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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, NUMBER 32, AUGUST 8, 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1.     Middle East Peace Process Developments
1A.  Jordan and Israel:  A Day of Commitment, Hope, and
Vision -- President Clinton, King Hussein, Prime Minister
Rabin
1B.  Signing of the Washington Declaration:  A Peace
Agreement
1C .  The Washington Declaration:  Israel, Jordan, The
United States
1D.  A Milestone in the Transformation of the Middle East
-- Secretary Christopher
1E.  Shaping a Better Future for the Middle East --
President Clinton, King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin
1F.  End to the State of War Between Israel and Jordan --
President Clinton, King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin
 
2.     The Situation in Rwanda
2A.  U.S. Efforts to Relieve Suffering Among Rwandan
Refugees -- President Clinton
2B.  Humanitarian Assistance to Rwandan Refugees --
Anthony Lake, John Deutch, Brian Atwood, John
Shalikashvili
2C.  The Crisis in Rwanda:  U.S. Response -- George E.
Moose
2D.  U.S. Assistance to Rwanda Refugees -- President
Clinton
 
3.  U.S.-Ethiopia Relations:  Human Rights, Democracy,
and Economic Reform -- George E. Moose
 
4.     ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference
4A.  Building a New Foundation for Peace, Prosperity, and
Democracy in the Asia-Pacific Region -- Deputy Secretary
Talbott
4B.  ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Communique
4C.  The Vital Role of U.S. Business In the Asia-Pacific
Region -- Joan E. Spero
 
(###)
 
 
 
1.  Middle East Peace Process Developments
 
ARTICLE 1A:
 
Jordan and Israel:  A Day of Commitment, Hope, and Vision
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, King Hussein,
Prime Minister Rabin
Remarks at White House welcoming ceremony, Washington,
DC, July 25, 1994
 
President Clinton.  History is made when brave leaders
find the power to escape the past and to create a new
future.  Today, two such leaders come together--as we
welcome King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin to the
White House on this extraordinary occasion.
 
On this morning of promise, these visionary statesmen
from ancient lands have chosen to heal the rift that for
too long has divided their people.  They have seen the
outlines of a better day where others have seen darkness.
They have sought peace in place of violence.  On both
sides of the River Jordan there have lived generations of
people who thought this day would never come.  King
Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin have reached out to each
other across the river--to build a future where hatred
gives way to hope. The Koran instructs us, "Requite evil
with good, and he who is your enemy will become your
dearest friend."  And the Talmud teaches, "That man is a
hero that can make a friend out of a foe."  Before us
today stand friends and heroes.
 
King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin, all Americans welcome
your presence here today.  You give us great hope that
this house, our people's house, will be a constant
witness to a lasting peace that spreads forth to embrace
your region.
 
King Hussein.  Mr. President, Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin, ladies and gentlemen:  Out of all the days of my
life I do not believe that there is one such as this in
terms of the feelings, the emotions relating to a long,
long struggle; the memory of those who passed away; the
memories of the victims of war; feelings toward the
present and the future--feelings of responsibilities
toward generations to come--and Israel and Jordan, the
whole Arab world, and our entire region.
 
For many, many years, and with every prayer, I have asked
God, the Almighty, to help me be a part of forging peace
between the children of Abraham, as Moslems, for the word
Islam means submitting to the one God.
 
This is a dream that those before me had--my dead
grandfather, and now I.  And to feel that we are close to
fulfilling that dream and presenting future generations
in our region with a legacy of hope and openness, where
normality is that which replaces the abnormal in our
lives, which, unfortunately, over the years, has become
normal.  Where neighbors meet, where people meet, where
human relations thrive, where all seek with their
tremendous talents a better future and a better tomorrow.
 
This day is a day of commitment, and this day is a day of
hope and vision. And we must admit, Prime Minister, and
for myself, that we owe President Clinton and our
American friends much in having made this possible.  You
are our partners as we seek to construct and build a new
future in our region for all our peoples and for all
mankind. Thank you very much, indeed, for your courtesy
and kindness and the warmth of your reception.  We are
proud to be here with you today, sir.  Thank you.
 
 
Prime Minister Rabin.  President of the United States;
King Hussein, the King of Jordan:  They say that the
ancient custom of shaking hands developed out of the need
to prove that neither person was holding a weapon.  The
first public handshake between His Majesty, the King of
Jordan, and myself a minute ago symbolizes much more than
that two people will no longer take up arms against one
another.
 
Honorable Mr. President, Your Majesty the King, what is
actually described here--hundreds of millions of people
around the world shake hands many times each day.  It is
perhaps the most routine action, done almost
automatically, without thinking, and it is actually a
greeting of peace that unites almost all of the peoples
of the world.
 
And here, the handshake and excitement, the many
photographers, the live broadcast of television to all
corners of the globe--I share this excitement and know
that at this moment in Jerusalem and Amman, perhaps all
over the Middle East, a new era is dawning.
 
What I do wish you, Your Majesty, is that there will be
another day of excitement--and another--and that finally
no one will photograph our handshakes.  It will have
become part of the routine of our lives, a custom among
all people, the behavior of every human being.  And
meanwhile, Your Majesty, the entire state of Israel is
shaking your hand.  Thank you.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1B:
 
Signing of the Washington Declaration:  A Peace Agreement
Remarks during signing ceremony at the White House,
Washington, DC, July 25, 1994
 
President Clinton.  Your Majesties, Prime Minister and
Mrs. Rabin, distinguished guests:  Today, we gather to
bear witness to history.  As this century draws to a
close, a new era of peace opens before us in ancient
lands as brave men choose reconciliation over conflict.
Today, our faith is renewed.
 
As we write a new chapter in the march of hope over
despair on these grounds and at this historic table, we
remember the courage of Anwar Sadat and Menachem Begin,
and the leadership of President Carter at Camp David 15
years ago; the efforts of President Bush to bring Israel
and her neighbors together in Madrid two years ago; and
that shining September day last year when Prime Minister
Rabin and Chairman Arafat declared that their two peoples
would fight no more.
 
Today, in that same spirit, King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin will sign the Washington Declaration.
After generations of hostility, blood, and tears, the
leaders of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the State
of Israel will solemnly declare, with the world as their
witness, that they have ended the state of belligerency
between them.  From this day forward, they pledge to
settle their differences by peaceful means.
 
Both countries will refrain from actions that may
adversely affect the security of the other, and will
thwart all those who would use terrorism to threaten
either side.
 
The Washington Declaration is the product of much hard
work.  Less than a year ago, Crown Prince Hassan of
Jordan and Foreign Minister Peres of Israel met here
publicly for the first time.  Together--with the wise
counsel and persistent energy of Secretary of State
Warren Christopher--Israel and Jordan have pursued peace.
And we are all in their debt.
 
It takes but a minute or two to cross the River Jordan,
but for as long as most of us can remember, the distance
has seemed immense.  The awful power of ancient arguments
and the raw wounds of recent wars have left generations
of Israelis, Jordanians, and Palestinians unable to
imagine-- much less build--a life of peace and security.
Today, King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin give their
people a new currency of hope and the chance to prosper
in a region of peace.
 
Under the Washington Declaration, Jordan and Israel have
agreed to continue vigorous negotiations to produce a
treaty of peace based on Security Council Resolutions 242
and 338.  King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin will meet
as often as necessary to shepherd and personally direct
those negotiations.  Their objective is a just, lasting,
and comprehensive peace between Israel and all its
neighbors; a peace in which each acknowledges and
respects the territorial integrity and political
independence of all others, and their right to live in
peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
 
In the meantime, Jordan and Israel have decided to take
immediate steps to normalize relations and resolve
disputes in areas of common concern.  They have agreed to
survey the international border based on the work of
their boundary subcommission.  They have resolved that
negotiations on water resources should aim to establish
the rightful allocation between the two sides of the
waters of the Jordan and Yarmouk Rivers.  They have
determined that their police forces will cooperate in
combating crime, with a special emphasis on drug
smuggling.  They have set up as their joint purpose the
abolition of all economic boycotts and the establishment
of a bilateral economic cooperation.
 
And as of today, Jordan and Israel have agreed to take
the first practical steps to draw their people together
and to let the peoples of the world share in the wonders
of their lands.  They will establish direct telephone
links; connect their two nations' electricity grids; open
two border crossings between their nations, including one
at Aqaba and Eilat and another in the north; accelerate
the negotiations aimed at opening an international air
corridor between the two countries; and give free access
to third-country tourists traveling between their two
nations.  These are the building blocks of a modern peace
and ancient holy lands.
 
Your Majesty, after our first meeting, you wrote me a
heartfelt letter in which you referred to your revered
grandfather, King Abdullah.  You told me that his
untimely assassination at the entrance to Jerusalem Al
Aqsa Mosque had come at a time when he was intent on
making peace with Israel.  Had he completed his mission,
you said to me, your region would have been spared four
decades of war.  Today, 43 years later, Abdullah's
grandson has fulfilled his legacy.
 
And in the declaration you will sign, your role as
guardian of Jerusalem's Muslim holy sites, Al Aqsa among
them, has been preserved.  And Israel has agreed to
accord a high priority to Jordan's historic role
regarding these holy sites in final status negotiations.
 
Prime Minister, when you first visited me in the White
House, you spoke eloquently of your soldiers' life,
defending and guiding your nation through four bloody
decades of struggling to survive.  You told me your
people had had enough bloodshed, that this was time to
make peace.  Ten months ago, you stood on this same lawn
and shook the hand of Yassir Arafat, the leader of the
Palestinian people.
 
Today, you stand together with King Hussein, descendent
of the Prophet Mohammed, to declare that Jordan and
Israel have ended their conflict.  In holding out to your
people the hope of a normal, secure life, you, sir, have
fulfilled the mission of your life and of all those who
have fought by your side for so long.
 
Now as we go forward, we must guard against illusions.
Dark forces of hatred and violence still stalk your
lands.  We must not let them succeed.
 
King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin:  As you and your
people embark on this journey of peace, we know the road
will not be easy.  Just as we have supported you in
coming this far, the United States will walk the final
miles with you.  We must all go on until we ensure that
the peace you are seeking prevails in the Holy Land and
extends to all Israel's Arab neighbors.  Our common
objective of a comprehensive peace must be achieved.
 
Now as we witness the signing of this declaration and
applaud the bravery of these men, let us remember that
peace is much more than a pledge to abide by words on a
page.  It is a bold attempt to write a new history.
Guided by the blessings of God, let us now go forward and
give life to this declaration.  For if we follow its
course, we will truly achieve a peace of the generations.
Thank you very much.  [The declaration is signed.]
 
 
King Hussein.  President Clinton, Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin, ladies and gentlemen:  And so it is that on this
day, at this house of the great American people, we have
been able to take an historic step which we hope and pray
will be to the benefit of our peoples within our entire
region--Jordanians, Israelis, and others.  This is the
moment of a commitment and of a vision.  Not all of what
is possible is within the document we have just ratified,
but it is a modest, determined beginning to bring to our
region and our peoples the security from fear, which I
must admit has prevailed over all the years of our lives;
the uncertainty of every day as to how it might end; the
suspicion, the bitterness, the lack of human contact.  We
are on our way now, truly, toward what is normal in
relations between our peoples and ourselves, and what is
worthy.
 
We will meet as often as we are able to and is required,
with pleasure, to shepherd this process on in the times
ahead.
 
At this moment, I would like to share with you all the
pride I have in my people, the people of Jordan--in their
maturity, in their courage, and what I have been blessed
with, their trust and confidence, and, I believe, the
commitment of the overwhelming majority to the cause of
peace.
 
The term used in international documents as have affected
us so far is "the state of belligerency" and the "end of
the state of belligerency."  I think both in Arabic and
in Hebrew, our people do not have such a term.  What we
have accomplished and what we are committed to is the end
of the state of war between Jordan and Israel.
 
Thank you so very much, indeed, Mr. President, for all
your kindness.  Thank you, Prime Minister.  Thank you,
all our dear friends.  A warm thanks to the American
people, our partners in the past, in the present, and in
the future.  And bless you and bless our march for the
future and toward the future of peace in our region.
 
 
Prime Minister Rabin.  The President of the United
States, His Majesty King Hussein of the Kingdom of
Jordan, friends, ladies and gentlemen:  I start with the
Hebrew word, shalom.
 
A million eyes all over the world are watching us now
with great relief and great joy.  Yet another nightmare
of war may be over.  At the same time, a million eyes in
the Middle East are looking at us now with great
heartfelt hope that our children and grandchildren will
know no more war.
 
Ladies and gentlemen, today we submit to our respective
people a wonderful present.  The declaration we have
signed just now here in Washington is the closest thing
to a treaty of peace.  We have come a long way toward a
full treaty of peace, and even though our work has not
yet ended, it is my hope and belief that not long from
today we shall return to sign a final and a permanent
treaty of peace.
 
Mr. President, Your Majesty, it is dusk at our homes in
the Middle East.  Soon, darkness will prevail.  But the
citizens of Israel and Jordan will see a great light.  We
have today taken a major step on the road to peace.  We
and Jordan have chosen to speak to each other rather than
to continue the state of war.  From here in the distance
of thousands of miles from home, I would like to
congratulate today the inhabitants of Israel and of
Jordan, to remember the fallen in the wars on both sides,
and to tell children on both sides of the border we hope
and pray that your life will be different from ours.
 
I believe that we are a small country with a big heart.
We are aware of world agonies and suffering of human
beings anywhere.  At this hour, when we are celebrating
here in Washington, Israeli defense soldiers and medical
units are trying to save the lives of thousands, if not
more, of people on the verge of death in Rwanda.  But at
the very same time, Israeli soldiers, a rescue team in
Buenos Aires, on the invitation of the Argentinian
Government, are endeavoring to rescue the lives or bodies
of those who were attacked, killed, and disappeared--
bodies of their own brothers, as well as of the other
human beings, from buildings destroyed by vicious
terrorists.  This terrible crime was committed against
Jews, just because they were Jews.
 
