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U.S. Department of State Dispatch
Volume 5, Number 31, August 1, 1994
Published by the Bureau of Public Affairs
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
 
1.  President Clinton Visits Europe--President
Clinton, Latvian President Ulmanis, German
Chancellor Kohl, White House Fact Sheets
2.  The Importance of American Engagement--
Secretary Christopher
3.  Proposal for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina--
Secretary Christopher
4.  National Security Strategy Report Released-
-President Clinton, White House Fact Sheet
5.  Responding Further To the Plight of Rwandan
Refugees--Brian
6.  Meeting with Panamanian President-elect
Perez Balladares
7.  What's in Print:  Foreign Relations of the
United States
8.  New Ambassadors
 
 
 
Article 1:
 
President Clinton Visits Europe
President Clinton made state visits to the
European capitals of Riga, Latvia, Warsaw,
Poland, and Berlin, Germany, July 6-12, 1994.
Following are remarks and addresses made by the
President and other heads of state and fact
sheets released by the White House.
 
RIGA, LATVIA
JULY  6, 1994
 
Presidents Ulmanis and Clinton
Remarks at the welcoming ceremony, Freedom
Monument.
 
President Ulmanis.  Mr. President,  Mrs.
Clinton, President Meri, President Brazauskas,
honored guests, and all those gathered here and
who can see or hear me:  This is a great
moment.  For the first time in the history of
the Baltic states, it's the first time in
Latvia's 76-year existence an American
President is on our soil.
 
In the name of the people of Latvia, Lithuania,
and Estonia, I welcome you, Mr. President, to
Riga.  This day will take its place in history
and in the hearts of many, not only as an
(inaudible) but also as a symbol of your
country's support for Latvian, Lithuanian, and
Estonian freedom and independence.  For your
speech you have chosen the appropriate site--
our homeland and freedom symbol that rises
above our heads and which is understood by all.
 
Whether in a small or a large country, freedom
is equally cherished by all.  This monument has
not been raised in honor of a special hero or
to commemorate a special event.  Through
individual contributions, it has been chiseled
out of respect and commemoration to freedom in
order to live, in order to exist, and in order
that we can look to the future in hope.
 
The loss of the Baltic states' independence as
a result of (inaudible) prompted an invitation
to action to the League of Nations of which
Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia were members.
Mr. President, we are convinced--and our
conviction is strengthened by this shared
moment with you--that nothing like that will
happen again.  We hope and await that in the
next months foreign troops will leave Estonia
and Latvia--which were never invited and whose
presence can be interpreted as a fact of
occupation.
 
The most beautiful flowers have been brought
here to the monument to commemorate the memory
of countless victims whose lives have been
trampled by foreign powers.  The Latvian people
whose ancestors lived here by the Baltic Sea
for 4,000 years is one of the few European
nations that, as a result of genocide, has
shrunk in numbers since the turn of the last
century.  A similar fate holds true for the
Estonians and Lithuanians.  The objectives of
Baltic States are clear:  Our path leads in a
direction of democracy and free markets.
 
To rejoin the family of independent states is a
difficult and complicated responsibility.
Lacking in experience, we may not use all the
available opportunities, and, occasionally, we
make mistakes.  In working to renew our
independence and our democratic institutions,
our strength is sapped by lies and hateful
propaganda.  In these moments, it is worthwhile
to remember what we were taught at school--that
the use of force is not a just argument,
irrespective of what hides behind the mask.
 
Mr. President, the Latvian, Lithuanian, and
Estonian people express their appreciation to
the United States of America for expanding
support--unending support and trust in the
Baltic states.  We will in the future, as now,
rely on America's democratic traditions and its
country- men's characteristic love of freedom.
We are convinced that on American maps the
Baltic states are fixed in perpetuity.  We
strongly believe that, like your and our
children, they will have a place in the world
which we jointly need to create as a better and
just place.
 
We do not doubt, Mr. President, that this trip
will bring you and the American people closer
to the Baltic States.  I hope that America will
not forget what happened to us during the mid-
course of this century.  The suffering of
people and their victimization should not have
been for nothing but should be a historic
lesson.  This is also chiseled in this
monument, which invites us to work for a better
future keeping to the stars above us.
 
God bless Latvia. God bless Lithuania and
Estonia.  God bless America.  And, now, the
President of the USA, William Clinton, will
address you.  Thank you.
 
 
President Clinton.  Today we celebrate a moment
of renewal.  Today we remember your courage.
Today we rejoice; for one force rules in
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, and that force
is freedom.  Thank you, President Ulmanis, for
your gracious words
and your warm welcome to this beautiful
capital.  And my thanks, also, to President
Meri and President Brazauskas for your
contribution to this historic event.
 
To the people of these lands, to those gathered
in this square, to those listening or watching
from afar, to all who have kept the faith, I am
deeply honored to stand before you--the first
President of the United States to set foot on
free Baltic soil.
 
Today we remember--we remember an August day
just five years ago when the peoples of your
nation joined hands in common cause from
Tallinn to Vilnius.  A million strong, you
reached across the boundaries of fear.  And
here in this Square, sheltered by the Freedom
Monument, that human chain found its center.
You showed the peoples of the world the power
of the Baltic way.  Now, today, I stand with
you here.  And on behalf of all Americans, I
proudly take a place in that unbroken chain for
freedom.
 
