere bastions of privilege.  All of us know that 
a generation of young people that fails to find 
goals worth believing in will be enervated by 
cynicism or galvanized by racial and ethnic hatred--
but either way, lost.

We cannot stay as we were.  That world was familiar, 
but it is gone.  Nor should we regret its passing 
for even a single moment.  The certainties upon 
which it was based depended upon the suppression and 
suffering of the people of Eastern Europe and the 
former Soviet Union.  Their liberation creates the 
potential for something unprecedented.  For 
Americans, it is nothing less than the world we 
fought for in Europe--a democratic world which makes 
place for diversity, in which states govern their 
relations to each other by negotiation and 
accommodation, in which people live securely within 
patterns established by the habit of tolerance and 
sustained by just law.  We joined in two world wars 
because we believed in the possibility of these 
things.  We became a pillar of European defense 
throughout the Cold War to protect this possibility.  
Believe me--we will continue to nourish and support 
our partnership with Europe with undiminished 
commitment now that our best chance to realize our 
hopes has arrived.

Departure of our forces from Berlin is, of course, 
not even the end of the American military presence 
in Europe or in Germany.  President Clinton has made 
clear that we will keep 100,000 troops in Europe, 
the bulk of them in Germany.  They are the seal of 
our commitment to NATO, the symbol of our resolve to 
support peace and liberty on this continent--a 
resolve that has never diminished since our soldiers 
came to fight tyranny in the Second World War.

While our commitment to Europe remains firm, along 
with that of our alliance partners, we have had to 
rethink the very meaning of European security in the 
context of radically different circumstances.  Where 
once there was a powerful rival alliance, today 
there is none.  On the contrary, the states of 
Central and Eastern Europe, for the most part, 
regard NATO as the best hope for military stability 
and security in Europe, and some of them have placed 
membership in NATO virtually at the top of their 
list of priorities.

Meanwhile, the Russian Federation--even though its 
attitudes toward NATO are much more complex--does 
not regard NATO as an organization of enemies.  
Russia has joined the Partnership for Peace, and the 
first bilateral U.S.-Russian military exercises took 
place on Russian soil this week.

We want Russia to increasingly see NATO as a 
partner, not an enemy.  We want all countries to 
come to view NATO as an instrument for continued 
stability and security on the continent, and perhaps 
also as a resource for dealing with problems outside 
the traditional framework of European security, such 
as peace-keeping.

At the NATO summit in Brussels in January, alliance 
leaders decided to enhance NATO's contributions to 
these new patterns of cooperation in Europe.  This 
expanded cooperation will take many forms.  The 
Partnership for Peace and the North Atlantic 
Cooperation Council--NACC--provide both for 
consultations and practical cooperation with 22 
countries who are not now members of the alliance.  
This month, the first multilateral Partnership for 
Peace exercises will be held in Poland.

Beyond Partnership for Peace and NACC, several 
countries have already expressed a desire to become 
full members of the alliance.  We will begin our 
discussions on this important question this fall.

Although today I cannot offer a timetable for NATO's 
expansion--these are matters that must first be 
determined within NATO--I will remind you of 
President Clinton's prediction in Warsaw earlier 
this year:  "Bringing new members into NATO is no 
longer a question of whether, but when and how."

Expansion of NATO, when it does come, will be of 
benefit even to those countries who are not in the 
first group to join.  In particular, let me stress 
that expanded NATO membership will improve security 
for all European nations--NATO's new members, old 
members, and non-members alike.

Instability in Central Europe, that seedbed of 
European wars, has twice in this century brought 
tragedy to the continent.  Thus, stability in 
Central Europe--a critical goal of an expanded NATO-
-should be viewed not as an action directed against 
anyone, but as an important component of regional 
security.  To this end, NATO's expansion will be a 
transparent process, accompanied by extensive 
consultations with all interested parties and 
without surprises.

From the beginning of the Western alliance, the 
United States underlined the importance of building 
structures for peace on a foundation of European 
unity.  We have always believed that Europe could 
and would prosper best through integration and 
unity.  The European Union is central to the joining 
of democratic Europe's political and foreign 
policies as well as its economic cooperation.  We 
welcome the desire of the European Union to include 
four new members in the coming year.  We hope all 
four will choose to join, and we hope others will 
eventually follow.