The Israeli rescue soldiers in Rwanda, as well as those
in Argentina, together with their comrades in arms
defending us at home, are the same side of the same coin.
 
Mr. President, Your Majesty, there is much more in the
Washington Declaration than parties were planning when
they decided to prepare this declaration 10 days ago.  It
bears witness to our ability in Israel and Jordan to
accelerate our efforts toward peace, to overcome
obstacles, to achieve a breakthrough, and to put an end
to 46 years of hostility.
 
Mr. President, thank you--thank you for all you have done
for us and for what you will do.  We embark on a road
which must still be completed.  And I am appealing to the
United States, the leader of peace efforts in the Middle
East, to assist those countries, those peoples who
demonstrate courage and who take risks--risks for peace--
because it is a worthwhile goal.
 
The political achievements presented today to the public
here in Washington are part of a whole agenda that must
still be clarified in serious deliberations ahead of us--
from the difficult subjects of boundaries and water, to
trade and economic relations on which peace in our region
will be based, and, of course, security and diplomatic
relations.  Our duty, starting today, is to turn the
articles written on the paper into a living reality.
 
This fine job could not have been completed without your
leadership and determination in the Middle East peace-
making.  You have already established your place in our
history, an honorable place.  And thank you.
 
Our heartfelt gratitude goes also to Secretary of State
Warren Christopher and his peace team, who devotedly seek
peace, and to generations of former U.S. administration
members who have, for years, searched for a bridge
between Israel, Jordan, and the other Arab peoples.
 
Your Excellency, the President of the United States; Your
Majesty, the King of Jordan; let me say a few words in
Hebrew to the citizens of Israel who are watching us now:
[Words spoken in Hebrew.]  Thank you very much.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1C:
 
The Washington Declaration:  Israel, Jordan, The United
States
Text released by the White House, Washington, DC, July
25, 1994
 
A.  After generations of hostility, blood, and tears and
in the wake of years of pain and wars, His Majesty King
Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin are determined
to bring an end to bloodshed and sorrow.  It is in this
spirit that His Majesty King Hussein of the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan and Prime Minister and Minister of
Defense, Mr. Yitzhak Rabin of Israel, met in Washington
today at the invitation of President William J. Clinton
of the United States of America.  This initiative of
President William J. Clinton constitutes an historic
landmark in the United States' untiring efforts in
promoting peace and stability in the Middle East.  The
personal involvement of the President has made it
possible to realise agreement on the content of this
historic declaration.  The signing of this declaration
bears testimony to the President's vision and devotion to
the cause of peace.
 
B.  In their meeting, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin have jointly reaffirmed the five
underlying principles of their understanding on an Agreed
Common Agenda designed to reach the goal of a just,
lasting, and comprehensive peace between the Arab States
and the Palestinians with Israel.
 
1.  Jordan and Israel aim at the achievement of just,
lasting, and comprehensive peace between Israel and its
neighbours and at the conclusion of a Treaty of Peace
between both countries.
 
2.  The two countries will vigorously continue their
negotiations to arrive at a state of peace, based on
Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 in all their
aspects, and founded on freedom, equality, and justice.
 
3.  Israel respects the present special role of the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Muslim Holy shrines in
Jerusalem.  When negotiations on the permanent status
will take place, Israel will give high priority to the
Jordanian historic role in these shrines.  In addition
the two sides have agreed to act together to promote
interfaith relations among the three monotheistic
religions.
 
4.  The two countries recognise their right and
obligation to live in peace with each other as well as
with all states within secure and recognised boundaries.
The two states affirmed their respect for and
acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity,
and political independence of every state in the area.
 
5.  The two countries desire to develop good neighbourly
relations of co-operation between them to ensure lasting
security and to avoid threats and the use of force
between them.
 
C.  The long conflict between the two states is now
coming to an end.  In this spirit the state of
belligerency between Jordan and Israel has been
terminated.
 
D.  Following this declaration and in keeping with the
Agreed Common Agenda both countries will refrain from
actions or activities by either side that may adversely
affect the security of the other or may prejudice the
final outcome of negotiations.  Neither side will
threaten the other by use of force, weapons, or any other
means, against each other and both sides will thwart
threats to security resulting from all kinds of
terrorism.
 
E.  His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin took note of the progress made in the bilateral
negotiations within the Jordan-Israel track last week on
the steps decided to implement the sub-agendas on
borders, territorial matters, security, water, energy,
environment, and the Jordan Rift Valley.
 
In this framework, mindful of items of the Agreed Common
Agenda (borders and territorial matters) they noted that
the boundary sub-commission has reached agreement in July
1994 in fulfillment of part of the role entrusted to it
in the sub-agenda.  They also noted that the sub-
commission for water, environment, and energy agreed to
mutually recognise, as a result of their negotiations,
the rightful allocations of the two sides in Jordan River
and Yarmouk River waters and to fully respect and comply
with the negotiated rightful allocations, in accordance
with agreed acceptable principles with mutually
acceptable quality.
 
Similarly, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin expressed their deep satisfaction and pride
in the work of the trilateral commission in its meeting
held in Jordan on Wednesday, July 20, 1994, hosted by the
Jordanian Prime Minister, Dr. Abdessalam al-Majali, and
attended by Secretary of State Warren Christopher and
Foreign Minister Shimon Peres.  They voiced their
pleasure at the association and commitment of the United
States in this endeavour.
 
F.  His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin believe that steps must be taken both to overcome
psychological barriers and to break with the legacy of
war.  By working with optimism towards the dividends of
peace for all the people in the region, Jordan and Israel
are determined to shoulder their responsibilities towards
the human dimension of peace making.  They recognise
imbalances and disparities are a root cause of extremism
which thrives on poverty and unemployment and the
degradation of human dignity.  In this spirit His Majesty
King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin have today
approved a series of steps to symbolise the new era which
is now at hand:
 
1.  Direct telephone links will be opened between Jordan
and Israel.
 
2.  The electricity grids of Jordan and Israel will be
linked as part of a regional concept.
 
3.  Two new border crossings will be opened between
Jordan and Israel-- one at the southern tip of Aqaba-
Eilat and the other at a mutually agreed point in the
north.
 
4.  In principle free access will be given to third
country tourists traveling between Jordan and Israel.
 
5.  Negotiations will be accelerated on opening an
international air corridor between both countries.
 
6.  The police forces of Jordan and Israel will co-
operate in combating crime with emphasis on smuggling and
particularly drug smuggling.  The United States will be
invited to participate in this joint endeavour.
 
7.  Negotiations on economic matters will continue in
order to prepare for future bilateral co-operation
including the abolition of all economic boycotts.
 
All these steps are being implemented within the
framework of regional infrastructural development plans
and in conjunction with the Jordan-Israel bilaterals on
boundaries, security, water, and related issues and
without prejudice to the final outcome of the
negotiations on the items included in the Agreed Common
Agenda between Jordan and Israel.
 
G.  His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin have agreed to meet periodically or whenever they
feel necessary to review the progress of the negotiations
and express their firm intention to shepherd and direct
the process in its entirety.
 
H.  In conclusion, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin wish to express once again their
profound thanks and appreciation to President William J.
Clinton and his Administration for their untiring efforts
in furthering the cause of peace, justice, and prosperity
for all the peoples of the region. They wish to thank the
President personally for his warm welcome and
hospitality.  In recognition of their appreciation to the
President, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin have asked President William J. Clinton to
sign this document as a witness and as a host to their
meeting.
 
His Majesty King Hussein
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin
President William J. Clinton
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1D:
 
A Milestone in the Transformation Of the Middle East
Remarks by Secretary Christopher at a press briefing,
Washington, DC, July 25, 1994
 
Good afternoon.  Before taking your questions I want to
step back and give a little perspective on today's
historic events.
 
The summit meeting today between King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin is really a milestone in the
transformation of the Middle East.  It foreshadows an end
to one of the world's most intractable conflicts.  The
dreams of past generations are becoming today's
diplomatic realities.  An era of war is coming to an end.
Lasting peace in the Middle East finally seems to be
within grasp.
 
Of course, to achieve a comprehensive settlement, which
is our goal, much hard work remains.  Fundamental issues
must be resolved, not only on the Syrian track but on the
other tracks as well.  And as we continue this work,
obviously, we must prevent the opponents of peace from
overcoming the strenuous efforts of the parties.
 
Nevertheless, there is now set in motion a process which
I hope and believe to be irreversible.  The ice is
breaking.  We have created a structure for negotiations
that can endure in the future and carry us across the
finish line.  Negotiations between the Israelis,
Palestinians, and Jordanians are now more firmly rooted
than they have been at any time in the past.  In the
multilateral talks, as well, Arabs and Israelis are
meeting not only around the world, but now in the region.
And we are developing cooperative projects that show the
face of peace to the people of the region.
 
That is the structure for the future.  Today's summit
meeting represents, I think, something far more than just
a symbol.  As reflected in the Washington Declaration, it
has also produced dramatic results.  Most important, the
state of belligerence, the state of war between Israel
and Jordan, has finally come to an end after 46 years.
Both sides have agreed to accelerate their negotiations
toward a full peace between the parties.
 
The Washington Declaration unlocks the enormous potential
for economic cooperation between the two countries, so as
to make possible the benefits of a warm peace even before
the peace is formalized.
 
I also feel that today's summit improves the environment
for a comprehensive and lasting peace in the region.  The
President and I will make every effort to work toward
that end with Israel, Syria, and Lebanon, and with all of
the countries of the region.  We will continue to support
agreements that have already been reached, to support the
parties who have reached them, and help achieve new
breakthroughs.
 
It is absolutely essential that we demonstrate to the
friends and enemies of peace--to demonstrate to both of
them that negotiations do work.  To the Arabs and the
Israelis who take risks for peace, I want them to know --
the President wants them to know--that America's voice
will continue to be strong and resolute; that we will
support them and will do what is necessary in common with
their efforts to achieve peace in the Middle East.
 
Before I conclude, I would like to pay tribute to the
American peace team, both those from here in the United
States, from the White House and the State Department, as
well as the ambassadors in the region.  They have
operated with a high degree of professionalism and skill.
These are men and women who have devoted their
professional lives to this effort.  And, of course, today
is a remarkable day for them, and a day for the history
books.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1E:
 
Shaping a Better Future For the Middle East
Remarks in exchange of toasts at a White House state
dinner, Washington, DC, July 25, 1994
 
President Clinton.  Your Majesties, Prime Minister and
Mrs. Rabin, all our distinguished guests:  Welcome to the
White House.  Today, we have seen history in the making.
And tonight, we celebrate this marvelous occasion with
King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin, and all of you who
for so long have supported their efforts for peace.
 
It's a special pleasure for Hillary and for me to welcome
Queen Noor and Mrs. Rabin, who, in their devotion to the
health and well-being of the children of their nations,
prove that the quest for peace is not the only cause that
knows no borders.
 
Today's signing of the Washington Declaration is the
handiwork of many.  But it is safe to say we would not be
here tonight were it not for the persistent and
farsighted efforts of Crown Prince Hassan, Foreign
Minister Peres, and our Secretary of State, Warren
Christopher.  I want to express my special gratitude to
Secretary Christopher, who has brought such great energy
and devotion to this task, and to applaud all three
gentlemen for their efforts.
 
The Washington Declaration is a blueprint, both inspiring
and practical; a foundation for lasting peace between two
peoples who have been divided for too long.  It is also
clearly a personal tribute to two brave leaders, both
called upon at a young age to shoulder enormous
responsibilities--one, to be a king, the other a defender
of his people--brought together now at long last in the
common cause of peace.
 
King Hussein, tonight we recall again the legacy of your
grandfather and mentor, King Abdullah, a man who dreamed
that one day on both sides of the river Jordan, Arabs and
Jews could live together in peace--and who lost his life
for that dream of peace.  At the age of 17, when most of
us were still in school, you were left to shoulder the
great weight of leading your people.
 
In the 43 years that have passed, you have led your
kingdom through the stormy waters of the Middle East.
You have improved the lives of your people and endowed
your nation with a spirit of tolerance, civility, and
compromise.  You've built bridges between the Arab world
and the United States through your actions as an advocate
for stability and through your marriage to the Queen,
herself a daughter of Americans who came from the Arab
world.  For that, we, sir, are in your debt.
 
Today, you have moved to erase the divisions between the
people of the two sides of the river Jordan.  Tonight, it
can truly be said that you have fulfilled the legacy of
King Abdullah.
 
Mr. Prime Minister, tonight we honor you, a son of the
land of Israel.  Your parents, Nehemya and Rosa, were
among the first pioneers who came to Palestine.  Like so
many others of their generation, they devoted their lives
to building a national home for the Jewish people.
 
Schooled in the science of agriculture, you once planned
to devote your life to making the fields and deserts of
Israel come alive.  But at the age of 19, you answered
the call to join the Palmach, destined to spend your life
fighting to establish and defend the nation of Israel.
Now, after a life consumed by war, you have become the
architect of a great peace, building a homeland your
parents could only imagine:  a peaceful, prosperous land
at harmony with its neighbors, a land where a new
generation will be free to cast aside its weapons and
fulfill your dream to make the valleys and deserts bloom.
Tonight, we honor you and the fulfillment of your legacy,
sir.
 
These two men have crossed much hostile territory so that
their children and their children's children need fight
no more.  They have earned this peace, and we are all in
their debt.  And so, ladies and gentlemen, I ask you to
rise and join me in a toast to these men of courage, to
their fine families, to the peoples of Jordan and Israel,
and to the promise of peace.  [A toast is offered.]
 