The chain stretches back to your grandparents
exiled to the wastelands of Siberia, many never
to return; back to your fathers, men who took
to the forests to resist the occupying troops;
and to you, who took up their cause, stood
vigil over the bonfires of liberty, and sang
the songs of independence; and to those in all
generations who gave their very lives for
freedom.  [The President speaks in Latvian.]
Freedom!
 
No matter what the language, it is the link
that unites the peoples of our nations:
Estonian, Lithuanian, Latvian, and American, no
matter the century, no matter the invader.  You
have proved that freedom never dies when it
lives in the hearts of men and women.  You have
taught us to never give up.  You have inspired
the world.  And America has kept faith with
you.
 
For 50 years we refused to recognize the
occupation of your nation.  Your flag flew in
our capital.  Many of your countrymen and women
sought refuge on our shores.  Now some have
returned to serve their homelands, while others
remain to keep your spirit alive all across
America.  The chain that binds our nations is
unbreakable.  We marvel at your strength and
your reborn independence.  But we know, also,
that many of you face hardship and uncertainty
in your daily lives, for the path of reform is
not always smooth.  Yet America calls on you to
hold fast to that path,  to seize this moment
of renewal, to redeem the struggles of your
ancestors, to extend the chain of freedom so
that it reaches across generations to your
children and beyond.
 
And as you return to Europe's fold, we will
stand with you.  We will help you.  We will
help you to restore your land, to bring new
markets to light, to find prosperity for all
your people.  And we will rejoice with you when
the last of the foreign troops vanish from your
homelands.  We will be partners for peace.  Our
soldiers, the new Baltic battalion among them,
will join together to bring security to a new
Europe.  We will be partners so that your
nation can be forever free.
 
I come from a nation of people drawn from all
around the world.  A nation of many, many
peoples who once were bitter enemies but who
now live together as friends.  In your
homeland, as in America, there will always live
among you people of different backgrounds.
Today I appeal to you to summon what my
nation's greatest healer, Abraham Lincoln,
called "the better angels of our nature," to
never deny to others the justice and equality
you fought so hard for and earned for
yourselves.  For freedom without tolerance is
freedom unfulfilled.
 
The shining figure of liberty stands guard here
today, and the spirit of your peoples fills the
air and brings joy to our hearts.  We hear the
songs of freedom that have echoed across the
centuries.  We see the flames that lit your way
to independence.  We feel the courage that will
keep the chain of freedom alive.  May the
memories of this day linger.  May the spirit of
the Baltic souls soar.  May the strong sense of
freedom never fade.  So, in the name of the
free people of the United States of America, I
say to the free people of the Baltic nations:
Let freedom ring.  Vabadus!  Laisves!  Briviba!
Freedom!
 
 
WARSAW, POLAND
JULY 7, 1994
 
President Clinton
Address to the Polish Parliament.
 
Thank you very much.  Mr. President, Mr. Prime
Minister, Marshal Oleksy, Mr. Speakers, and
representatives of the people of Poland:  I am
honored to stand before you today in this
chamber, at the heart of Poland's democracy.  I
know that you have extended your session in
order to hear me today, and I am very grateful
for your hospitality.
 
We gather today to honor a friendship that is
as old as my nation.  And we honor ties that
grow stronger every day.  We admire the
contributions that Polish Americans, millions
of them, have made and are making to our
nation's strength, and we celebrate the
cultural ties that bind our peoples.  But at
this moment of decision in history, in this
time of renewal for Poland and for the United
States, Poland has come to mean something even
greater, for your success is crucial to
democracy's future in Central and Eastern
Europe, and, indeed, all across the globe.
 
It has been said that if it were not for the
people of Poland, democracy might have perished
on the continent of Europe a half-century ago.
For it was the Polish mathematicians from the
laboratories of Poznan who broke the secrets of
the Enigma Code--what Winston Churchill called
the most important weapon against Hitler and
his armies.  It was these code-breakers who
made possible the great Allied landings at
Normandy, when American, English, French,
Canadian, and, yes, free Polish forces joined
together to liberate this continent--to destroy
one terrible tyranny that darkened our century.
 
Yet, alone among the great Allied armies that
fought in Normandy, the Poles did not return to
a liberated land.  Your fathers, instead,
returned to a nation that had been laid waste
by its invaders.  Then one would-be conqueror
gave way to another, and an Iron Curtain fell
across your borders--a second foreign tyranny
gripped your people and your land.
 
It was here in Poland that all those who
believe communism could not stand first found
their hopes fulfilled; here that you began to
hammer on the Iron Curtain and force the first
signs of rust to appear; here that brave men
and women, workers, and citizens, led by
Solidarnosc, understood that neither
consciousness nor economics can be ordered from
above; here that you showed the peoples of
Central and Eastern Europe that, with hearts
and hands alone, democracy could triumph.
 