The Conference for Security and Cooperation in 
Europe has, for more than two decades, filled a 
special role in the search for security in Europe.  
Rather than starting with treaties and 
organizational charts, the CSCE began with a 
detailed statement of the values of Western 
civilization--principles which should govern 
relations among states and the treatment of 
individuals by their governments.  As enunciated in 
the Helsinki Final Act of 1975, these principles 
include:

--  refraining from the threat or use of force; 
--  the inviolability of frontiers; 
--  the territorial integrity of states; 
--  the peaceful settlement of disputes; 
--  non-intervention in internal affairs; and 
--  respect for human rights and fundamental 
freedoms, including the freedom of thought, 
conscience, religion, and belief. 

The CSCE must keep its emphasis on values--defining 
them, criticizing them, testing them, teaching them-
-if it is to continue its special role.

When I was preparing to speak to you today, I was 
struck by the images of two cities, each of which 
has been a symbol of Europe's old era of 
confrontation--Berlin and Sarajevo.  Berlin, after 
years of headlines and crossed swords, is finally at 
peace; Sarajevo, after years of peaceful obscurity, 
is in turmoil.  Eighty years of confrontation in 
Europe have proven that humanity can pass on 
technological skills--including the means to create 
weapons of ever-increasing destructiveness--from 
generation to generation.  Now, we must also learn 
from the xenophobia, conflict, and suffering in 
Europe during those same 80 years to pass on lasting 
habits of cooperation and peace.

Bosnia shows us how much power remains imbedded in 
ideologies of hate and fear and how dangerous this 
power is to the peace, not just of a particular part 
of Europe, but to Europe as a whole.  It is a fire 
bell in the night for every country in Eastern 
Europe, since each of them contains ethnic 
minorities.  If this conflict goes unresolved, it 
poses an ongoing threat to the peace and stability 
of the region.  But, if it is not resolved in a 
manner which is consistent with the general 
principles that we think must apply in Europe, the 
peace may be no more than a pause before renewed and 
expanded conflict.

But, while Sarajevo shows the power of ideologies of 
hate and fear, the reunification of Berlin and 
Germany and the spread of democracy into Eastern 
Europe and the former Soviet Union demonstrate that 
no government can forever repress and intimidate its 
people into silence and submission.

Today, Germany is free of the sense of external 
threat that so strongly influenced its attitudes and 
actions toward its neighbors.  Success of the allied 
commitment to Berlin and to democratic development 
throughout Europe has meant that, for the first time 
in modern history, Germany is surrounded by friends 
rather than by  countries it viewed as adversaries.  
Germany and its neighbors are united in support of 
liberty, justice, free markets, and democracy.  
Today's Germany is living refutation of that old, 
cynical voice always ready to pronounce its gloomy 
verdict that there is no new thing under the sun.

All this underscores a clear, central fact:  Europe 
is testing the proposition that nations need not be 
forever bound by the past, trapped in the 
gravitational pull of old hostilities and old ways 
of thinking.  Instead, nations can liberate 
themselves from old patterns of conflict in order to 
find a higher destiny in new forms of cooperation 
and a new, clear vision of what their proper tasks 
really are.

As you know, I believe very deeply that part of that 
higher destiny is for us to accept and fulfill the 
responsibilities that this generation owes to 
posterity in the matter of the global environmental 
crisis--an issue on which Chancellor Kohl has 
provided valuable world leadership.  Incidentally, 
this very week in Cairo, at the United Nations 
Conference on Population and Development, matters of 
the most fundamental importance to the future of the 
world are being discussed.  Nations of Europe, 
individually, and the European Union, as such, have 
been crucial contributors to the intellectual 
vitality and political effectiveness of the 
conference.

Europe has a major role to play in what is becoming 
our common effort to redress the potentially 
disastrous consequences of a radical change in the 
relationship between civilization and the ecological 
system of the earth--a change which has been caused 
by rapid population growth; the development of 
extremely powerful, new technologies; and, most 
important, an unwillingness on the part of many to 
accept the consequences of the decisions we make.  
One decision we must make in order to solve this new 
class of problems is a decision in favor of peace 
over war and sustainable development over poverty 
and despair.

There is great reason for confidence that we can 
succeed.  Today, all of Europe is striving for 
democratic government and free market systems, a 
condition which has never before existed on this 
continent.  Berlin and the democratic and united 
Germany of which it is now again the capital are at 
the center of this new hopeful era.