 
King Hussein.  President Clinton, Prime Minister Rabin.
Sir, your words have touched us deeply.  And today has
been, indeed, a unique day--for myself, for the people of
Jordan, for the Prime Minister and the people of Israel--
for all those who have yearned for the breaking of a new
dawn in our region where energies and resources and
talents can together have an opportunity to flourish, can
together build a better future which is the right of all.
The reports from Jordan are what I had expected them to
be--those of joy and hope for the overwhelming majority
of our people.  I understand in Israel it is the same.
 
To a very large extent, sir, none of this would have been
possible without your help, without the help of our
friends in the United States.  And I speak of friendship
that has grown over many, many years--a friendship of
which we are proud--and a partnership between us all in
the cause of peace and a better future for our people,
for our region, and for the world.
 
I've felt over the recent past that many of us in our
part of the world--both in Israel and in Jordan--had to
begin the inevitable readjustment, psychologically, after
so many years of denial of our right to live normally
together, to build, and to move ahead.  And as I have
said before, unfortunately, the abnormal became normal,
which is indeed a tragic state of affairs.
 
I hope that in signing the Washington Declaration, the
Prime Minister and I can help shepherd the process ahead
to not only achieve peace between our two countries and
our two peoples, but to create the rebirth of hope and
confidence in our people in terms of our credibility and
our commitment.  Ours is total before you all, and I
believe that why it will succeed in Jordan is not because
of our own feelings alone but because, as in Israel, we
have a democracy in Jordan.  We have a people who share
with us in shaping our future.  Democracy, pluralism,
respect for human rights is a path that we have taken,
and we hope that we will influence others by example
through our continuing along this road.  So it's not a
case of an individual or a small group of people.  What
we have achieved today, sir, is something that we leave
for all our people to protect and to cherish in the times
ahead.
 
For Noor and I, and for all my colleagues from Jordan, we
thank you, Mr. President, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, and our
dear friends for the warmth of your welcome, for your
support, and for your friendship.  We need you with us in
the times ahead.  We need you with us not only as old
friends but as partners in shaping a better future for
our entire region.
 
Prime Minister, it's been a great pleasure, and I'm sure
that--tired as you might be after years and years of a
search for this day, this beginning--we'll go back to our
region with renewed vigor and energy and determination to
achieve beyond this point all the dreams and hopes of our
people.
 
Thank you very, very much, indeed.  And, please, join me
in a toast to the President of the United States, to
peace and friendship between us for all times.  [A toast
is offered.]
 
 
Prime Minister Rabin.  The President of the United
States, Your Majesty, distinguished guests--the American
side, the Jordanian side, the Israeli side:  When I had
to think for what I will toast after such a moving,
exciting day, many memories came up in my mind.
 
For me, Mr. President, Your Majesty, the Washington
Declaration between Jordan and Israel symbolizes to me
much more than the overall Arab-Israeli conflict.  It's
true that for a long time we had to face uncertain areas-
-we continue to face the rejection, the objection to the
existence of Israel as a Jewish, viable, independent
state.  And we have seen--all through our efforts to
bring about peace, to find a solution--two main
obstacles.  One of them is the psychological obstacle:
the wall which is built of prejudices on both sides,
animosity, and bloodshed, on many occasions without any
justification.  The practical issues have been magnified-
-have been seen by both sides as much more complicated,
bigger, more difficult--because of the psychological
wall.
 
The first and the foremost responsibilities of the
leaders of the countries of the region in their
aspiration to solve the conflict, to build structures of
peace, to create cooperation and understanding--the main
and the foremost responsibility is to tackle, to bring
down, the walls of psychology that put apart, put aside,
and create barriers between peoples, because leaders can
bring peoples and countries to sign peace, but the real
peace is between peoples on both sides.
 
The only peace that I will consider to be a peace is the
peace that the average citizen in the street will sense
and will realize that something has been changed, that
there are different interrelationships, that there is no
more fear and no more threat of use of violence in
whatever form.  Coping with these psychological walls is
the most important task of whoever tries to bring about a
solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its sectors.
 
For me, today was a unique day, and I'll be frank.  I
started a war of independence in Jerusalem against the
Jordanians.  It was the first war that I waged, that I
was engaged in.  I always respected Jordan and the King
of Jordan, King Hussein, as the most noble, reasonable,
unique personality-- even when we were not in peace, even
when we were engaged in conflict.
 
I don't believe that there is in the Arab world another
leader that in his long term of being the leader of his
country has shaped and changed the situation and brought
to his people and to his government and in each way of
life the values, the way of life, and the behavior of the
average citizen.  Therefore, on many occasions in the
past, I dreamt, I believed, that a peace with Jordan
would be the first.
 
I will not disclose secrets of 20, 21 years ago.  I
believe that His Majesty understands what I mean.  But
today, when we stood together on your invitation, Mr.
President of the United States, and we shook hands and
signed a declaration--in a way to me, personally--a
circle of my life reached a certain point.  I was born in
Jerusalem.  I am the first and only Prime Minister of
Israel that was born there.  I had to fight for
Jerusalem.  But I believe that the values of Jerusalem--
for Jews, for Muslims, for Christians--carry with them
certain responsibilities that Your Majesty and I have to
carry and to shoulder upon ourselves.
 
I remember the end of the 1948-49 war.  We believed then
in peace.  We hoped that that war would end it.  It took
too long.  I believe the two of us have seen hopes that
faded, tragedy that took place.  Now we are on the verge
of opening a new chapter, I believe not only to the
Jordanian people and to the Israeli people.  I believe
that the relations between Jordan and Israel can serve as
a symbol and as an example to others.
 
I would like, Mr. President, to thank you for your
efforts, for the efforts of your Administration and the
Secretary of State working with our Foreign Minister.
Because I believe, as you once said, Mr. President--you
said it vis-a-vis Israel; I believe it has to be said to
every country in the Middle East--that without taking
risks, without making compromises, we will not achieve
peace.
 
But you have to bear in mind, Mr. President, as you know,
that the results of any agreement, when it is signed,
have to be translated to the life of the peoples and the
countries that signed it.  They have to realize that a
change has taken place, that lives are safer, that their
life is improved educationally, economically, socially.
The United States has played in modern history a unique
role, since the end of the Second World War, in
encouraging peace and stability in the world.  You have
played the same role in every agreement that was reached
between an Arab country, Arab people, and Israel.  And,
believe me, Mr. President and my other American friends,
by beautiful words alone, realities are not changed.
 
The dream, the desire, the courage to carry them out are
important.  But sometimes they have to be nourished,
assisted in a way so that the countries and the peoples
will realize the reason and meaning of peace not by the
beautiful words but by the change of their lives--that
peace brought something new to them.
 
We, today, made another major step toward peace.  I
always admired and trusted His Majesty King Hussein.  And
I believe his signature; when he signs, he means it.
Together, Jordan, Israel, and the United States--under
your leadership and during your term, Mr. President--are
here the second time here to pay our respects to efforts
that brought a change in the Middle East.
 
If we will continue to work together, I believe that we
will see more steps in your term and in my term-- which,
by the way, have to be ended for  both of us if we are
not reelected and, hopefully, we will be in November
1996.  It's a lot of time.  Much can be done.  And if I
raise my toast, I will raise it for those who have the
courage to change axioms, to overcome prejudices, to
change realities, and to those who make it possible.  To
them; to you, Your Majesty; to you, President Clinton; to
all those who believe and support and are ready to assist
the continuation of peace in the region:  l'chaim.  [A
toast is offered.]
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 1F:
 
End of the State of War Between Israel and Jordan
Opening remarks at a White House press conference,
Washington, DC, July 26, 1994
 
President Clinton.  Good afternoon.  I am happy to once
again welcome King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin.
 
In the last two days, history has been made in
Washington, and a brighter future has been built--a
future that offers more peace and security not only for
the people of Israel and Jordan but also for the people
of the United States.
 
With great courage and foresight, the King and the Prime
Minister have united in their conviction that it is time
to end more than four decades of bloodshed and loss.
They have demonstrated that contact can overcome
conflict, that direct talks can produce peace.  They have
declared an end to the state of war between their two
countries and have determined to secure a lasting peace.
They have personally committed to making sure that a
treaty is concluded as rapidly as possible.
 
When we met yesterday, the King, the Prime Minister, and
I agreed to designate representatives to ensure that the
provisions of the Washington Declaration are implemented
quickly.
 
In a week of extraordinary sets of events, this morning
we witnessed another, as the King and the Prime Minister
appeared jointly before Congress.  Their eloquent remarks
articulated a common vision of cooperation that will
yield specific and concrete benefits for all peoples on
both sides of the Jordan River.  The outpouring of
support by Members of Congress for these two heroes of
peace I believe clearly reflects the feelings of all the
American people.
 
As I've made clear since my first meetings with the King
and the Prime Minister, America will stand by those who
take risks for peace.  We will support leaders whose
boldness and wisdom are creating a new Middle East.
Today, I have reaffirmed to Prime Minister Rabin that as
Israel moves forward in the peace process the constant
responsibility of the United States will be to help
ensure its security.  I also have reaffirmed to King
Hussein my determination to assist Jordan in dealing with
its burden of debt and its defense requirements.  I am
working with Congress to achieve rapid action on both
these matters.
 
The United States is committed to a comprehensive peace
in the Middle East and an end to hostility between Israel
and all her Arab neighbors.
 
I spoke yesterday with President Asad of Syria and
reaffirmed my personal dedication to achieving a
comprehensive peace.  Secretary Christopher has devoted a
great deal of time and effort to the negotiations with
Syria, and I have asked him to return to the region soon
to continue that work.
 
In these two days, we have taken great strides on the
road to peace.  But even as these two leaders have come
together, the enemies of peace have not been silent.  In
recent days, terrorists have struck in Buenos Aires,
Argentina, and in London.  We will not, we must not,
allow them to disrupt this peace process.
 
This week's events here in Washington and the bravery of
King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin prove that a just,
lasting, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East is
within reach.  Inspired by the extraordinary events of
the last two days, now we go forward with a new sense of
determination and a new sense of confidence to take the
next steps in the days and weeks ahead.
 
King Hussein.  Mr. President, Prime Minister Rabin,
ladies and gentlemen:  These have been unique days in our
lives, yesterday and today.  They have witnessed dreams,
hopes, and prayers realized in terms of an end to the
state of war between Jordan and Israel.  More important,
in terms of our determination to move ahead in executing
our duties toward our peoples-- toward our peoples in the
entire region in the present and in the future--that they
live secure in peace with the ability to come together,
for the opportunity to give their talents a chance to
make a difference, to create at the breaking dawn of
peace in the Middle East what is worthy of them.
 
I would like, Mr. President, to thank you very, very much
indeed, sir, for your personal support and continued
interest.  We are proud to have you as our partner.  We
are proud and happy that these meetings between myself
and Prime Minister Rabin have taken place here in
Washington.  We are overwhelmed by all the warmth and
support that we have seen during these last two days.  We
recall and appreciate the efforts of the Secretary of
State, the efforts of so many friends here that enabled
us to get this far.
 
I hope, together, we will build from now on and will
continue and succeed in giving all our peoples the chance
to live under conditions that have been denied us,
certainly as far as I'm concerned, throughout my life.
And I am proud to say that the overwhelming majority of
Jordanians rejoice with me, as I am sure is the case in
Israel and here in the United States.
 
 
Prime Minister Rabin.  Mr. President, Your Majesty King
Hussein, ladies and gentlemen:  I believe that the last
two days represent a landmark in the positive
developments toward peace in the Middle East.  I believe
to understand the meaning of what has been done by Jordan
and Israel--with the assistance and support of the United
States--it has to be looked at in proportion to what are
the trends today in the Middle East.
 
We see two conflicting trends in the Middle East--one,
the rise of extreme, radical Islamic terrorist movements
within the Palestinian side, within the Lebanese side, in
other Arab countries, derived from a certain source that
each purposely is undermining any possibility to achieve
peace.  I believe that we see their fingers in the
international terror acts that have taken place not so
long ago--in Thailand, in Buenos Aires, in London--in
addition to what goes on from Lebanon, and in the
territories by the extreme radical Islamic terrorist
groups.  It's an all-out war waged by these elements
against the possibility of the solution of the Arab-
Israeli conflict in all its parts.  I believe that they
have an infrastructure of terror all over the world.  We
saw it lately in Argentina.  I don't want to talk about
what's going on here, in Europe, in the Far East, in
addition to the Middle East.
 
And, therefore, what we have done in the last two days is
a major step of brave people on both sides to come up and
to say we are making an important, important phase toward
peace, because the Washington Declaration is, first and
foremost, an end of a state of belligerency--or as the
King declared, end of a state of war.  Believe me, today
in the Middle East, to reach commitment by the countries
of the region for non-belligerency--no violence, no
terror--can be the greatest contribution to peace in the
region and not only in the region.
 
Between Jordan and Israel, we have reached the end of the
state of belligerency.  But there is a need beyond the
end of war, threats of war, violence and terror, to build
a structure of peace--the relations of peace.  We lay the
foundations to this world, to this work, to this place.
The test will be to what extent we will succeed in
building this structure of peace--to reach the kind of
relations between Jordan and Israel that the man in the
street in Amman and in Tel Aviv will call peace.
 
Therefore, hard work is before us.  We are committed, I
believe, on both sides, to do what is needed in addition
to the elimination of war--to build the relations of
peace.  We need your assistance, Mr. President, in doing
so.
 
The first responsibility lies with the parties--with
Jordan and Israel.  But without the United States--the
leader of peace in the region--and, hopefully, other
countries and the European Union assisting those who take
risks, calculated risks for peace, we will not achieve it
in the way and the pace which it is needed.
 
We open a new chapter.  We created a new landmark.  But
the road is still--hopefully not too long--but still work
has to be done.  We will do it.  We need the
participation of those who preach peace to translate
their words to realities, to practical support of those
who take the risk for peace.
 