But I come here today not simply to recall the
events of 50 years past, or even to rejoice at
those of five years ago; for others have done
that and done it very well.  Instead, I come to
the heart of a new, democratic Central Europe
to look ahead; to speak of how we can reverse
the legacies of stagnation and oppression, of
fear, and of division; how we can eradicate the
artificial lines through Europe's heartland
imposed by a half-century of division; and how
we can help chart a course toward an integrated
Europe of sovereign free nations.
 
The challenges our generation faces are
different from those our parents faced.  They
are problems that, in many cases, lack pressing
drama.  They require quiet and careful
solutions.  They will not yield easily.  And if
we meet them well, our reward will not be
stunning moments of glory but gradual and real
improvement in the lives of our people.
 
We must find the will to unite around these
opportunities for peace as previous generations
have united against war's life-or-death threats
and oppression's fatal grip.  To the courage
that enables men and women to drop behind enemy
lines, face down rumbling tanks, or advance
freedom's cause underground, we must add a new
civil courage--the energy and optimism and
patience to move forward through peaceful but
hard and rapidly changing times.
 
Our course must be guided by three principles--
supporting democracy, advancing free markets,
and meeting new security challenges.  A half-
century after our fathers beat tyranny into
submission, and a half-decade after the Soviet
empire collapsed, the voices of violence and
militant nationalism can once again be heard.
Would-be dictators and fiery demagogues live
among us in the East and in the West, promoting
ethnic and racial hatred, promoting religious
divisions, anti-Semitism, and aggressive
nationalism.  To be sure, they are weak
imitators of Hitler and Stalin, yet we dare not
underestimate the danger they pose.  For they
feed on fear, despair, and confusion.  They
darken our road and challenge our achievements.
 
In this fight, democracy remains our
indispensable ally.  For democracy checks the
ambitions of would-be tyrants and aggressors.
It nurtures civil society and respect for human
rights and the habits of simple tolerance.  Its
progress is slow and uneven and, as you
doubtless know in this chamber, occasionally
frustrating.  But it cements economic reforms
and security cooperation.  And it offers once-
captive peoples the opportunity to shape their
own future.
 
Five years ago, your nation seized that
opportunity.  Discarding dictatorship and a
failed command economy that was imposed upon
your nation, you stepped into the unknown and
started to build a free market economy.
Doubters said that it couldn't be done, but the
Polish people have proved those naysayers
wrong.  Poland's reforms are working.  You are
beginning to win the struggle for economic
transformation.  You have ended hyperinflation,
stabilized your currency, privatized
enterprises that drive growth, and doubled your
exports.  You have proved that free people need
not wait for the state to tell them what to do.
You have demonstrated an entrepreneurial talent
that generates one of Europe's highest growth
rates.
 
But we must be sober and honest in our
judgment.  When you began this process, the old
communist economic system was already
collapsing.  You knew then your journey would
be difficult, at best.  And although many Poles
are prospering today, many others have lost
their jobs through no fault of their own, and
their hardships abound.  In a time like this,
it is easy to focus on that pain--not on the
promise of reform.
 
My message today to the people of Poland and to
all the people of Central and Eastern Europe is
simple and direct:  Free markets and democracy
remain the only proven path to prosperity and
to peace.  You must hold hard to those tracks.
Sustain the civil courage that has brought you
so far so fast and do not give up or turn back.
You will not be alone.
 
The United States has stood with you since you
began to build a modern economy, and we stand
with you now.  America is the number-one
investor in Poland, with $1.2 billion already
in place and much more on the way.  The
American people are proud to have supported
Poland as you have put tens of thousands of
your people to work, created thousands of new
enterprises, and begun to free your economy
from its inherited burden of debt.
 
Today we are announcing new initiatives that
will pump hundreds of millions of dollars into
the Polish economy.  For example, our
government, along with some of our nation's
largest labor unions, has established a $65-
million Polish Partners Fund to promote new
investments in business.  We are also working
to quicken the speed of privatization, to
assist people in finding new jobs and housing,
and to help protect your citizens from the
economic pirates of organized crime.
 
Taken together, these goals--hopeful citizens,
thriving entrepreneurs, new investments, and
expanded trade--are the future pillars of a
prosperous, reformed Poland.  Economic reform
and democracy, though important, however, will
only flourish if the free peoples of Central
and Eastern Europe are also secure.
 
In moving to guarantee its own security, Poland
has, indeed, become a model for the other
nations of Central and Eastern Europe.  Your
decisions to establish good relations with
Russia, Ukraine, Germany, and Lithuania are
shining examples of the potential for peace
that the new Europe provides.  At this moment,
in fact, Poland faces what may fairly be
described as its best prospects for peace and
security in 350 years.
 
And yet, as you have taught us, we must not
forget the lessons of history.  There appears
to be no immediate or short-term threat to
Polish sovereignty, but history and geography
caution us not to take this moment for granted.
 
When my Administration began, I stressed that
Poland's security and the security of all
democratic nations in the region is important
to the United States.  In January of last year,
when I visited Prague and met with the heads of
the Visegrad nations, I learned a Polish
phrase:  Nic o nas bez nas--Nothing about us
without us.
 
That phrase echoes in my mind today, as we
solidify and search for new security
arrangements in Europe.  Because the simple
fact is that Poland should never again have its
fate decided for it by others.  No democracy in
this region should ever be consigned to a gray
area or a buffer zone.  And no country should
have the right to veto, compromise, or threaten
democratic Poland's or any other democracy's
integration into Western institutions,
including those that ensure security.
 