Germany's firm foundation in Europe and in the 
Atlantic alliance is an important starting point for 
playing an even more productive international role.  
Germany has become a motor for the process of 
European integration.  The Franco-German 
relationship, close Anglo-German cooperation, and 
Germany's ties throughout Europe are now deeply 
established.  This engagement has created a depth of 
unity and cooperation which assures strategic 
stability in Western Europe and, I hope, will 
provide inspiration for the rest of Europe, 
especially Central Europe.

That is why the U.S.-German link is of such cardinal 
importance.  And that is why the discussion we are 
having here today--as Americans and as Germans--is 
so important.  Security, political freedom, and 
economic freedom are crucial for the future of 
Europe in their own right.  But we must recognize 
that their preservation depends on our ability to 
make wise use of the opportunities they present for 
improving the lives of ordinary citizens.  And make 
no mistake--the new democracies must demonstrate 
that they can provide better lives for their people.

Important as governments are to this process, the 
essential ingredient to sustainable economic 
prosperity is private investment, which provides 
both the internal and the foreign capital we all 
need in order to prosper.  As businesspeople, you 
are the action arm of that process.  Public policy 
and foreign policy complement private purposes of 
commerce, trade, and investment.  Our efforts to 
integrate the newly opened national markets of 
Europe with the global economic system and our need 
to move our own economies forward will succeed only 
insofar as capital is productively employed.

From that perspective, you senior leaders of 
American and German business are in Berlin today for 
this simple, inescapable, and essential reason:  
Business in this bright and bold new era is, in some 
ways, just as important as government to our mutual 
security.  Business leaders are the generals of the 
peaceable armies of commerce, industry, and 
agriculture.  In this way, you are taking up the 
mantle left behind by the departing troops.  

In the pursuit of peace and freedom, trade and 
investment are the new frontiers.  German-American 
business partners are the pioneers exploring and 
expanding this new frontier.  The German-American 
business relationship is thriving.  American 
companies in Germany employ 600,000 workers.  In 
America, employment by German companies has already 
reached the 500,000 level.  German assets in America 
and American assets in Germany are each valued at 
upward   of $25 billion.

The partnership--as remarkable as these numbers are-
-also transcends business.  I am proud to 
acknowledge, for example, the founding of the 
American Academy in Berlin which will be announced 
formally tomorrow.  This privately funded venture 
will carry on the traditions of more than 300 years 
of German-American friendship.

America stands for a future based on the 
independence of nations and the dignity of peoples--
that is what brought Allied soldiers to Berlin in 
the first place.  When they came in 1945, no one 
expected they would stay for nearly half a century.  
But as Berlin so often became the ideological 
battlefield for the Cold War, Americans and our 
Allies did stay.  We were there in 1948--and we fed 
the city's population through a massive airlift--
when Stalin tried to force the Western allies out of 
the city by means of the blockade.  We were there in 
1961 to show that democracy and the will of the 
people would find its way around any wall, 
regardless of its size.  We were there in 1987, when 
President Reagan called for the Berlin Wall to be 
torn down; and we were there when the wall finally 
did come down.

Yesterday, our soldiers left Berlin.  But, in the 
words of a young President three decades ago, we are 
still Berliners.  Our commitment remains as strong 
as ever.  I am speaking to you today to reiterate 
the words of another young President who spoke in 
Berlin this year:  "America is at your side now and 
forever."  

(###)



ARTICLE 2:

Berlin:  A Symbol of Europe's New Possibilities
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at official farewell ceremony in honor of 
departing Allied troops, Berlin, Germany, September 
8, 1994

It is a great honor for me to represent President 
Clinton and the United States on this most historic 
and happy occasion.

I am here to join you in honoring the Allied troops 
of the Berlin Brigade who stood watch in this city 
when it was divided and threatened.  For almost a 
half century, the United States, France, Great 
Britain, and Germany found a special unity in 
Berlin.  We preserved freedom together here, on this 
testing ground of Western resolve, knowing that we 
could not fail here lest freedom be threatened 
everywhere.

Forty-five years ago, America made a commitment to 
stand with you against adversity.  Through four 
decades--under Democratic and Republican 
Administrations--we kept that commitment.  And 
today, our commitment to a stable, secure, and 
prosperous Europe remains undiminished.  Even as our 
troops leave Berlin, 100,000 American servicemen and 
women will remain in Europe.