(###)
 
 
 
2.  The Situation in Rwanda
President Clinton, National Security Adviser Anthony
Lake, Acting Secretary of Defense John Deutch, Gen. John
Shalikashvili, USAID Administrator Brian Atwood,
Assistant Secretary George E. Moose
 
ARTICLE 2A:
 
U.S. Efforts To Relieve Suffering Among Rwandan Refugees
Remarks by President Clinton at a White House press
conference, Washington, DC, July 22, 1994
 
I have just met with my national security team, and I
want to tell you about the new steps I have ordered to
respond to the situation in the border regions near
Rwanda.
 
The flow of refugees across Rwanda's borders has now
created what could be the world's worst humanitarian
crisis in a generation.  It is a disaster borne of brutal
violence and, according to experts now on site, it is now
claiming one life every minute.
 
Today, I am announcing an immediate and massive increase
in our response.  These efforts will be directed from the
White House through my National Security Advisor Anthony
Lake, working with Deputy Secretary of Defense Deutch,
U.S. Agency for International Development Administrator
Atwood, and General Shalikashvili; Brig. Gen. John Nix of
our European Command will command a joint task force to
head our efforts on the ground.
 
From the beginning of this tragedy, the United States has
been in the forefront of the international community's
response.  As the crisis has worsened, our response has
grown.
 
In May, when the first wave of Rwandan refugees fled to
Tanzania, I ordered the release of $15 million in aid.
These monies helped to prevent the kinds of problems in
Tanzania that we are now seeing in Zaire.  Since that
time, we have authorized an additional $135 million in
relief in the area.  Beginning in May, I ordered an
airlift of relief supplies.  Since then, we have flown
over 100 missions.
 
On May 10, the Vice President met with the United Nations
Secretary General and the head of the Organization of
African Unity in an effort to expand the UN peace-keeping
force in Rwanda.  The following week, the Security
Council approved a resolution authorizing that expansion.
Then I ordered the Department of Defense to provide
equipment, including 50 armored personnel carriers, to
aid the peace-keepers.
 
Throughout June and July, I ordered increases in our
relief efforts as the crisis escalated.  I sent senior
administration officials to the region, including Brian
Atwood, the Administrator of USAID.
 
Today, I have ordered an immediate massive increase in
our efforts in the region in support of an appeal from
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.  I
have ordered the Defense Department to establish and
manage an airlift hub in Uganda, which will be used as a
staging area for around-the-clock operations for
shipments of relief supplies to the refugees in the
Rwandan border regions.  Consultations are underway now
with the Government of Uganda.
 
I have directed the Defense Department to assist in
expanding airlift operations near the refugee camps in
Goma and Bukavu.  We will provide personnel and equipment
to enable these airfields to operate on a 24-hour basis.
I have ordered our military to increase the capacity to
receive, transfer, and distribute goods at these
airfields.  Our aim is to move food, medicine, and other
supplies to those in need as quickly as possible.
 
I have directed the Pentagon to establish a safe water
supply, and to distribute as much water as possible to
those at risk.  Safe water is essential to stop the
outbreak of cholera and other diseases that threaten the
refugees.
 
Today and tomorrow, about 20 million oral rehydration
therapy packages will be delivered--packages that were
purchased through USAID and delivered on U.S. military
aircraft--to the refugees to try to stem the cholera
outbreak.
 
Our task in Rwanda is twofold:  first, to alleviate the
suffering as quickly as possible; and second, to take
steps to establish conditions that will enable the
refugees to return home.  To achieve the second
objective, I have ordered the State Department and our
Ambassador to the United Nations, who is here with us
today, to take immediate action to help create those
conditions.  The United States will support and urge the
immediate deployment of a full contingent of United
Nations peace-keepers to Rwanda to provide security for
the return of the refugees.
 
We are making clear to the new leaders of Rwanda that
international acceptance, including American recognition,
depends upon the establishment of a broad-based
government, the rule of law, and efforts at national
reconciliation.  We are taking action to counteract the
propaganda of the extremist Hutu elements who continue to
urge Rwandans to flee.  Taken together, these steps will
help to relieve the suffering of the Rwandan refugees and
to create conditions for their return home.
 
As I said yesterday, we face here a growing human
catastrophe.  The United States not only supports the
efforts of the international community, but is and will
continue to take a leading role in those efforts.  In the
days to come as Americans see this heartbreaking
unfolding tragedy, the suffering must not only touch our
hearts, it must move Americans all across our nation to
reach out with their own private contributions to relief
organizations.  And it must move us as a nation to take
the practical actions that this crisis demands.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2B:
 
Humanitarian Assistance to Rwandan Refugees
Remarks during a White House press briefing, Washington,
DC, July 22, 1994.
 
Anthony Lake.  Why don't I begin with a specific answer
to the question of how much is this costing and how much
has it cost.  I thought it would be useful if I could
bore you just for a moment with a run-through of what we
have contributed so far at various stages in this
developing human crisis.
 
Before April 6 and 7--the time when the President of
Rwanda's plane was shot down--we had contributed some $20
million.  Until last week, then, and since the beginning
of April, we contributed another $78 million.  And then
on July 17 and 18, we, as announced, drew down from the
Emergency Refugee and Migration and Assistance Fund some
$19 million, and the U.S. Agency for International
Development added an additional $16 million, for a total
of $35 million on those two days.
 
Yesterday, as you know, Brian Atwood announced that USAID
was coming up with another $41.5 million--no, I'm sorry--
USAID did $33 million of it, and the Department of
Defense was adding over $8 million for airlift and
delivery.  That total comes to more than $150 million
that the United States has already contributed.
 
This makes us by far the largest contributor of any
nation to this crisis, and indeed, we calculate--and I
would emphasize that these figures are soft because
people are making additional contributions every day--but
we calculate that this is about 40% of the international
contributions to this crisis.
 
In addition--and John Deutch could speak more about this-
-there will be well over $100 million of in-kind
contributions by the Defense Department from their
stocks.  So that's on the money.
 
On the personnel, John can address that more fully, but
we calculate that there will be a considerable number of
Americans working on the ground both in Uganda and in
Zaire.
 
John Deutch.  I would like to describe to you briefly the
actions that the Defense Department has undertaken.
There is currently a flight cell team in Geneva working
with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to
increase the through-put of flights to Zaire and Uganda.
We have a liaison team in Paris working with the French
to coordinate our activities. A preliminary team from the
Department of Defense is on the ground now in Goma.  And
tomorrow we expect to have 24 U.S. military personnel
with transportation and communications permanently on
station at Goma during the duration of this crisis.
 
A team has been to Entebbe--the airhead that President
Clinton mentioned--to arrange for air operations to the
airfields in Zaire.  We also have underway aircraft
surveillance to collect information about the location of
the refugees and the specific problems on the ground.
 
This morning, in Secretary Perry's absence--as you know,
he is in the Balkans--but after talking with him
yesterday, I signed an execution order for the four major
activities that Tony mentioned that the United States
will be responsible for under this crisis in Rwanda.
 
First, airport services; we will work with the
authorities in Zaire and with the French to deploy
airlift control elements to improve and extend 24-hour
operations to the critical airfields of Goma and Bukavu,
and potentially with other runways in the area.  We will
provide security for these airfields.  These are the
major ways of getting material, food, and medical
supplies to the refugee centers in Zaire.
 
Secondly, we will establish a logistic base of services
for all these airfields. That includes unloading
equipment, distribution equipment such as trucks, and
command and control systems for all supplies that come
in.  And we will have in place--I mentioned--tomorrow
ground survey teams to determine exactly the schedule and
the extent of all these activities.
 
Thirdly, the Entebbe airhead will control all flights,
cargo, crew rest facilities, warehousing, field mission
planning, and fuel for all the flights that are entering
into this area.  This will greatly increase the through-
put and the organization of the required personnel,
medical supplies, and food to the area.  This operation
in Entebbe will stand up in a few days and will reach
full operational capability as quickly as possible.
 
Finally--the critical area of water:  Water and
sanitation are critical to prevent further loss of life.
This means not only purifying the water, but making sure
that you can distribute it to the mouths of the people
and the children who require pure water in order to avoid
cholera and other illnesses.  To do a complete job on
this will take a great deal of time.
 
We are essentially talking about producing here a water
system for at least 1.2 million people, but we will
immediately be taking steps with chlorination--with the
packets the President mentioned--bringing reverse osmosis
purification equipment and distribution equipment to
Rwanda to assure that the potable water is available from
lake to mouth as surely as possible.
 
In addition, I want to mention that we have two C-141
U.S. flights--military flights underway into Goma,
arriving tomorrow.  The first carries the medical
supplies that we have already mentioned.  The second will
have six 10-ton forklifts which are crucial to improving
the off-loading capability at the primitive airport on
Goma.  On July 23, we will start an additional campaign
of 42 flights--   DC-8 equivalents--which will carry
1,480 tons of food and other supplies that, coordinated
with the UNHCR, are required in Rwanda.
 
Let me say we are also considering--beginning Sunday--air
dropping humanitarian daily rations from special
operation forces C-130s from Entebbe, and these
activities will also take place in coordination with the
UNHCR.  The Department of Defense and its women and men
are absolutely committed to do whatever we can to stop
the enormous suffering in this part of the world, and we
are working very hard on this.  It is my judgment that
this is an operation that could take as many as several
thousand DoD personnel operating in all facets of it--in
Zaire, in Entebbe, and back at Frankfurt at the airheads
in Europe.
 
This will be a major activity and it will require funds.
This morning at the meeting that Tony referred to, the
President signed a $75-million emergency drawdown
authority, and we will be seeking, either as an emergency
supplemental or emergency reprogramming, at least $100
million of funds to cover the activities I have described
to you today.  This is a big deal, and we are moving out
with absolutely complete attention.  I believe that Bill
Perry will have the opportunity to see some of the early
operations in Frankfurt before he returns home.
 
General Shalikashvili.  As Tony mentioned, I was the
commander of Operation Provide Comfort.  All of us who
were involved in that earlier tragedy are drawing on our
experience and the lessons learned that we took away from
that.
 
You will all recall that Operation Provide Comfort was
the humanitarian effort to bring back hundreds of
thousands of Kurds who had fled to the mountains of
northern Iraq and eastern Turkey ahead of the cruelty of
Saddam Hussein.
 
In those early days, you will also recall, until we were
able to get aid to them in sufficient numbers and water
and what-not, we, too, faced thousands of them dying
every night until we were able to begin to win that race
against time.  One of the key lessons we learned in that
race against time was that the best way to win is if you
do the absolutely essential things right from the very
beginning.
 
The first of these things is that you must establish a
very clean chain of command--as we call it in the
military--as to who's responsible.  And that's why we
turned to our senior commander in Europe, Gen. John
Joulwan, to have the overall responsibility to coordinate
the military effort as it flows from Europe into Africa.
He, in turn, appointed a commander of a joint task force,
Brig. Gen. Jack Nix, who, in his normal duties, is the
commander of our Southern European task force and is
headquartered in Vicenza, Italy.  Jack Nix will be the
task force commander who will, in fact, as soon as the
conditions permit, relocate, perhaps to Entebbe or
wherever he is needed and his headquarters are needed, to
best coordinate the total effort that is required there.
 
The second thing that you need to do simultaneously with
the establishment of this clear chain of responsibility
is that you need to establish as robust a distribution
system--a transportation and distribution system--
because, remember, all the things that need to reach the
refugees reach it normally through inadequate air fields,
road networks, and so on.  And so it is extraordinarily
important that we do establish this very robust
distribution system from the very beginning.
 
That is why General Joulwan has directed, as of today,
that Frankfurt and Rhinemein be designated as the hub for
this operation in Europe where all supplies, whether
units to purify water, or forklifts to unload tracks--all
of that be brought into Rhinemein;  then with long-haul
aircraft be taken to the region where we will attempt to
establish another transportation hub.
 
And as the President mentioned, we are working now with
Uganda to see where best to establish that hub.  From
there, then, with shorter range aircraft, we will
distribute the goods and the humanitarian equipment to
the various smaller airfields spread throughout the area.
And while we're right now looking to Goma and Bukavu, we
are going to be looking at other airfields as well to get
as many of those as we can to make the distribution
easier.
 
At the same time, it is quite clear that we will still
lose the race against time if we do not establish safe
water production and distribution systems.  So that is
why it is so terribly important that we leave no stone
unturned to get the right equipment to the places where
we can begin to purify the water and then get whatever is
necessary--whether it's the trucks to distribute the
water, pipelines that might have to be laid, or any other
systems that the survey teams that are in-country now
will tell us are the most appropriate ones to get fresh
water to people.
 
Of course, that is ongoing.  We have to make sure that we
also get shelter,  food, and medical assistance to the
people.  All of that will be ongoing as rapidly as we can
make it happen; because I guess the overarching lesson
that we learned is that it is, in fact, a race against
time.  And there is no luxury to be sitting on our hands
and we don't intend to do that.
 
Mr. Lake.  Before we go on with specifics, let me just
offer you three more quick thoughts.  One is that all of
this is going to require very close coordination with the
United Nations, with the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees, and with the French and other governments; and
we intend to do that.  It will also require very close
cooperation, of course, with the Congress as we go along-
-and we intend to do that as well.
 
Second thought--as I listened to General Shalikashvili
talk about Operation Provide Comfort, it reminded me that
we cannot guarantee that every life can be saved and
every need met--of course we cannot do that.  But we can
guarantee that we are going to do our best here.  And
with the great resources of the United States and the
expertise of the United States, I think we will do this
very well.
 
The third thought--in response to your specific question,
this is not a part of a UN peace-keeping operation.  The
participation of American military personnel in this is
strictly in the context of the humanitarian effort.
 
Finally, let me just ask Brian Atwood to add one or two
very brief points about what USAID is doing, in addition
to what he told you yesterday.
 
Brian Atwood.  I will be very brief--I had some time with
you yesterday.   I just want, obviously, to underscore
the importance of our military and Defense Department
being engaged in this.  They have a unique capability--
and I am talking not just about the U.S. Government, but
the entire world; they're probably the only people that
could carry this off, given the dimensions of the
problem.
 