I know that these are ambitious goals, but
history has given us a rare opportunity:  the
opportunity to join together and to form a new,
integrated Europe of sovereign nations--a
continent where democracy and free markets know
no borders but where nations can rest easy that
their own borders will always be secure.  This
is the vision behind the Partnership for Peace.
 
Twenty-one nations have now joined that
Partnership since we began it, and they are
already moving to fulfill the dream of a
unified and peaceful Europe.  They have sworn
not only to pursue democracy but also to
respect each other's sovereignty and borders.
They are moving along a course that is both
visionary and realistic, working for the best
while always preparing for the worst.
 
Poland, as all of you know, has taken a leading
role in the Partnership for Peace, and I am
proud and pleased that some two months from now
your nation will host the first Partnership
exercise on the territory of a former Warsaw
Pact state.  For the first time since 1945,
Polish and American troops --troops that once
faced each other across the Iron Curtain--will
train together on the plains of Europe.
 
The United States recognizes that full
participation in the Partnership requires
resources.  And I am pleased to announce today
that I will ask our Congress to designate $100
million, effective in the fall of next year, to
help America's new democratic partners work
with us to advance the Partnership for Peace's
goals.  In response to your nation's
demonstrated commitment to security and
democracy, I will ask that fully one-fourth of
that money $25 million--be directed to Poland.
 
But the Partnership for Peace is only a
beginning.  Bringing new members into NATO, as
I have said many times, is no longer a question
of whether, but when and how.  And that
expansion will not depend upon the appearance
of a new threat in Europe.  It will be an
instrument to advance security and stability
for the entire region.  We are working with you
in the Partnership for Peace, in part because
the United States believes that when NATO does
expand--as it will-- a democratic Poland will
have placed itself among those ready and able
to join.  The Partnership for Peace and
planning for NATO's future mean that we will
not let the Iron Curtain be replaced with a
veil of indifference.  I have learned another
Polish phrase which, even in my tortured
accent, well describes our goal for a more
secure, democratic, and prosperous Poland.
Rowni z rownymi, wolni z wolnymi:  Equal among
equals, free with the free.  It is time to
bring that phrase to life.
 
Here in the middle of the rebuilt city of
Warsaw, we are reminded that the Polish people
have always fought for that right.  Fifty years
ago this month, the Polish home army was
planning the greatest urban uprising of this
century.  On August 1, Polish heroes seized
much of their city, preparing for liberation.
The uprising ended in ruin.  Some of the heroes
perished; others escaped.  Yet, amidst the
flame and the rubble, a lone radio signal could
be heard in the West:  "Immortal is the nation
that can muster such universal heroism," came
the broadcast from Warsaw, "for those who have
died have conquered, and those who live on will
fight on, will conquer and again bear witness
that Poland lives while the Poles live. "
Here in the heart of a free Poland, you can
hear the echoes of that broadcast today.  So
now let us summon the civil courage that will
keep your nation forever free.
 
 
BERLIN, GERMANY
JULY 12, 1994
 
President Clinton, Chancellor Kohl
Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate.
 
Chancellor Kohl.  Mr. President, I am delighted
to be able to welcome you and your spouse here
to Berlin, the capital of Germany.
 
For over 40 years this city was divided.  As
such, it was a visible reminder to the whole
world that the division of Germany and of
Europe  had to be overcome.  For more than  40
years, American soldiers were stationed here in
Berlin.  They provided protection and
assistance for the citizens in the free part of
the city, often  at the risk of their lives.
 
Just as you, Mr. President, have come here
today, so your predecessors made repeated
visits to the city.  They also came in
difficult times to show the people of Berlin,
all Germans, and the whole world that the
United States of America was--and is--prepared
to defend peace and freedom.  And we should
like to thank you for this.
 
Over these past decades, we Germans, Americans,
French, and British have together successfully
withstood many tests here.  Let me mention, by
way of example, the Berlin airlift, the
steadfastness during the Berlin crisis of 1948
and 1949, and 1958 to 1961.  And, not least,
our consistent joint stance on the adoption of
the NATO two-track decision in 1983.
 
Without the untiring and very personal
commitment of the United States and its
presidents--from Harry S. Truman to George
Bush--for more than 40 years, Germany would not
have regained its unity and peace and freedom.
We Germans will never forget that.
 
Today, Mr. President, we can say that the
German-American friendship is a sure foundation
on which we can continue to build in the
future.  Together, we now have a tremendous
opportunity to anchor lasting freedom,
democracy, and the rule of law in the countries
of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe as
well.
 
However, the dreadful news reaching us daily
from Bosnia shows that we still have a long way
to go to attain this goal.  We cannot and must
not be satisfied with our achievements to date.
The upheaval in Europe and our common future
make demands of us all.  Freedom imposes
obligations.
 
Europe needs an America that plays a central
role in matters of European security, and, at
the same time, America needs a Europe that
assumes greater responsibility for itself and
for international security.  We Germans know
that our security and our foreign policy
capability depend on our being reliable
partners and on our allies having confidence in
us.
 