When President Clinton visited this city two months 
ago, he spoke of his vision of an integrated Europe 
where our security will be based "on building 
bridges, not walls."  He reaffirmed America's 
commitment to pursue the example of Berlin as the 
foundation of that vision.  President Clinton asked 
me to carry a message to you and to Chancellor Kohl.  
Let me read from his letter to the Chancellor:

For nearly 45 years, our Allied troops served on the 
front lines of democracy, determined to ensure for 
Europe a future of security and prosperity within 
free and open societies.  As time takes us further 
from that miraculous moment when the wall dividing 
Europe crumbled, we must  not forget what they have 
done for us, and for our children.  The Allied 
troops were the guarantors of freedom in Europe.  
They deserve our thanks and our gratitude.

On behalf of the American people, I am here also to 
honor the people of Berlin, whose tenacity and 
courage inspired those who cared about freedom 
around the world.  And I am here to pay tribute to 
the millions of Europeans in Leipzig, in Dresden, 
and in countless towns and villages across the 
eastern part of the German nation whose insistent 
chant, "We are the people," helped topple Berlin's 
cruel wall.

Americans know that when you won your liberty, you 
helped to cement ours.  If we no longer fear a third 
world war, if we can envision an integrated Europe 
no longer riven by repression or conflict, we owe it 
to your struggles, as we do to the struggles of your 
neighbors in Gdansk and Vilnius and Prague.

Europe's communist dictatorships once commanded 
their people to forget the past.  Now we have come 
here to remember.  We remember the heroism and 
determination of the Berlin Airlift.  We remember 
those Berliners who built a democratic and 
prosperous community out of the post-war rubble.

And we will remember the tragedies as well.  We will 
remember how the wall grew from a line of armed men 
and barbed wire to an ugly cement barrier that 
divided families, a nation, and a continent.  We 
will remember Rudolf Urban, the first victim who 
died trying to cross to freedom, and we will 
remember the last--a 20-year old German named Chris 
Gueffroy.  These memories will not fade.

In an earlier time, Berlin's misfortune was the 
symbol of Europe's misfortune.  Today, it is the 
symbol of Europe's new possibilities.  We are 
witnessing here the resolution of this city's Cold 
War divisions.  And it is not just happening here.  
Last week, American and Russian soldiers held their 
first joint exercises on Russian soil.  And Russian 
troops left the Baltic States--a goal to which the 
United States has been deeply committed for many 
years.

We are thankful that we are now living in less 
perilous times.  We have overcome the central threat 
to our freedom.  As a result of our common efforts, 
our security and our prosperity need not be defended 
in this city, by these troops, any longer.  But we 
still have great responsibilities.  The blessings we 
have enjoyed must now be extended to the east, to 
the newly democratic nations recovering from 50 
years of dictatorship and economic ruin.

Over the last half century, my country and yours 
helped establish a series of institutions that 
preserved our security and our economic strength:  
NATO, the GATT, the OECD, and, ultimately, the 
European Union.  For Western Europe, these 
institutions helped produce the political and 
economic conditions in which free institutions could 
thrive.  They gave structure, legitimacy, and 
strength to the common enterprise of all Western 
democracies:  promoting peace and global economic 
growth.

Our task is to strengthen these fundamental 
institutions and to extend their reach to newly 
democratic nations in Central and Eastern Europe and 
the former Soviet Union.  That is the process we 
have begun with the Partnership for Peace, with the 
Uruguay Round of the GATT, and with the European 
Union's new partnership agreements.  That is the 
best way to ensure that the stability we have 
enjoyed all these years endures in a wider Europe.  
That is the way to ensure the fruition of the work 
begun by our predecessors--by the generation of 
Truman, Churchill, Monnet, and Adenauer.

Adapting institutions like NATO and the European 
Union, while preserving their effectiveness, will 
take time.  We must be sure that our new partners 
have the capacity to fulfill the obligations they 
will assume as they join with us.

At the same time, our institutions and our 
aspirations must not stop at the outdated frontiers 
of the Cold War.  It will not serve our interests if 
any nation in Europe is left hanging in isolation, 
for isolation breeds instability--and instability, 
not invasion, is the greatest remaining threat to 
European security.