I also want to say that we will be meeting with
representatives of the relief organizations.  There are
many of you who have put their addresses under your
television programs.  It is very, very important,
obviously, that our people have the ability to donate
privately to these relief organizations with whom we work
very carefully and closely--couldn't do it without them.
 
Just a little update on the situation--we had a team that
was in Bakavu and Kamanyola.  These are the two towns
that are in the southern part--south of Goma, where there
were reports that as many as 800,000 refugees had come
over.  The news is a little better--they estimate 275,000
refugees in Bukavu, and about 100,000 in Kamanyola.  They
seem to be staying close to the border, which indicates
that they may be willing to return home.  A crucial part
of this effort over the next couple of weeks is to make
sure that we create conditions inside Rwanda so that they
can return.
 
With respect to the scourge of cholera, UNICEF told us
this morning that they have 1,300 cases of cholera at the
camp in Goma.  There have already been 800 deaths; only
130 could be specifically attributed to cholera; 670 or
so were from uncertain causes--dehydration, diarrheal
diseases--all of which, of course, can be dealt with by
this oral rehydration therapy that the United States
Government, through USAID, developed about 20 years ago.
We worked very closely with the most prestigious and
knowledgeable organization in the world--the
International Center for Diarrheal Disease Research in
Bangladesh.  We are sending, today, a team from that
research center into Goma to deal with the ORT therapy
that will be on its way.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2C:
 
The Crisis in Rwanda:  U.S. Response
Statement by Assistant Secretary Moose before the
Subcommittee on Africa of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, Washington, DC, July 26, 1994.
 
Mr. Chairman, members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Subcommittee on Africa:  Although the Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF) declared a military victory and a unilateral
cease-fire last week, the conflict in Rwanda is not over.
The majority of the population is now displaced, with
over 2 million Rwandans having fled to neighboring
countries.  Despite public assurances by the RPF that
innocent civilians have nothing to fear, the refugees
have shown little sign of returning.  Armed contingents
of the routed former government forces are present in
Zaire alongside the refugees, and the leadership of the
discredited rump government is believed to be in Zaire as
well.
 
A new government is taking shape in Kigali, with both the
President and Vice President from the RPF.  The MRND, the
former ruling party of the late President Habyarimana, is
not part of the new government.  Other parties are
represented, but the RPF holds a clear plurality of the
cabinet positions.  The Prime Minister, Faustin
Twagiramungu, is a Hutu from the MDR party who was
accorded that position under the terms of last year's
Arusha Peace Accord.  The RPF has reiterated its
assurances that it intends to create a broadly based
government.  Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether
this new government is sufficiently broad in its
representation to gain general acceptance among the
various sectors of the Rwandan population, including the
hundreds of thousands who fled to neighboring countries
ahead of the RPF's military advance.
 
U.S. Goals
 
With a fragile cease-fire and a new government in place,
our principal goals for Rwanda are as follows:
 
--  Save lives through an urgent humanitarian response;
--  Protect innocent civilians from further violence;
--  Maintain the cease-fire;
--  Foster a truly broad-based government;
--  Encourage return of refugees and reintegration of all
of the uprooted; and
--  Ensure that those responsible for genocide are
brought to justice.
 
We have taken several measures designed to achieve these
goals.  Mr. Atwood has already discussed the humanitarian
response.  I will focus my comments on diplomatic and
peace-keeping initiatives.
 
From the start of the crisis, we have put diplomatic
pressure on the parties to stop the killings and agree to
a cease-fire.  We enlisted the Organization of African
Unity, other regional states, and our European allies to
join us in this diplomatic effort.  When the mass exodus
into Zaire began, we redoubled our efforts to put a halt
to the fighting--with high-level demarches in Washington,
via diplomatic channels in other locations, and by
telephone to Rwanda.  We reinforced these private
contacts with public statements from the White House and
State Department and supported several UN Security
Council resolutions and statements calling for a halt in
the fighting.
 
Through the UN, the United States has taken a leading
role in efforts to protect the Rwandan people.  We
strongly supported the UN arms embargo and the expansion
of UNAMIR, with a revised mandate to help protect
threatened populations and relief efforts.  We have been
working with the UN to accelerate deployment of these
forces and have airlifted 50 armored personnel carriers
into the region for use by UNAMIR forces.  We are
providing equipment for the UN's Ghanaian battalion and
have encouraged other countries to offer equipment for
the remaining contingents.
 
Recognizing that deployment of additional UNAMIR
contingents could take time, the UN Security Council
authorized France and other member states to establish a
temporary humanitarian operation to help protect
threatened populations in Rwanda, pending deployment of
expanded UNAMIR.  We supported this operation to help
stop the killings in the territory held by the rump
government.  Operation Turquoise, as the deployment is
known, has succeeded in saving many lives.
 
Following delivery of the U.S. armored personnel carriers
to the UN, UNAMIR expansion began, with the arrival of
206 new Ghanaian troops, bringing total UNAMIR personnel
to about 800.  We are making every effort to press for
deployment of the balance of the force as quickly as
possible, in anticipation of the eventual withdrawal of
Operation Turquoise.  We believe that, in contributing to
security and protection of threatened populations, UNAMIR
can serve an important role in deterring further violence
and encouraging the return of the hundreds  of thousands
of Rwandan refugees in Zaire and elsewhere in the
subregion.
 
We are following internal political developments closely
as the new government coalesces in Kigali.  We continue
to believe that Rwanda's best chance for lasting peace is
through establishment of a broadly based government and
administration that can foster a genuine national
reconciliation, consistent with the principles of power-
sharing embodied in the Arusha Peace Accord.  For this
reason, we have encouraged the RPF to follow a principle
of inclusiveness.  We are not asking Rwandans to accept
into their government those responsible for genocidal
acts or other atrocities; we believe only that the
government should be sufficiently broad in scope to allow
for representation of a range of regional, ethnic, and
political currents.  A government of this type would help
reassure the general population and  encourage a more
rapid return of refugees.
 
The prospect of incursions into Rwanda by troops of the
former rump government based in Zaire remains a concern.
We note that Zairian authorities disarmed many of these
troops upon entry into Zaire.  This effort is
commendable; more must be done in this area, both to
reduce the security threat to other refugees, Zairian
locals, and relief workers and to reduce the likelihood
of renewed fighting in Rwanda.
 
Finally, the United States is working with the
international community to ensure that the perpetrators
of genocide and other crimes against humanitarian law are
brought to justice.  We strongly supported convening a
special session of the UN Human Rights Commission, which
resulted in the appointment of a special rapporteur to
investigate human rights atrocities in Rwanda.  His
report, issued June 28, confirmed the widespread reports
of genocidal massacres and called for an international
tribunal to judge those responsible.  Following this
report, the United States co-sponsored a UN Security
Council resolution which establishes a commission of
experts to evaluate evidence of atrocities and recommend
appropriate next steps.  As the White House has said, we
hope that the UN would act swiftly--consistent with the
resolution establishing the commission--to then move to
create an international tribunal for Rwanda.
Establishing accountability will help Rwanda to break the
cycle of violence, close out this tragic chapter in their
history, and move to true reconciliation.
 
Burundi
 
In closing, I would like to say a few words about
Burundi.  The horrific events in Rwanda inevitably affect
its neighbor to the south, which shares a similar ethnic
make-up and has known great tragedy of its own.  Burundi
authorities and the Burundi people deserve great credit
for maintaining relative calm despite the catastrophic
events next door.  The Burundi leadership is engaged once
again in the delicate process of designating a president
to replace the late Ntaryamira who was killed in the
plane crash with Rwanda's president on April 6.  Our
ambassador in Bujumbura, Robert Krueger, has urged all
sides in the multi-party political discussions to show
flexibility and move to a prompt conclusion so that the
country can proceed with its democratic transition.
 
We will continue to assist Burundi on its path to
democracy and national reconciliation.  We have sent
high-level visitors to the country, most recently Mr.
Atwood, to show our support for Burundi's fragile nascent
democracy, and we are continuing our relief efforts
there.  We have also provided support to the 47-member
monitoring force that the OAU is in the process of
deploying in Burundi.  The UN High Commission for Human
Rights has developed a comprehensive plan for technical
human rights advisory services to Burundi, and we are
providing voluntary contributions to support that worthy
effort.  The plan is fully consistent with our own
democracy in governance program, in which U.S.
development funds are used to help build democratic
institutions as well as promote civic education and the
development of a pluralistic society.
 
We welcome the strong interest in Burundi by
international human rights organizations, which can work
with local human rights groups to promote tolerance and
help improve civil-military relations.  We continue to
support accountability for those responsible for the
attempted coup and murder of President Ndadaye last
October, and the ethnic killings that followed.  We
recognize that Burundi may need help in that effort, and
we stand ready to assist.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2D:
 
U.S. Assistance to Rwandan Refugees
Opening statement by President Clinton at a White House
briefing, Washington, DC, July 29, 1994
 
Good morning.  In the past week the United States has
taken significant steps to alleviate the problems in
Rwanda and the suffering--the terrible suffering--of the
refugees.  We have delivered more than 1,300 tons of
equipment, food, water, and medicine.  We have increased
safe water production and distribution from nothing to
100,000 gallons a day.
 
This relief effort is the most difficult and complex the
world has faced in decades.  I want to commend all those
in the field who are facing the frustrations and the
heroic challenges.
 
The United States must do more.  Today, I have requested
that Congress immediately provide $320 million in
emergency relief assistance.  I commend Chairman Obey,
Chairman Byrd, Senator Leahy, and their colleagues for
their swift action yesterday in support of the initial
$50 million of these funds.  If Congress approves the
balance of our request, this would bring total United
States assistance since April to almost half a billion
dollars.
 
To monitor our on-the-ground activities in the refugee
camps, I have asked Secretary Perry to visit the region
this weekend and to make an immediate report to me upon
his findings.  We are urgently reviewing whether to open
a new airfield in Kigali, Rwanda, to help deliver
supplies that are being held up because of the limited
airport capacity in Zaire.
 
Let me be clear about this.  Any deployment of United
States troops inside Rwanda would be for the immediate
and sole purpose of humanitarian relief--not for peace-
keeping.
 
The men and women of our armed forces have responded to
this tragedy with vigor and speed.  They have already met
the goals we set last week.  The Entebbe air hub is
operating around the clock.  The Goma Airport is capable
of operating 24 hours a day.  Transportation between
airfields and the refugee camps is vastly improved, and
as I noted, we are expanding water supplies as quickly as
we possibly can.
 
The United States is also working hard with the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to create
conditions that are necessary for the refugees to return
home to Rwanda.  Assistant Secretary of State George
Moose will be traveling to Kigali again this weekend to
continue his talks with the new leadership, and we are
hopeful that more refugees will be returning soon.  That
is the only solution ultimately to this humanitarian
tragedy.
 
Yesterday, I met with representatives of the world's
private relief organizations, whose employees and
volunteers have converged on the refugee camps.  The
American people should know about the remarkable skill
and compassion they bring to their work.  But they, too,
need more assistance to continue.  And I appeal to all
Americans to reach out in the form of private
contributions to these relief efforts so that more people
can be kept alive.
 
Working together with the international community--both
public and private--I believe we are making progress in
the battle against suffering and death on the borders of
Rwanda.  The United States will not cease its efforts
until the dying stops and the refugees have returned.
This is our mission; we must continue until it is
accomplished.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3:
 
U.S.-Ethiopia Relations:  Human Rights, Democracy, And
Economic Reform
George E. Moose, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, July 27, 1994
 
Mr. Chairman, members of the House Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on Africa:  Three years ago, the long
struggle of the Ethiopian people to overthrow the brutal
Marxist dictatorship of Col. Mengistu Hailemariam was
successfully concluded.  After Mengistu's flight from
Addis Ababa, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia
(TGE), with Meles Zenawi as president, took power.  The
United States Government helped to ensure that the change
of governments would occur with as little violence as
possible.  We also made clear--as stated by my
predecessor, Mr. Herman Cohen--that we were prepared to
work cooperatively with the TGE provided that we saw
continued progress in critical areas, especially
democratization and human rights.  In addition, we have
emphasized economic development and reform.  These
policies remain the basis of U.S. activities in Ethiopia.
 
We did not then, and do not now, expect miracles or
sudden transformations in these areas.  Ethiopia is,
after all, one of the oldest independent states in the
world.  For centuries it was governed by a monarchy often
founded on the dominance of a particular ethnic group.
The Ethiopian people, most of whom were and are small
farmers or pastoralists, had little say in their
government; and the greatest hope many of them had was to
be left alone.  The monarchy's fall in 1974 began a 17-
year period of escalating centralized control and terror
unprecedented in Ethiopia's history.  This campaign
corrupted or destroyed most of the institutions of civil
society and brought Ethiopia's fragile economy close to
ruin.  In addition, as the Mengistu regime crumbled,
Eritrea won its 30-year struggle for independence,
leaving Ethiopia landlocked.  These were the conditions
that the TGE faced when it came into office.
 
The TGE's tenure has presented some serious problems,
about which we have made our views clear both publicly
and privately.  There have also, however, been some
notable successes, and there is reason for hope in the
areas we have most emphasized:  democratization, economic
reform and development, and human rights.  U.S.
assistance and the general state of U.S.-Ethiopia
relations are also important.
 
Democratization
 
In its second election in recent decades, Ethiopia, on
June 5, chose most of the 547 members of the Constituent
Assembly, which will meet later this year to review and
ratify a permanent constitution.  Our principal concern
in this election--which was boycotted by a number of
opposition groups--was to see a reasonably level playing
field for candidates not affiliated with the governing
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)
and to help the National Electoral Board construct a
viable election management system.
 