Precisely, the experience of history demands
that Germany does not stand on the sidelines
when peace and freedom in Europe and the world
are at stake.  We Germans want to and must show
responsibility alongside our partners.
 
Mr. President, the bridge over the Atlantic
has, until now, primarily served our joint
security.  I hope that the other lanes of the
bridge will be quickly developed--the economic,
scientific, and cultural ones.  The German-
American friendship must, in the future,
continue to be firmly embedded in the hearts of
the people, particularly the younger
generation.  Then, Mr. President, we will be
able to meet the challenges of the future as
partners in the spirit of shared responsibility
for peace and freedom.
 
Long live the friendship between Germany and
America.
 
 
President Clinton.  Citizens of free Berlin,
citizens of United Germany, Chancellor Kohl,
Mayor Dietkin, Berliners the world over:  Thank
you for this wonderful welcome to your
magnificent city.
 
We stand together where Europe's heart was cut
in half, and we celebrate unity.  We stand
where crude walls of concrete separated mother
from child, and we meet as one family.  We
stand where those who sought a new life instead
found death, and we rejoice in renewal.
 
Berliners, you have won your long struggle.
You have proved that no wall can forever
contain the mighty power of freedom.  Within a
few years, an American president will visit a
Berlin that is again the seat of your
government.  And I pledge to you, today, a new
American embassy will also stand in Berlin.
 
A half-century has passed since Berlin was
first divided--33 years since the wall went up.
In that time, one- half of this city lived
encircled, and the other half-enslaved.  But
one force endured--your courage.  Your courage
has taken many forms--the bold courage of June
17, 1953, when those trapped in the east threw
stones at the tanks of tyranny; the quiet
courage to lift children above the wall so that
their grandparents on the other side could see
those they loved but could not touch; the inner
courage to reach for the ideas that make you
free; and the civil courage--civil courage--of
five years ago when, starting in the strong
hearts and candlelit streets of Leipzig, you
turned your dreams of a better life into the
chisels of liberty.
 
Now, you who found the courage to endure, to
resist, to tear down the wall must found a new
civil courage--the courage to build.  The
Berlin Wall is gone.  Now our generation must
decide:  What will we build in its place?
Standing here today, we can see the answer--a
Europe where all nations are independent and
democratic; where free markets and prosperity
know no borders; where our security is based on
building bridges, not walls; where all our
citizens can go as far as their God-given
abilities will take them and raise their
children in peace and hope.
 
The work of freedom is not easy.  It requires
discipline, responsibility, and a faith strong
enough to endure failure and criticism.  And it
requires vigilance.  Here in Germany, in the
United States, and throughout the entire world,
we must reject those who would divide us with
scalding words about race, ethnicity, or
religion.
 
I appeal especially to the young people of this
nation:  Believe you can live in peace with
those who are different from you.  Believe in
your own future.  Believe you can make a
difference; summon your own courage to build,
and you will.
 
There is reason for you to believe.  Already,
the new future is taking shape in the growing
chorus of voices that speak the common language
of democracy; in the growing economies of
Western Europe, the United States, and our
partners; in the progress of economic reform,
democracy, and freedom in lands that were not
free; in NATO's Partnership for Peace, where 21
nations have joined in military cooperation and
pledge to respect each other's borders.
 
It is to all of you in pursuit of that new
future that I say in the name of the pilots
whose airlift kept Berlin alive; in the name of
the sentries at Checkpoint Charlie who stood
face-to-face with enemy tanks; in the name of
every American president who has come to
Berlin, in the name of the American forces who
will stay in Europe to guard freedom's future--
in all of their names, I say:  Amerika steht an
Ihrer Seite, jetzt und fuer immer.  America is
on your side now and forever.
 
Moments ago, with my friend, Chancellor Kohl, I
walked where my predecessors could not--through
the Brandenburg Gate.  For over two centuries,
in every age, that gate has been a symbol of
the time.  Sometimes it has been a monument to
conquest and a tower of tyranny.
 
But in our own time, you, courageous Berliners,
have again made the Brandenburg what its
builders meant it to be--a gateway.  Now,
together, we can walk through that gateway to
our destiny, to a Europe united--united in
peace, united in freedom, united in progress
for the first time in history.  Nothing will
stop us.  All things are possible.  Nichts wird
uns aufhalten.  Alles ist moeglich.  Berlin ist
frei.  Berlin is free.
 
 
WHITE HOUSE FACT SHEETS
 
U.S. Economic Assistance To the Baltic States
Fact sheet released by the White House, Office
of the Press Secretary, Riga, Latvia, July 6,
1994.
 
Through the first half of 1994, the United
States has committed approximately $230 million
to Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to assist
with their economic and political
transformation and to address humanitarian
needs.
 
SEED Assistance
 
Support for East European Democracy (SEED)
funds for all three countries totaled nearly
$50 million through the first half of 1994.
SEED assistance usually is in the form of
transfer of technical expertise by both long-
and short-term advisers; training workshops and
exchanges; limited capital development
expenditures; and financing for equity and loan
capital in support of private enterprise.
 