That is why we must continue to do all we can to 
help our former adversaries become our stable 
partners in security and in trade.  We must give new 
meaning to the ideal that inspired the architects of 
European integration:  In an undivided Europe, there 
must be no more walls of any sort.  Thank you very 
much.  

(###)



ARTICLE 3:

A Tribute to the Berlin Airlift
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at Berlin Airlift memorial, Tempelhof 
Airport, Berlin, Germany, September 8, 1994

It is a great honor to be here with  you today.  We 
have come to pay tribute to the achievement of the 
Berlin Airlift, to share our memories of that great 
event, and to rededicate ourselves to its spirit.

The story of the airlift is familiar to us all.  In 
the spring of 1948, Stalin began his campaign to 
force the Allied powers from Berlin.  Hoping to 
bring the city under communist control, he tried to 
break the spirit of its people.  On June 24, 1948, 
he imposed a blockade on Berlin.

What Stalin failed to judge, however, was the will 
of the Berliners to defy intimidation, and the 
resolve of the Allied forces to see them through.  
On June 25, American General Lucius Clay invited 
Ernst Reuter, Mayor of Berlin, to his office.  To 
the astonishment of those present, Clay proposed to 
feed the city by air.  Mayor Reuter's response was 
unequivocal:  Berlin was prepared to sacrifice for 
freedom.

These two courageous leaders understood the stakes 
at hand.  But elsewhere, opinion was divided.  In 
Washington, top advisers counseled caution and 
restraint.  The only transport planes the Air Force 
had in Europe were twin-engine C-47s; the planes 
were known as "Gooney Birds," and few believed the 
flock could do the job.  But President Truman, like 
Reuter and Clay, understood the importance of 
action.  He believed the airlift could be done, 
because he understood that it had to be done.  He 
directed that the airlift be run on a full-scale 
basis.

Within days, new planes were arriving from Alaska, 
Hawaii, and the Caribbean to join in the epic 
endeavor.  With the help of the Royal Air Force, 
hundreds of planes were in the air around the clock.  
Their omnipresent roar became a part of daily life, 
a reminder that Berlin was not alone.  Thousands of 
workers--Allied and German--supported the airlift 
effort on the ground.  When two airports proved 
inadequate, Berliners of all walks of life came 
forward to speed construction of a third.  Laborers, 
scientists, teachers, and housewives together built 
Tegel Airport two months ahead of schedule.

The technical achievement of the airlift was 
stupendous.  On April 16, 1949, the record-setting 
"Easter Parade" supplied enough coal to fill 600 
railroad cars.  Over the course of its duration, the 
airlift delivered more than 2 million tons of 
supplies to Berlin.

But equally impressive in the eyes of the world was 
the courage and resilience of Berliners--braving 
hunger, cold, and darkness so that freedom would 
prevail.

And through this shared adversity and triumph, the 
Berlin Airlift inspired the process of 
reconciliation between the German and American 
peoples.  The partnership of the Allies and the 
citizens of Berlin was visible not only at the 
airfields, but in countless tiny gestures of 
solidarity.  Despite their deprivation, Berliners 
gave the fliers the best that they had:  books, 
cigarette lighters, flowers, and prayers.  And as 
this solemn monument attests, the fliers gave their 
best to the Berliners in return.

In early 1952, a Berlin newspaper asked its readers, 
"What do you remember about the airlift?"  The 
hundreds of responses told a rich and poignant 
story.  Many recalled the splendor of the aircraft, 
the thunderous noise of the engines, the "symphony 
of freedom" in the sky.  Others described the planes 
as "talking" to the people on the ground, as if the 
roaring engines "spoke" of hope and reassurance.  
Children remembered tiny parachutes that floated to 
earth with candy-bar cargoes--the gift of an Air 
Force Lieutenant.  And many referred to the new 
sense of unity they shared with the Allied nations.

One 15-year old girl wrote of the casualties of the 
airlift.  "Their sacrifice," she said, "reminds us 
that in this world there are higher things than 
national egoism--namely, humanity and the existence 
of all peoples in human dignity."

Thanking General Clay at the end of the blockade, 
Mayor Reuter acknowledged this common cause.  "You 
have come to us no longer as enemies but as 
friends," he said.  "The total experience of these 
months has bound us closer to your peoples, and your 
peoples closer to us.  The monument that we build to 
them will be modest, but it will be a monument of 
peace and not a glorification of achievements in 
war."