Although the results were mixed, there was clear progress
over the seriously flawed regional elections in 1992.  Of
course, with the boycott, the expected outcome occurred:
EPRDF-affiliated parties won 442 of the 514 seats chosen
so far.  (The remainder will be elected later this month
and in August.)  This was not, however, a universal
sweep; non-EPRDF candidates took 10 of the 22 seats in
Addis Ababa, for example.
 
More importantly, there were notable procedural gains.
After fits and starts, non-government candidates had
access to government-controlled broadcast media for the
first time.  They could hold rallies and distribute
materials as well.  In assessing this process,
independent observers came to similar conclusions.  The
European Union said the June 5 elections were
"satisfactory from a technical point of view" and
represented "progress in the democratic development of
the country."  Assessments by observers from non-
governmental organizations--including the Ethiopian
Congress for Democracy (assisted by the National
Democratic Institute) and the International Foundation
for Electoral Systems (IFES)--generally agreed with this
view, which paralleled assessments by the U.S. Embassy in
Addis Ababa.
 
While evaluations of the June 5 elections noted
procedural gains, they also emphasized the need for
improvements.  Greater civic education on such issues as
ballot secrecy and more training of election personnel
are required.  Other technical improvements, such as a
simplified ballot form, are needed.  More substantially,
the TGE needs to make clearer to local officials and
party functionaries that harassment of non-EPRDF
candidates and of voters is wrong and will not be
tolerated.  Such incidents were particularly observed in
areas dominated by the EPRDF-affiliated Oromo People's
Democratic Organization (OPDO).  This group, which
originated among ex-soldiers in the Mengistu-era armed
forces, has had serious problems adapting to democratic
practices.  We have discussed this problem with the TGE
and will continue to press it.
 
Most importantly, serious attempts must be made to bring
boycotting groups back into the political process.  To
secure the widest participation, the TGE should redouble
its efforts to ensure that non-EPRDF candidates and
parties are able to organize and campaign freely and
without harassment.  For their part, groups that wish to
affect events in Ethiopia must realize that they need to
become involved in peaceful politics there, rather than
primarily in agitation abroad.  Neither exclusionary
attitudes by those in power, nor boycotts by those in
opposition, serve the cause of democratization.  We are
making these points with the TGE and others, and we will
reemphasize them in the run-up to national legislative
elections--expected to occur in the first half of next
year.
 
U.S. Assistance
 
I will defer detailed comment on assistance matters to my
colleague from the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID).  However, I wish to make one or two
general points on this issue.
 
Although USAID's overall program in Ethiopia, at about
$150 million for FY 1994, is relatively large, over $110
million of this sum is humanitarian assistance in the
form of food aid to cope with Ethiopia's food deficit of
over 1 million metric tons this year.  Most of the
remainder is assistance through the Development Fund for
Africa (DFA).  The major elements of DFA funding involve
basic education ($15 million), agriculture and private
market development ($11.5 million), and democracy and
governance ($2.5 million).  Most of these amounts are
conditioned on economic and human rights reforms being
undertaken; they are not handouts to the TGE.
 
Though substantial for Africa, these sums are small
relative to Ethiopia's size.  Projected FY 1995 DFA
funding, for example, is $3.00 per person in South Africa
and Mali, $2.00 in Ghana, $1.75 in Uganda, and $0.59 in
Ethiopia.
 
Human Rights
 
The human rights situation in Ethiopia is inherently
controversial--hard to measure exactly in an environment
where unbiased information is difficult to find, and
subject to distortion by various groups to further their
own purposes.  On this issue, the TGE's record over the
last three years is mixed, as the following points
suggest, but with hopeful aspects.
 
--  The TGE has issued some 200 press licenses, and
independent journals are more numerous in Ethiopia than
ever before.  At the same time, more than 40 journalists
have been arrested under a vague and restrictive press
law, of whom five have not yet been charged or released
on bail.
 
--  With U.S. encouragement, the TGE has closed detention
camps at Hurso and Didessa and released over 4,000 ethnic
Oromos captured since the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
"declared war" on the TGE in 1992.  The Special
Prosecutor's Office, however, has not yet begun charging
and trying some 2,500 persons accused of Mengistu-era
crimes, of whom about 1,400 are detained--some since
1991.  We understand that the Special Prosecutor expects
to begin charging people in September, with initial
trials beginning in October.
 
--   The courts are gaining authority and independence,
and rulings against the government are more common.  But
many suspects are kept long periods without charge, and
establishing the rule of law remains one of the TGE's
greatest challenges.  Like many other human rights
problems in Ethiopia, this issue relates directly to the
TGE's severe resource and capacity restraints--in this
case, the limited ability of the courts to process cases
quickly--at least as much as to any ill-will.  The U.S.
is making a major contribution to strengthening the legal
system and helping to bring to Ethiopia, for the first
time in its history, the rule of law.
 
It should be noted that the TGE faces something of an
internal security/human rights conundrum.  Groups such as
the OLF, the Medhin Party, the Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Party (an element of the Coalition of
Ethiopian Democratic Forces), Al-Ittihad in the Ogaden
area, and possibly even a covert wing of the All Amhara
People's Organization (AAPO) are engaged in armed
struggle against the TGE--in some cases avowedly.  Yet
these groups also contend through their political wings
that when their members are detained, they become
"prisoners of conscience."
 
The human rights situation is one of the major topics of
our ongoing discussions with the TGE at all levels.  It
has also been the subject of many of our public
statements over the last year.  Ambassador Baas dwelt
extensively on human rights concerns in press conferences
in December 1993 and April 1994, the Voice of America
broadcast an editorial on the question of press freedom
in April, and I commented on the issue in an interview
with the Ethiopian Review earlier this year.
 
In assessing the human rights situation, we should recall
that the TGE, for the first time in decades, has brought
general peace and stability to Ethiopia.  Though not
sufficient, these conditions are essential for progress
in many areas, including human rights.
 
From the difficult tangle of the human rights situation,
we conclude that we should maintain a critical attitude
within a context of general cooperation.  This does not
suggest unconcern about Ethiopia's human rights problems;
this issue will continue to be one of our most important
concerns in Ethiopia.  But it does suggest we continue to
hope for improvement and are willing to work with the TGE
to achieve it.
 
Economic Reform
 
In March, the World Bank acknowledged Ethiopia's progress
in improving allocation of foreign exchange, removing
many restraints on private investment, and shifting
expenditures from defense to social services.  A further
bright spot was the recent liberalization of the
financial services sector, as a result of which several
private banks and insurance companies plan to open for
business this year.  At the same time, however,
privatization has made little progress, and the TGE has
promulgated an urban land lease program that has greatly
discouraged private investment.  This policy deserves
serious reconsideration, which, in fact, is under way.
Instances of failure to compensate persons whose property
was seized under Mengistu are also troubling.  In this
area, as in others, the TGE's policies, though often
beneficial, need more work.
 
U.S.-Ethiopia Relations
 
The advent of the TGE in 1991 marked a major change in
the state of relationships between the U.S. and Ethiopia.
During the Mengistu period, relations had become so
embittered that we no longer maintained an ambassador in
Addis Ababa.  The TGE, however, has maintained a strongly
pro-Western foreign policy since its inception.  As a
result, good working relationships have been established
that have been of great value on numerous regional
concerns, including Sudan, Somalia, and Rwanda.
 
These relationships have also given the embassy excellent
access within the TGE, making it an effective advocate
for U.S. policy--including our efforts to promote U.S.
business.  The embassy was very active over the last
year, for example, on behalf of a U.S. bidder for a
contract to construct a major sugar factory in Ethiopia--
a contract the U.S. firm apparently will receive.  We can
also be effective on other issues, such as human rights
and democratization, through similar channels.
 
We recognize that Ethiopia will always be controversial,
and that the performance of any government under such
difficult conditions will be mixed.  We will continue to
support movement there toward improved observance of
human rights, democratization, and economic reform.  We
believe that this attitude--critical, but willing to
cooperate--will best serve U.S. goals, the Ethiopian
people, and the region.
 
(###)
 
 
 
4.  ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference
 
ARTICLE 4A:
 
Building a New Foundation for Peace, Prosperity, and
Democracy in the Asia-Pacific Region
Statement by Deputy Secretary Talbott at the Six-plus-
Seven Open Session of the ASEAN Post-Ministerial
Conference, Bangkok, Thailand, July 26, 1994.
 
It is a great honor for me to represent the United States
at the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference.  Secretary
Christopher regrets very much that he cannot be here, but
he looks forward to meeting again with many of you at the
UN General Assembly in September and again when he
accompanies President Clinton to Jakarta in November.
 
On behalf of the entire U.S. delegation--especially Joan
Spero, our Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs,
and Ambassador Winston Lord, our Assistant Secretary of
State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs--I would like to
thank His Majesty King Bhumibol, Prime Minister Chuan,
Foreign Minister Prasong, and the people of Thailand for
holding this event. We could not ask for more gracious
hosts.
 
Earlier this month, President Clinton called for a
renewal of the great post-World War II institutions of
global cooperation.  He asked the leaders of these
institutions to focus on "what we want the world to look
like 20 years from now, and what we must do to get
there."
 
Today, I would like to amplify the President's proposal
for expanding and strengthening the architecture of
international cooperation and to emphasize the U.S.
commitment to the work already underway in Asia to
develop new foundations for peace, prosperity, and
democracy in the region.  We see ASEAN to be at the heart
of these promising efforts.  Since its birth in 1967,
ASEAN has shown a capacity to evolve and expand to meet
changing needs and circumstances.  The range of issues
considered by ASEAN has grown to encompass almost all
areas of policy--from international refugees to drug-
trafficking to trade liberalization and transportation to
regional and international security.  Quite
appropriately, the range of participants in ASEAN forums
has grown as well.  The meeting of the ASEAN Regional
Forum yesterday was a historic event.  With a membership
expanded to include China, Laos, Papua New Guinea,
Russia, and Vietnam, yesterday's gathering was the
region's first broadly inclusive security dialogue.
 
My colleagues and I were extremely impressed by the depth
and scope of the discussion--impressed, but not
surprised, for I had a similar reaction to the ASEAN-U.S.
dialogue that took place in Washington this past May.
That earlier meeting grappled with a wide range of
economic and political issues, including "out-of-area"
subjects such as the Middle East and Bosnia.
 
This year in Washington, for the first time, the Trade
and Investment Coordinating Committee joined in the
dialogue.  As a result, many senior representatives from
the private sector--both from ASEAN and the U.S.--were
able to participate.  ASEAN's role in promoting
discussion and cooperation in both the public and private
sectors will be needed more and more as communities in
Asia--and throughout the world--become increasingly
interdependent.
 
As we approach the 21st century, we face a range of
problems that spill across national boundaries.  These
include population issues, the potential for the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, illicit
drug production and trafficking, the spread of AIDS and
other diseases, and environmental degradation.
Underlying these transnational problems is our need to
manage the global revolution in technology,
communications, and transportation in a manner that
supports economic growth.  While these new technologies
will help us cope with the problems I have just
mentioned, they will also stimulate great changes in our
societies and in our patterns of dealing with one
another. Whether we like it or not, currents of commerce,
technology, and culture are carrying us toward a common
destiny of economic integration.  If we continue, and
improve upon, our cooperative efforts in Asia and beyond,
we will be able to realize the benefits of prosperity and
social development for all our people.
 
Last July in Tokyo, President Clinton pledged that the
United States would work with our allies and friends to
create a "New Pacific Community" based on three shared
commitments:  to security, to economic growth, and to
democratic values.  In light of my President's recent
call for a renewal of our bilateral and multilateral
partnerships, I would like to assess with you the
progress we have made over the past 12 months in each of
these three areas, and then discuss where we might go
from here.
 
Security
 
The end of the Cold War has created historic
opportunities for reducing tensions.  Russia, seen until
recently as a leading threat to regional security in
Asia, is now on a reformist course, including in its
relations with other states.  This spring, my government
reached a historic agreement with Vietnam to establish
liaison offices in Hanoi and Washington, ensure the
fullest possible accounting of Americans missing in
action, and begin the process of broadening the
relationship between our two countries.
 
However, as President Clinton reaffirmed last July in
Seoul:  "We must always remember that security comes
first."  The United States will stand by its commitment
to security in the Pacific in peacetime, no less than it
did in the three wars in Asia in which Americans have
fought and died in this century.  Today, our five treaty
alliances--with Japan, Korea, Australia, Thailand, and
the Philippines--are the linchpins of that commitment.
Our forward-deployed military presence provides a strong
framework for addressing the region's most pressing
security concerns.
 
None of these security concerns is more urgent than North
Korea's nuclear program.  North Korea's refusal to accept
constraints on its nuclear program endangers South Korea,
Japan, and other nations in Northeast Asia.  It raises
the specter of a destabilizing nuclear arms race in the
region.  And it threatens the spread of nuclear materials
to outlaw regimes such as those in Iran and Iraq.  North
Korea's withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty would weaken one of the global structures most
necessary to counter proliferation.
 
Together with our treaty partners and the international
community, we have been working to promote North Korean
compliance with its non-proliferation obligations.  We
initiated a third round of discussions with North Korea
in Geneva to persuade it to remain in the Non-
Proliferation Treaty, to accept full-scope safeguards,
and to implement the North-South denuclearization
declaration.  We have agreed with North Korea to resume
the third round on August 5.
 
We will continue this patient diplomatic effort.  But if
North Korea seeks to use dialogue as a diversion, we are
prepared to move the issue back to the Security Council,
to pursue sanctions, and to take whatever steps
appropriate to resolve the issue.
 
North Korea's nuclear program highlights the wider threat
posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction.  The United States has led efforts to
conclude the Chemical Weapons Convention, to institute a
nuclear testing moratorium, to negotiate a comprehensive
test ban treaty, to achieve the indefinite and
unconditional extension of the NPT, and to negotiate a
cut-off in the production of fissile material for
weapons.
 