Lithuania.  U.S. priorities in Lithuania are
private sector development, energy efficiency,
nuclear safety, and democratic institution
strengthening.  SEED assistance for Latvia
totals $19 million through June 1994.
 
Latvia.  In Latvia, U.S. priorities are support
for democratic institutions and economic
restructuring.  SEED assistance for Latvia
totals $15.2 mil- lion through June 1994.
 
Estonia.  In Estonia, U.S. priorities have been
open market reforms, democratic pluralism, and
environmental protection.  SEED assistance
totals $14.7 million through June 1994.  In
recognition of the tremendous progress market
reforms have made in Estonia, U.S. assistance
programs will gradually phase down over the
next few years as the emphasis shifts from aid
to trade.  A core set of programs will continue
in place to maintain the reform momentum.
 
Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC)
 
Since 1990, U.S. Overseas Private Investment
Corporation programs to encourage U.S. private
sector investment in the Baltic States have
amounted to $65 million.  Most OPIC activity to
date has been in Latvia.
 
Baltic-American Enterprise Fund.  During this
visit, the board of the Baltic-American
Enterprise Fund was announced.  The fund will
be capitalized at $50 million over several
years and is designed to promote private sector
development, including joint ventures that
involve U.S. and other foreign investors.
 
Food and Grain Assistance.  Food and feed grain
assistance amounted to $85 million of the $230
million.  This includes grant feed grain and
concessional grain credits to cover shortages
in fodder, as well as excess Department of
Defense rations.
 
Peace Corps.  Currently, 140 Peace Corps
Volunteers work in the three Baltic countries.
They are especially active in providing
assistance and training for small businesses.
 
 
U.S. Commitment to Support Poland's Democratic
and Free Market Transition
Fact sheet released by the White House, Office
of the Press Secretary, Warsaw, Poland, July 7,
1994.
 
In his meetings with President Lech Walesa and
Prime Minister Waldemar Pawlak, President
Clinton affirmed the U.S. commitment to support
Poland's democratic and free market transition.
The President underscored that the security of
Poland and other democracies of Central and
Eastern Europe is of direct and material
concern to the United States.
 
The President presented a program of concrete
initiatives designed
 
--  To advance security in Central and Eastern
Europe and Europe as a whole;
 
--  To promote continued economic growth,
trade, and investment; and
 
--  To help reforming countries in the region
deal with the human and social problems arising
from the collapse of the former system.
 
The President emphasized that the United States
seeks through these initiatives and others to
promote a new European security and advance the
expansion of the community of market
democracies.
 
Security Cooperation
 
President Clinton welcomed Poland's leadership
in getting the Partnership for Peace off to a
fast start.  He noted that Poland will host in
September the first Partnership exercise to be
held on the territory of a former Warsaw Pact
nation.
 
The President announced that he would seek $100
million in fiscal year 1996 to support military
cooperation with the new democratic partners.
He will ask that $25 million of this be
designated for programs with Poland.
 
Market Reforms, Trade and Investment, and
Economic Stimulation
 
The President announced completion of a $65-
million Poland Partners Fund, a capital
investment fund set up by OPIC and intended to
generate many times that amount in private
sector investment into Poland's economy.
 
The President also announced a $75-million
privatization initiative, organized with the
Polish-American Enterprise Fund and the
European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD), to provide equity capital
and technical assistance to support Poland's
Mass Privatization Program.
 
He noted his satisfaction that the Polish-
American Business and Economic Treaty can now
enter into force.  One of the important
elements of this treaty is its provision of an
ombudsman to support investment.
 
Also announced was a $20-million
entrepreneurial microlending program,
established with the Polish-American Enterprise
Fund and in close collaboration with the Polish
Government, to encourage small-scale, private
enterprise, especially in regions of high
unemployment.
 
The President noted agreement between the U.S.
and Polish Governments to intensify cooperation
in housing construction, including agreement to
launch 5-10 pilot projects to demonstrate
innovative ways of getting housing built well
and fast.
 
An agreement among the United States, the
Government of Poland, and the World Bank will
establish a pilot re-employment fund to help
provide jobs for workers who have lost jobs
because of enterprise restructuring.  The
initial funding for this pilot project will
include $2.5 million in U.S. technical
assistance funds and $25 million in World Bank
funds.
 
Social Services Reform
 
The President announced new efforts by the
United States, working closely with the
Government of Poland, to help modernize some of
Poland's social support systems, including
retirement and disability pensions, poverty
relief, and health care.  These cooperative
efforts are aimed at making provision of social
benefits more compatible with a modern economic
system.
 
Fighting Organized Crime
 
Finally, the President announced a program of
intensified cooperation in law enforcement,
especially aimed at combating white-collar and
organized crime.  This Democracy and Law
Program, consisting of long- and short-term
training, will be available to all interested
new Central and East European democracies .
(###)
 
 
 
 
Article 2
 
The Importance of American Engagement
Secretary Christopher
Statement before the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, Washington, DC, July 28, 1994
 
This has been a month of extraordinary
contrasts.  We have witnessed tremendous hope
and opportunity, and we have seen terrible
tragedy and suffering.
 