Americans remember the airlift as the bridge that 
joined us as kindred nations, prepared to stand firm 
in defiance of tyranny, prepared to endure hardship 
in defense of liberty.  This legacy outlasted the 
airlift, the division of Germany and, ultimately, 
the Cold War itself.

Love of freedom and basic human dignity are not 
national traits, but are common to all humanity.  We 
must sustain the determined spirit of the airlift as 
we work to overcome old divisions in Europe, 
bringing former adversaries into the trans-Atlantic 
community of shared interests and values.  We have 
made clear progress, but there is still much ahead 
to accomplish.  Our partnership, born on the wings 
of the airlift, will not let us fail.  

(###)



ARTICLE 4:

Improving Relations Between North and South Korea
Secretary Christopher, South Korean Foreign Minister 
Han
Remarks at a State Department press conference 
following U.S.-South Korean bilateral talks, 
Washington, DC, September 7, 1994

Secretary Christopher.  For more than 40 years now, 
the United States and South Korea have stood 
shoulder-to-shoulder in an alliance that has 
deepened as the years have passed.  As President 
Clinton said last year when he was in Seoul, 
geography has placed our two nations far apart but 
history has drawn us close together.  Linked by open 
societies and open markets, our two nations have 
woven a web of political and economic ties that has 
enriched both of us.

Strong relations with South Korea are essential to 
advancing America's deep and enduring interests in 
the Asia-Pacific region.  Today, the most urgent 
security issue in the Asia-Pacific region is North 
Korea's nuclear program.  It threatens the security 
of key American allies, beginning with South Korea.

It increases the likelihood of a destabilizing arms 
race in Asia, and it undermines our strong interests 
in maintaining effective global regimes against the 
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.  
Hence, controlling this situation is a top priority 
of the Clinton Administration.

Last month, the United States and North Korea made 
some progress in resolving the nuclear issue in the 
Geneva talks, but we still have a considerable 
distance to go.  We need to translate statements 
into actions that lead to a solution to the problem.

Talks between the United States and North Korea will 
continue this month at the working level in the 
technical talks going forward in Berlin and 
Pyongyang.  In preparation for a resumption of the 
talks with Korea in Geneva on September 23, we'll be 
discussing a number of important issues, especially 
North Korea's transition to light-water reactors.

Light-water reactors can be provided to the North 
only when they respond to the international 
community's concerns about past nuclear activities.  
Unless North Korea resolves concerns about its past 
nuclear activities, it will be unable to implement 
its safeguards agreements under the non-
proliferation treaty.

The Geneva statement, which was released after the 
negotiations recessed recently, highlights the 
importance of this very requirement.

As part of what we and our South Korean allies have 
called the broad and thorough approach to the 
nuclear issue, the United States and North Korea 
have agreed to move forward to a more normal 
political and economic relationship, including the 
establishment of liaison offices.  But for such a 
relationship to take shape, we will need further 
progress on the nuclear issue and an openness to 
improve relations between North and South Korea.

In our talks with North Korea, we've made clear that 
we expect to see progress in the North-South talks 
as we make progress in our own talks with the North.  
North and South need to implement the 
denuclearization declaration that they signed in 
late 1991.  That objective is also reflected in the 
recent statement made in Geneva.

Let me emphasize that we cannot finally resolve the 
nuclear issue until and unless North Korea resumes 
substantive dialogue with the Republic of Korea.  
Our commitment to South Korea's security remains 
absolutely firm.  Thirty-seven thousand American 
troops stand watch at Korea's 38th Parallel, and 
they will continue to do so.

We'll continue to work in concert with the South 
Korean Government to resolve the nuclear problem.  
It is in that spirit of cooperation and 
determination that I welcome Foreign Minister Han 
here to Washington today to continue our friendship 
and our longstanding dialogue on this issue.

Mr. Foreign Minister, you are very welcome here, as 
you always are, sir.

Foreign Minister Han.  Thank you very much.  I just 
want to say that Secretary Christopher has just 
summed up the substance and spirit of our meeting 
this morning.  It went very well, and I also want to 
say that I'm here in Washington to confirm our 
objectives and our ways of dealing with the North 
Korean nuclear issue and to work out--chart out--our 
strategy and plans in preparation for the 
forthcoming meetings regarding this issue.