But fighting proliferation is no longer the sole
responsibility of a handful of powers.  Many countries in
Asia and elsewhere can produce the chemicals,
electronics, and other material sought by would-be
weapons states.  We call on Asian nations to play their
rightful role in joining and enforcing non-proliferation
regimes.  Conventional weapons can have a powerful
destabilizing effect as well. Therefore, the United
States looks forward to working closely with your
countries to build strong export control systems and
policies to prevent dangerous transfers to countries and
regions of concern.
 
Another security challenge we face is the need for
stronger tools for preventive diplomacy and peace-making.
The nations around this table, especially the member
states of ASEAN, have demonstrated their commitment to
help the Cambodian people end decades of violence and
take charge of their future.  Despite continuing
problems, Cambodia has made great strides in the last
year.  The free election last year and the establishment
of a coalition government give us hope that a lasting
peace is possible.  But Cambodians will be unable to
recover from the tragedies of their past without
sustained assistance.  All of our nations must stay
engaged in Cambodia, through the International Conference
on the Reconstruction of Cambodia, by supporting the
democratically elected government and by cutting off all
ties with the Khmer Rouge.
 
A looming security challenge in this region lies in the
South China Sea.  The United States takes no position on
the territorial claims, but we strongly oppose the use of
force to resolve them.  We support the efforts, led by
Indonesia, for peaceful settlement and the development of
resources.
 
In regard to the potential security problems of the
future, the creation of the ASEAN Regional Forum is a
promising development.  In the years to come, we believe
that this regional forum can play a historic role in
conveying intentions, easing suspicions, building
confidence, and, ultimately, averting conflicts.
 
Prosperity
 
Last November in Seattle, the leaders of the Asia-Pacific
communities, representing almost half the world's GNP,
made history by meeting to face a common challenge:  how
to sustain and promote the dynamism that has enabled
their economies to grow and their peoples to prosper.
The United States is committed to APEC as a catalyst for
economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, and we
continue to regard ASEAN as being at the core of APEC.
 
Cabinet-level meetings this year of APEC's finance,
trade, and environmental ministers are encouraging
examples of the extensive consultations that are
developing among APEC nations.  We applaud the progress
made under Indonesia's leadership and look forward to
this year's ministerial and leaders' meetings in
Indonesia.  Under President Soeharto's leadership, we
will strengthen APEC's mandate to liberalize trade and
investment, forge new linkages in vital sectors such as
telecommunications, and spur private sector activity
throughout the region.  APEC is a model for the kind of
regional organization that is needed in our global
economy.  Although APEC and NAFTA are very different in
composition and structure, they both serve to open up a
vast region's economy to the rest of the world.  For us,
that is, key regional groupings are a positive
development if they look outward and open doors rather
than look inward and build walls.
 
Of course, the greatest "opener" of all is GATT because
it is truly global.  The Seattle meeting of APEC helped
generate the final push needed to conclude the Uruguay
Round, a step that was, overwhelmingly, in the best
interest of us all.  We share an interest in opening
markets, stimulating growth, and creating jobs.  Now we
must meet our responsibilities as great trading nations
to approve the agreement this year.
 
Let me say, frankly, that moving the necessary
legislation for GATT through the U.S. Congress will not
be easy, but the Clinton Administration is fully
committed to doing so this year.  We understand that some
of you face similar difficulties.  It is important that
each of us succeeds in persuading our domestic
constituencies of the importance of establishing the new
World Trade Organization.  At the beginning of the post-
war period, our predecessors failed to ratify an
agreement to create an international trade organization.
We should not make the same mistake again.  The benefits
of the Uruguay Round for the Asia-Pacific region, for the
United States, and for the global economy must not be
deferred or denied.
 
The new World Trade Organization should work with other
international organizations, such as the ILO, to pursue
open markets and free trade. They need to address both
traditional business and new trade issues such as trade
and the environment, labor standards, competition policy,
and investment.  Working together, we must develop
common, cooperative, and multilateral approaches to these
issues.  Above all, we must ensure that our common
efforts promote open trade, growth, and social
development--not protectionism.
 
Democracy
 
If open markets and open sea lanes promote prosperity and
security in the Pacific, so, too, do open societies.  The
microchip and the modem, the fax machine and the
photocopier, international telephone and computer
networks are the lifeblood of modern business.  Economies
are stifled when citizens must fight the state to own and
use these machines.  Societies and political systems must
be open if they are to thrive.  Business people from
Singapore to San Francisco may speak different languages,
but they agree that enterprise thrives and prosperity
flows when ideas and information are exchanged freely.
They know the rule of law protects investment, just as a
free press helps keep corruption in check.
 
Democracy is a powerful resource in our common quest for
stability.  The historical record is clear:  Democracies
are less likely to squander the lives of their people in
wars of aggression; they are less likely to practice
terrorism or to peddle narcotics or to produce refugees.
 
In recent months, there has been much written that
highlights differences between East and West over human
rights.  While not denying that differences exist, I
think it is important for all of us to acknowledge where
we do agree.  All of us want to be treated with dignity
by our governments.  There is no cultural justification
for torture or tyranny.
 
It is against the backdrop of that basic truth that, two
years ago, the people of Thailand affirmed their desire
for democratic government and that last year, Cambodian
farmers and monks and former soldiers crossed mine fields
and defied election-day death threats--for one simple
reason:  to vote.  The people of Burma hope their regime
will restore democracy and release Aung San Suu Kyi.  We
share and support that hope.
 
The United States will promote political openness without
arrogance or apology.  We will do so with respect for
every nation's sovereignty and uniqueness, while
maintaining a firm commitment to universal values and
aspirations.
 
I thank you for hearing me out on these matters and
welcome the opportunity to listen to views on the range
of issues before us.  The institutions that will carry us
into the next century must be nurtured by consultation
and consensus, at meetings such as this one.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4B:
 
ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Communique
 
Following is the text of the communique of the 27th ASEAN
Ministerial,  Bangkok, Thailand, July 22-23, 1994.
 
1.  The twenty-seventh ASEAN Ministerial Meeting was held
in Bangkok from 22 to 23 July 1994.
 
Political and Security Cooperation
2.  The Foreign Ministers noted and welcomed ASEAN's
increasingly central role in fostering political and
security cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Asia-
Pacific, through initiatives such as the historic
inaugural meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) to be
held in Bangkok on 25 July 1994.  The ARF could become an
effective consultative Asia-Pacific forum for promoting
open dialogue on political and security cooperation in
the region.  In this context, ASEAN should work with its
ARF partners to bring about a more predictable and
constructive pattern of relations in the Asia-Pacific.
 
3.  The Foreign Ministers noted the significance of the
27th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM) as it was the first
time that the Foreign Ministers of all ten Southeast
Asian countries were present.  They hoped that relations
of ASEAN with the four other Southeast Asian states would
further intensify, and reiterated their commitment to
building a Southeast Asian community through common
membership in ASEAN.  They affirmed their readiness to
accept Vietnam as a member of ASEAN and instructed their
senior officials and the ASEAN Secretary General to
undertake early consultations with Vietnamese officials
concerning the appropriate modalities and arrangements.
 
4.  The Foreign Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to
ASEAN's principles and objectives on regional peace and
security, particularly those contained in the ASEAN
Declaration on the Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality
(ZOPFAN) of 1971, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in
Southeast Asia, as well as the concept of Southeast Asia
Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (SEANWFZ).  They reiterated
their determination to continue working towards the early
realization of such principles and objectives through the
effective implementation of ASEAN's "Programme of Action
for ZOPFAN."  They noted the growing recognition for the
Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia and
expressed their intent to facilitate association with the
treaty by non-regional states.  They also noted the
progress made in resolving legal and technical aspects of
the draft treaty on Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free
Zone (SEANWFZ).  They directed the ASEAN SOM Working
Group on ZOPFAN and SEANWFZ to expedite its work on these
issues.
 
5.  The Foreign Ministers noted with satisfaction that
ASEAN cooperation was also being fostered on a parallel
track, through the contribution, for example, of the
ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies
(ASEAN-ISIS), the workshop series on ASEAN-UN cooperation
in peace and preventative diplomacy, co-chaired by
Thailand and Singapore, and the informal meeting in
Manila (30-31 May 1994) of academicians and other
citizens from ASEAN and the four other Southeast Asian
countries resulting in their statement "Southeast Asia
Beyond the Year 2000:  A Statement of Vision."
 
International and Regional Issues
6.  The Foreign Ministers had a wide-ranging exchange of
views on the current international and regional
developments.  They noted the overall positive trends
toward political dialogue and cooperation in the Asia-
Pacific region.  They expressed concern over sources of
tension and conflict that persist in different parts of
the world.
 
7.  The Foreign Ministers reiterated their support for
the Royal Government of Cambodia, but noted concern that
peace and stability in Cambodia had not been fully
realized.  They condemned the recent attempt to overthrow
the legitimately elected government and also deplored the
recent proclamation by the Khmer Rouge of their so-called
"provisional government."
 
8.  The Foreign Ministers reaffirmed the principles
contained in the ASEAN Declaration on the South China Sea
and its positive contribution to a significant reduction
of tension in the region.  They expressed appreciation
that the on-going workshop series on managing potential
conflicts in the South China Sea, initiated by Indonesia,
had promoted confidence-building among the countries
directly concerned.  They noted that some countries
concerned were already having bilateral consultations.
They were convinced that, given the political will and
spirit of cooperation of all states concerned, peace and
stability in the region could be significantly enhanced.
 
9.  The Foreign Ministers exchanged views on political
and security developments in Northeast Asia and looked
forward to the early convening of the inter-Korean summit
and the resumption of the high-level talks between the
United States and the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea.
 
10.  The Foreign Ministers expressed their support for
the latest peace proposal made by the contact group
comprising representatives of the United Nations, the
European Union, the United States, and the Russian
Federation, which emphasized the preservation of the
unity and integrity of the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina as
a single state within the internationally recognized
borders.  They called upon all concerned to support the
peace proposal.  They also called for the lifting of the
arms embargo against Bosnia-Herzegovina in the light of
the rejection by the Serbs of the peace proposal.
 
11.  The Foreign Ministers welcomed the Declaration of
Principles on interim self-government arrangements of 13
September 1993 and the Cairo Agreement of 4 May 1994
between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation
Organization (PLO).  They urged the international
community to provide the Palestinian authority with the
necessary financial resources for the successful
implementation of the agreements.  They also urged Israel
and the other parties directly involved in the Middle
East question to intensify their engagement in the peace
process to achieve an expeditious, just, and peaceful
settlement.
 
12.  The Foreign Ministers expressed their deep concern
over the tragic events in Rwanda.  They called on all
sides to respect and support the UN peace efforts.  They
called upon the international community to provide
humanitarian assistance to alleviate the sufferings of
the Rwandans and to address the grave problems caused by
the massive influx of refugees to neighbouring countries.
 
13.  The Foreign Ministers welcomed the historic victory
of the South African people over apartheid and the
establishment of  a non-racial and democratically-elected
government in that country.  They looked forward to
strengthening and promoting closer political and economic
ties with the new government of South Africa.
 
14.  The Foreign Ministers noted with satisfaction the
successful outcome of the eleventh ministerial conference
of the Nonaligned Movement (NAM) held in Cairo from 30
May to 3 June 1994.  They welcomed the Cairo Declaration,
which calls upon the member countries of NAM to closely
coordinate their positions on various global issues, to
further strengthen south-south cooperation, and to pursue
the renewal of north-south dialogue for strengthening
international economic cooperation for development
through partnership on the basis of common interest,
common benefit, genuine interdependence, and shared
responsibility.
 
International Economic Issues
15.  The Foreign Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to
the objectives of promoting trade liberalization to
sustain world economic growth.  They strongly urged the
major developed countries to take the necessary steps to
ratify the agreement establishing the World Trade
Organization by the target date of 1 January 1995 and to
implement the Uruguay Round results in accordance with
the agreed rules.
 
16.  The Foreign Ministers expressed serious concern that
the linkage of worker rights, labour standards, and
environmental issues to trade could become a new pretext
for protectionism and could undermine the progress
achieved so far in the liberalization of world trade.
While stressing the importance of uplifting social
conditions, they maintained that these issues are more
appropriately addressed by other competent international
bodies such as the International Labour Organization
(ILO).
 
17.  The Ministers reaffirmed their strong support for
Singapore's offer to host the first ministerial review
conference of the WTO and Thailand's bid for the
chairmanship for the WTO's Committee on Agriculture.
 
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
18.  The Foreign Ministers welcomed the efforts of APEC
in promoting greater economic cooperation and trade
liberalization and emphasized the need to take into
account the different levels of economic development
among APEC member economies to sustain healthy economic
growth in the Asia-Pacific region.  They urged that
greater attention should be given to the promotion of
human resource development and the transfer of technology
and management skills, the enhancement of the role of the
private/business sector, the development of
infrastructure and particularly, the implementation of
the APEC business volunteer programme and the
establishment of an APEC Centre for Technology and
Training for small and medium enterprises in the
Philippines.  They expressed support for Indonesia as the
host of the sixth APEC ministerial meeting and the APEC
economic leader's informal meeting in November 1994.
 
East Asia Economic Caucus
19.  The Foreign Ministers noted the progress made in the
consultations to launch the East Asia economic caucus
with potential members and welcomed their valuable inputs
and suggestions.  The Ministers agreed that these
consultations should continue.
 
ASEAN Free Trade Area
20.  The Foreign Ministers expressed satisfaction at the
progress of the implementation of the Common Effective
Preferential Tariff scheme (CEPT) for AFTA.  They were
particularly gratified to note that all member countries
had begun implementing the tariff reduction programme in
1994. The Foreign Ministers expressed confidence that the
CEPT would enhance the competitiveness of ASEAN as an
international production base and encourage the inflow of
foreign direct investments into the region.  Noting the
changing world economic environment after the conclusion
of the Uruguay Round, the Foreign Ministers expressed
their full support for a rapid actualization of AFTA to
maintain its economic relevance and its attractiveness to
foreign investors.  The Ministers agreed that AFTA's
linkages with other regional trading arrangements as a
means to complement efforts at further promoting
multilateral trade liberalization merit serious
consideration.
 