From the talks on the Jordan shore of the Dead
Sea to the historic meeting between Prime
Minister Rabin and King Hussein, American
leadership has contributed to another
breakthrough for peace in the Middle East.  We
are helping to draw the contours of peace
across the map of a region vital to the United
States.
 
But even as we celebrate these exhilarating
events, we are acutely aware of the scourge of
disease, devastation, and death that ravages
the people of Rwanda.  Closer to home, an
illegal dictatorship continues to deny the
democratic aspirations of the people of Haiti.
These crises, to name only two, are tests of
responsibility for the entire international
community.  And they are challenges that this
Administration, working with Congress, is
determined to meet.
 
I look forward to discussing the events of the
last month in the Middle East and elsewhere.
But first I want to place them in the context
of our overall foreign policy objectives.
 
The most important contribution I make as
Secretary of State is helping the President
build and renew the lasting relationships,
structures, and institutions that advance
America's enduring interests.  These interests
remain: ensuring our security, enhancing our
prosperity, and expanding the reach of
democratic institutions and free markets.
 
Our strategy takes advantage of a moment in
history when no great power views another as an
immediate military threat.  We are reinforcing
our bonds with our European allies and Japan,
intensifying our cooperation with Russia, and
extending our broad engagement with China.  We
are continuing to forge durable structures of
peace and stability in the Middle East and
Asia, regions in which the United States has
vital interests.  And we are seizing the chance
to build a more secure, prosperous, and
integrated world by strengthening, extending,
and creating the institutions that serve our
overarching objectives.
 
The recently completed G-7 summit in Naples
reflects this strategy.  At President Clinton's
initiative, our G-7 partners agreed to examine
how to adapt the great post-World War II
institutions--including the World Bank, the
IMF, NATO, and the UN--to the post-Cold War
era.  This is a commitment, as the President
said, to determine "what we want the world to
look like 20 years from now."  We must design a
new economic and security architecture for the
next century.
 
Ratification of the GATT Uruguay Round is a
crucial step in this process.  Its approval
will build an institutional bridge to the
future by replacing the GATT with the new World
Trade Organization.  We also are seeking fast-
track authority to liberalize trade and
investment with fast-growing markets in Asia
and Latin America, beginning with Chile.  Our
objectives in these regions are similar:  to
bolster prosperity and stability through
integration and cooperation.  President Clinton
will pursue these goals later this year at the
meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) forum in Indonesia, and at
the Summit of the Americas in Miami.
 
Nowhere is the task of creating a new global
architecture more urgent than in Europe.  We
are working to extend to Central and Eastern
Europe the benefits and obligations of the
liberal trading system and collective security
order that have been pillars of strength for
the West.  President Clinton focused on
America's comprehensive security strategy
toward Europe during his most recent trip.  In
Poland, the President reaffirmed the importance
of the Partnership for Peace, the most
significant strategic initiative that NATO has
ever undertaken.  This fall, Poland will host
the first joint exercises with NATO troops ever
to occur in a former Warsaw Pact country.
 
The Partnership for Peace offers Europe's new
democracies the best preparation for eventual
NATO membership.  The United States is
committed to helping them achieve this goal.
As the President said in Warsaw, NATO expansion
"will not depend on the appearance of a new
threat in Europe; it will be an instrument to
advance security and stability for the entire
region."
 
The last two months have been an important
period of definition for post-Cold War Europe.
The OECD agreed to membership talks with
Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and
Slovakia, and it signed a cooperation agreement
with Russia.  NATO welcomed Russia to the
Partnership for Peace.  The European Union
invited President Yeltsin to its summit in
Corfu and reached a market access pact with
Russia.  And for the first time, the G-7
leaders included President Yeltsin in their
regular political consultations.
 
In another significant development, Russia
joined the major industrial democracies in
signing an expansive document that supports
U.S. positions on Haiti and North Korea, and on
terrorism and non-proliferation.
 
With respect to non-proliferation, we continue
to attach the highest priority to resolving the
North Korea nuclear issue.  As you know, Ambas-
sador Gallucci will meet his North Korean
counterparts on August 5 to resume the third
round of talks.
 
Mr. Chairman, we welcome this week's agreement
between President Yeltsin and President Meri of
Estonia providing for the withdrawal of all
Russian troops from Estonia by August 31.
Coupled with the agreement the Russians
concluded earlier with Latvia, this means that
by the end of next month, no Russian troops
will be in Central and Eastern Europe or the
Baltic states.  This is a concrete
demonstration of Russia's stated intention to
respect the sovereignty and independence of its
neighbors.  Both the Estonian and Latvian
agreements are attributable, in significant
measure, to President Clinton's active efforts
to assist the parties when they reached a
stalemate in these negotiations.
 
The successful transformation of the New
Independent States into sovereign democracies
is central to European stability.  The
importance of a prosperous, non-nuclear Ukraine
was a prime focus of the G-7 summit in Naples.
At President Clinton's insistence, the G-7
agreed to assist Ukraine with more than $4
billion over two years provided that nation
carries out a program of fundamental economic
reform.  The G-7 also pledged $200 million in
grants to help pay the initial costs of
shutting down the Chernobyl nuclear reactors
and to assist in upgrading the safety of
Ukraine's newer design reactors.  If this plan
is successful, the Chernobyl facility will be
closed forever.  We also expect to work with
newly elected President Kuchma on continuing
economic reform, implementing the trilateral
nuclear agreement that he has pledged to
uphold, and acceding to the Non-Proliferation
Treaty.
 