We have accomplished this objective, which is part 
of the ongoing consultation that we have at several 
levels, including this very high-level meeting that 
we just had.  In our meeting this morning and in the 
course of discussions that I've had with other 
members of the U.S. Government, we have confirmed 
the importance of securing nuclear transparency of 
the North Korean program, not only the present and 
the future but also the past activities in this 
nuclear issue.

Also discussed was the importance of parallel 
involvement in North-South Korean relations, on the 
one hand, and U.S.-North Korean relations and 
dialogue on the other.  We also confirmed the 
importance of the light-water reactor project, and 
we confirmed our willingness to be a major 
participant and contributor in the project, as long 
as the North Korean nuclear program becomes 
transparent and resolved, and we find the 
appropriate ways and conditions of participating in 
the project.  

(###)



ARTICLE 5:

U.S.-Cuba Joint Communique on Migration
Following is the text of the U.S.-Cuba Joint 
Communique on migration, New York City, September 9, 
1994

Representatives of the United States of America and 
the Republic of Cuba today concluded talks 
concerning their mutual interest in normalizing 
migration procedures and agreed to take measures to 
ensure that migration between the two countries is 
safe, legal, and orderly.

Safety of Life at Sea

The United States and the Republic of Cuba recognize 
their common interest in preventing unsafe 
departures from Cuba which risk loss of human life.  
The United States underscored its recent decisions 
to discourage unsafe voyages.  Pursuant to those 
decisions, migrants rescued at sea attempting to 
enter the United States will not be permitted to 
enter the United States, but instead will be taken 
to safe haven facilities outside the United States.  
Further, the United States has discontinued its 
practice of granting parole to all Cuban migrants 
who reach U.S. territory in irregular ways.  The 
Republic of Cuba will take effective measures in 
every way it possibly can to prevent unsafe 
departures using mainly persuasive methods.

Alien Smuggling

The United States and the Republic of Cuba reaffirm 
their support for the recently adopted United 
Nations General Assembly resolution on alien 
smuggling.  They pledged their cooperation to take 
prompt and effective action to prevent the transport 
of persons to the United States illegally.  The two 
governments will take effective measures in every 
way they possibly can to oppose and prevent the use 
of violence by any persons seeking to reach, or who 
arrive in, the United States from Cuba by forcible 
diversions of aircraft and vessels.

Legal Migration

The United States and the Republic of Cuba are 
committed to directing Cuban migration into safe, 
legal and orderly channels consistent with strict 
implementation of the 1984 joint communique.  
Accordingly, the United States will continue to 
issue, in conformity with United States law, 
immediate relative and preference immigrant visas to 
Cuban nationals who apply at the U.S. Interests 
Section and are eligible to immigrate to the United 
States.  The United States also commits, through 
other provisions of United States law, to authorize 
and facilitate additional lawful migration to the 
United States from Cuba.  The United States ensures 
that total legal migration to the United States from 
Cuba will be a minimum of 20,000 Cubans each year, 
not including immediate relatives of United States 
citizens.  As an additional, extraordinary measure, 
the United States will facilitate in a one-year 
period the issuance of documentation to permit the 
migration to the United States of those qualified 
Cuban nationals in Cuba currently on the immigrant 
visa waiting list.  To that end, both parties will 
work together to facilitate the procedures necessary 
to implement this measure.  The two governments 
agree to authorize the necessary personnel to allow 
their respective interests sections to implement the 
provisions of this communique effectively.

Voluntary Return

The United States and the Republic of Cuba agreed 
that the voluntary return of Cuban nationals who 
arrived in the United States or in safe havens 
outside the United States on or after August 19, 
1994 will continue to be arranged through diplomatic 
channels.

Excludables

The United States and the Republic of Cuba agreed to 
continue to discuss the return of Cuban nationals 
excludable from the United States.

Review of Agreement

The representatives of the United States and the 
Republic of Cuba agree to meet no later than 45 days 
from today's announcement to review implementation 
of this Joint Communique.  Future meetings will be 
scheduled by mutual agreement.

For the Government of The United States of America:  
(Michael Skol)
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary
Inter-American Affairs

For the Government of The Republic of Cuba:  
(Ricardo Alarcon)
President
Cuban National Assembly

New York, September 9, 1994    

(###)


[END OF DISPATCH VOL 5, NO 37]

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