Other Areas of Economic Cooperation
21.  The Foreign Ministers reiterated the need to enhance
cooperation in other economic areas such as minerals and
energy, finance and banking, transportation and
communication, tourism promotion, and industry consistent
with the framework agreement on enhancing ASEAN economic
cooperation adopted by the fourth ASEAN summit.
 
Functional Cooperation
22.  The Foreign Ministers expressed satisfaction at the
competition of action plans in science and technology,
environment, culture and information, social development,
and drugs and narcotics control which would serve to
focus ASEAN functional cooperation on areas of priority
importance to ASEAN.  The Foreign Ministers emphasized
the need to pursue the strategies contained in the plan
of action on science and technology in order to assist
the region in coping with the challenges of global
competition and as a means for continuing economic
prosperity.
 
23.  As part of ongoing regional efforts to implement
Agenda 21, the Foreign Ministers welcomed the declaration
of Year 1995 as the ASEAN environment year by the ASEAN
ministers on the environment and the adoption of a set of
ASEAN harmonized environment quality standards.
 
24.  The Foreign Ministers expressed grave concern
underlined by the ASEAN labour ministers that attempts by
some developed countries to introduce social clauses into
international trade agreements would restrict market
access and adversely affect the employment opportunities
of workers in developing countries.  They urged the ILO
to support flexible and fair implementation of labour
standards considering the needs of developing countries.
 
25.  The Foreign Ministers welcomed the resolution on the
ASEAN plan of action for children adopted by the ASEAN
ministers responsible for social welfare which provides
the framework for regional cooperation and collaboration
for the survival, protection, and development of children
in the ASEAN region.  They also endorsed the joint
declaration adopted by the ASEAN ministers responsible
for information.
 
ASEAN Fund
26.  The Foreign Ministers signed the new agreement for
the establishment of a fund for ASEAN which would provide
a catalytic resource to pursue regional initiatives
within the framework of ASEAN summit decisions.
 
ASEAN Flag
27.  The Foreign Ministers adopted the ASEAN flag as a
symbol of ASEAN cooperation and solidarity in promoting
the common aspirations of member countries for peace and
prosperity in the region.
 
External Relations--Cooperation With  Dialogue Partners
28.  The Foreign Ministers reaffirmed the importance of
ASEAN's relations with its dialogue partners in forging a
better understanding on issues of common interest.  They
reiterated the concern over measures that restrict market
access of ASEAN exports.  In this regard, the ministers
called upon the dialogue partners to be more forthcoming
in responding positively to ASEAN's needs to foster a
more meaningful partnership.
 
29.  The Foreign Ministers reaffirmed the importance of
development cooperation in contributing to ASEAN's
economic growth and development.  They expressed
appreciation for the assistance provided by the dialogue
partners in the implementation of various development
projects.  They noted that in recent years, development
assistance has been used to promote economic and
commercial objectives, especially in programmes and
projects implemented by the private sector.  They
expressed the hope that dialogue partners and ASEAN would
continue to work together to define the objectives of
their development assistance in order to promote more
effective utilization of resources committed under the
development programmes with ASEAN.
 
Cooperation With Non-Dialogue Partners
30.  The Foreign Ministers expressed satisfaction at the
progress made in the ASEAN relations with India and
China.  They noted the on-going process to formulate
appropriate modalities for the ASEAN relations with
Russia and Pakistan.  The Ministers agreed on various
modalities to enhance cooperation with regional groupings
such as the Gulf Cooperation Council.
 
Laos and Vietnam
31.  The Foreign Ministers noted with satisfaction the
increasing cooperation between ASEAN and Laos and Vietnam
and encouraged them to increase their participation in
ASEAN meetings and cooperation programmes.  They believed
that increased participation in and greater familiarity
with ASEAN would facilitate Laos and Vietnam in their
preparations for eventual membership in ASEAN.
 
Fifth ASEAN Summit
32.  The Foreign Ministers agreed to recommend to the
heads of government that the fifth ASEAN summit be held
in Thailand in the second week of December 1995.
 
(###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4C:
 
The Vital Role of U.S. Business in the Asia-Pacific
Region
Remarks by Under Secretary Spero to the American Chamber
of Commerce, Bangkok, Thailand, July 27, 1994.
 
It is a pleasure to be here and to have the opportunity
not only to talk to you but, I hope, to hear from you.  I
gather that you are all aware that Secretary Christopher
had planned to be with you here today but that very
dramatic developments in the Middle East required his
presence in Washington.  I know that I speak for the
Secretary when I emphasize how much we at the State
Department welcome the chance to meet with American
business people at home and around the world--and coming
as I do from business, it is a very special pleasure and,
for me, a very special opportunity to have a chance to
meet with you.  So, thank you for your invitation.
 
You and your colleagues play a vital role in deepening
our engagement in the Asia-Pacific region.  You create
the export opportunities for American companies and the
jobs for American workers.  You find the niches.  You
crack the markets.  Already, almost 40% of total U.S.
trade is with the Asian economies.  An estimated 21/2
million American jobs are directly tied to this trade.
Collectively, the ASEAN nations constitute our fourth-
largest trading partner.  So this is a very important
area for us.
 
During the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference, Deputy
Secretary Talbott underscored our resolve to work with
our allies and friends to build what President Clinton
calls a New Pacific Community.  That community is based
on shared security, shared prosperity, and a shared
commitment to democratic values.  The ASEAN Post-
Ministerial Conference, the new ASEAN Regional Forum, and
APEC reflect the trend toward cooperation and integration
that points to a very bright Pacific future.
 
The United States has an enormous stake in the security
and in the prosperity of this region; our trade and
investment presence is essential to both.  We know that
security in the post-Cold War era depends as much on
strong economies as it does on strong arsenals.  That is
why we have put economic issues at the heart of our
foreign policy.
 
President Clinton is carrying out the most important and
far-reaching international economic agenda of any
President since Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman.
Over the last 18 months, we have renewed our credibility
as a leader of the global economy with a tough program to
cut the deficit by $500 billion over the next five years.
The fundamentals of the American economy--investment
growth, productivity, and, most important, job creation--
are strong.  We have given new energy and momentum to
global trade liberalization, with the path-breaking APEC
meetings in Seattle last fall, with NAFTA, and with the
successful completion of the GATT Uruguay Round.
President Clinton is working with Congress to implement
that round so it can take effect on January 1.  By
cutting tariffs and lowering barriers, the agreement will
be a boon to the dynamic economies of this region and to
Asia-Pacific trade.
 
Thailand and the other ASEAN nations played an important
role in setting the agenda for the Uruguay Round and in
pushing the negotiations to a successful conclusion.
Now, we must cooperate to sustain the momentum for
further economic liberalization.  APEC's success in
forging common standards in vital sectors like
telecommunications and transportation deepens the
integration and enhances trade and investment.  We are
looking forward to the meetings of APEC ministers and
leaders, which are going to be hosted by Indonesia in
November, where we can advance the goal of free trade in
the region and make important progress toward a regional
investment framework.
 
We are also looking ahead to new trade and investment
issues.  The new World Trade Organization should work
with other international organizations, like the ILO, to
pursue open markets and free trade.  They need to address
both traditional barriers and new trade issues, such as
trade and the environment, the relationship between trade
and labor standards, competition policy, and investment.
Working together, we must develop cooperative and
multilateral approaches to these problems.  We must
ensure that our efforts promote open trade, growth, and
social development, not protectionism.
 
As trade and investment expand, Asia-Pacific nations are
fortifying their regional ties.  Economic
interdependence, modern transportation, and satellite
communication are uniting a region which is defined as
much by its diversity as by its expanse.
 
The private sector--you in this room--both create and
take advantage of these new markets, and you have done so
very successfully in Thailand.  Trade between the United
States and Thailand surpassed $12 billion last year, and
the United States remains Thailand's greatest export
market by a large and growing margin.
 
You, in turn, can depend on us to ensure that America's
fair and open commercial environment is reciprocated by
our trading partners around the world.  We at the State
Department are intensively involved in this effort.
Secretary Christopher has said that he and every officer
at the Department of State sit behind what he calls the
"America Desk."  And what I have been hearing this
morning is that Ambassador Lambertson sits squarely
behind that desk as well.  We will work with our trading
partners to remove the barriers and resolve the problems
that impede U.S. firms' ability to do business in foreign
markets.  We will act as strong advocates for your
interests.  We will ensure that the perspective of U.S.
business is fully reflected in U.S. foreign policy.
 
We are working in all these areas in Thailand, and there
have been some important and highly positive
developments.  Over the last year, as you well know, the
Thai Government has made significant progress toward
strengthening intellectual property rights protection
here in Thailand, demonstrating its determination to
reconcile Thailand's intellectual property rights regime
with international standards.  Thailand's firm
enforcement action and its commitment to pass copyright
legislation led U.S. Trade Representative Kantor to
remove Thailand from the special 301 Priority Foreign
Country list last September.  We look forward to the
final passage of the copyright law, something I have been
talking to officials here about during my visit.  We hope
it will give American investors and exporters even
greater confidence in the Thai business environment.  In
another encouraging development, the Thai Government has
equalized the tax rates on land vehicles, paving the way
for Chrysler-Jeep- Cherokee to set up a long-planned
assembly operation to serve both the Thai and regional
markets.
 
Now, of course, as I have been hearing this morning, we
have not solved all our problems in Thailand.  We know we
need to keep pressing for a bilateral tax treaty, and we
will.  We also must continue to keep before the Thai
Government the need to maintain the Treaty of Amity and
Economic Relations.  You can be assured that we will do
just that.
 
We want to listen to and work closely with you in the
business community.  Just a year ago, at the time of the
last ASEAN PMC meeting, Secretary Christopher spoke
before the American Business Council in Singapore.  High
on the list of issues the U.S. businesses raised was the
problem of illicit payments and the need for a
multilateral approach to the problem.  I can tell you
that as a direct result of that meeting and of that
appeal from the U.S. business community, the United
States has led the fight against the bribery of foreign
officials in international business transactions.
 
In response to an initiative that Secretary Christopher
launched last October, the member nations of the OECD
committed themselves to take "concrete and meaningful"
steps to stop illicit payments by their firms.  Now, we
hold no illusions that this agreement will immediately
level the playing field for American companies in this
region and around the world.  But we are determined to
work through the OECD and to maintain pressure on our
trading competitors to combat these illicit practices.
 
Another issue raised in the Singapore meeting last year
was our policy toward Vietnam.  Since that meeting,
President Clinton has lifted the trade embargo and agreed
to establish liaison offices in Vietnam.  As you know,
our paramount goal in Vietnam is to resolve any remaining
POW/MIA cases and to end the uncertainty that has plagued
American families too long.  President Clinton was
convinced that re-establishing relations with Vietnam
offered the best way to meet these aims.  We think our
engagement will encourage Vietnam to provide a full
accounting of our MIAs, to respect the rights of its
citizens, and to be a responsible partner for regional
security and cooperation.  Further steps in our bilateral
relations depend on additional progress on the POW/MIA
issues.
 
My guess is that today there is another policy issue that
you might be concerned about, and that is, where is the
Administration's human rights policy taking us?  So let
me tell you a little bit about how we see human rights in
Asia.  Support for human rights has long been a priority
of U.S. foreign policy, and it is a high priority of the
Clinton Administration foreign policy as well.  We
recognize diversity in the region, but we also believe
that human rights are universal.  We believe the
aspiration for political freedom--to have a voice in
one's own destiny--is no more unique to the West than is
economic development.  We in the government and in the
business community should not be defensive in support of
these values.  The economic growth and development that
is sweeping the region have led the people of Asia
themselves to seek these freedoms.
 
Thailand's elections of 1992--when the Thai people
reaffirmed their desire for democratic government--are a
prime example.  Last year, Cambodian farmers, monks, and
former soldiers crossed mine fields and defied election-
day death threats--all in order to vote.  The people of
Burma hope that their regime will restore democracy and
release Aung San Suu Kyi.
 
As business representatives, you know that open societies
promote prosperity.  Business people may speak different
languages, but they all agree that enterprise thrives and
prosperity flows when ideas and information are exchanged
freely.  You know that the rule of law protects
investment and that regulatory transparency and a free
press keep corruption in check.  As we strive to promote
stability and prosperity worldwide, open societies are no
less critical than open markets.  Working with our
partners, the U.S. will continue to promote human rights
and democracy.   We will do so without arrogance and with
respect for each nation's uniqueness but also with a firm
commitment for universal aspirations.
 
As someone who was in business myself and who represented
American business abroad, I personally have always felt
that the American business community incorporates and
represents the fundamental values of American society.
We respect the law.  We do not bribe.  We honor
intellectual and other property rights.  We treat our
employees with respect, fairness, and dignity.  We do not
use child or slave labor.  We do not sell unsafe or toxic
products.  We expect to sell goods and services on the
basis of superior quality, application, and marketing--
Yankee ingenuity, if you will.
 
These are our ideals.  They are universally respected.
And we have a responsibility to support efforts to raise
the playing field even as we work to level it.
 
I am here today not just to tell you what we are doing or
how we are thinking, but also to listen to you.  When I
was in the private sector, I learned that the first
lesson of total quality management is "Listen to the
customer."  The Department of State depends on your
insights and advice.  Under Secretary Christopher's
leadership, we are committed to mobilizing the resources
of the Department to support American companies and
workers around the world.  We value your knowledge and
expertise not just in the commercial arena, but in the
overall promotion of America's interests.  And we will do
our best to make sure that your voice is heard.
 
(###)
 
 
[END OF DISPATCH VOL 5, NO 32]

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