Mr. Chairman, the tragic war in Bosnia
continues to threaten America's interest in a
peaceful and integrated Europe.  We have taken
steps to contain the conflict and alleviate its
cruel consequences.  Since the beginning of the
year, the United States has led the effort to
reach a negotiated settlement.  We have helped
produce important advances such as the Muslim-
Croat Federation and the Sarajevo exclusion
zone.  Working with our Contact Group partners,
including Russia, we developed a plan that
would respond to Bosnian Government needs.  The
Bosnian Government accepted that plan
unconditionally.  But the Bosnian Serbs' answer
was tantamount to a rejection.
 
When the Contact Group presented the plan to
the parties, we agreed that rejection would
bear consequences.  Tomorrow, I leave for a
meeting of the Contact Group foreign ministers
in Geneva.  Our purpose will be to decide on
what those consequences should be.  The agreed
options include tightening the sanctions,
enforcing existing exclusion zones more
strictly, and identifying new ones.  Should
these steps fail to bring the Serbs to accept
the plan, the parties recognize that the
pressure to lift the arms embargo may be
irresistible.  We must be prepared to impose
increasing pressure on those who would reject
peace.
 
Our policy toward Haiti is based upon a
determination to achieve removal of the illegal
regime and a restoration of democracy.  The
decision by the illegal government to expel the
UN and OAS human rights monitors demonstrates
the flagrant contempt of the coup leaders for
the most basic principles of justice.  This
action has galvanized the nations of this
hemisphere and the world to express their
common conviction that the coup leaders must
go.
 
Within the next several days, we expect the
Security Council to adopt a resolution that
will make clear the determination of the
international community to return democracy to
Haiti and begin the process of national
reconciliation.  Our interests are
unmistakable:  we must maintain stability in
our hemisphere, protect democracy in the
region, and resolve the refugee problem in a
fair and humane manner.
 
Mr. Chairman, before turning to the Middle
East, let me address a situation that weighs on
all of our minds.  In Rwanda, we confront what
President Clinton called "the world's worst
humanitarian crisis in a generation."  From the
very beginning, we have exerted intense
diplomatic pressure on the parties to stop the
killings and agree to a cease-fire.  And we
have led the international effort to alleviate
the suffering caused by the civil war,
contributing far more than any other nation.
 
In response to the sudden exodus of Rwandans
into Zaire that began on July 13, the President
sent AID Administrator Brian Atwood to assess
conditions on the ground.  Last Friday, the
President directed that $100 million be added
to the $150 million previously committed.  He
ordered deployment of 4,000 military personnel
to assist humanitarian operations.  And he
launched an around-the-clock airlift of
supplies.  As of this morning, the United
States will have delivered more than 3,800 tons
of supplies, including the necessary equipment
to purify half a million gallons of water per
day.
 
I have sent Ambassador David Rawson to Kigali
to encourage the leadership of the newly
installed government to establish the
conditions necessary for refugees to return to
their homes.  Assistant Secretary George Moose
will travel to the region with Defense
Secretary Perry this weekend to review the
status of the humanitarian operation, the
security situation, and our diplomatic efforts.
We hope that with our help, the suffering will
soon diminish and the process of national
reconciliation can soon begin.
 
Mr. Chairman, we are troubled and challenged by
crises such as those in Rwanda, Haiti, and
Bosnia--crises that touch our hearts and test
our faith in humanity.  But as the historic
events this week in Washington have shown, no
hatred is so intense, no conflict so
intractable, that it cannot be overcome with
courage and commitment.
 
The historic summit and joint declaration of
Prime Minister Rabin of Israel and King Hussein
of Jordan represent a watershed event in the
quest for peace in the Middle East. Together
with the Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles
and the multilateral talks, the Washington
Declaration will help to transform the Middle
East landscape.  Our aim in the Middle East is
to replace a 40-year pattern of conflict with a
new structure of peaceful relations between
Israel, each of its neighbors, and the entire
Arab world.
 
The Arab-Israeli conflict is not yet over.  But
today we can say, with more confidence than
ever before, that it is on the road to
resolution.  There is no turning back.
 
The White House ceremony Monday marked the
culmination of weeks of intensive diplomacy.
The scope of what was achieved extends far
beyond the powerful symbolism of a handshake.
 
The Washington Declaration is a practical
document that establishes the foundation for
full-fledged peace between Jordan and Israel.
It terminates their state of war.  It promises
to open direct phone links, integrate their
electricity grids, open border crossing points,
and allow free access for third-country
tourism.  It provides for negotiations to open
an international air corridor, to develop
bilateral economic cooperation, and to end the
Arab boycott against Israel.  Most important,
King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin have
committed themselves to meet as often as
necessary to conclude a formal peace treaty.
 
Mr. Chairman, I know the members of this
committee appreciate the significance of these
dramatic and moving events.  You know how long
the American people have waited for the day
when the leaders of Jordan and Israel would
stand side by side to proclaim to the world
their readiness to make peace.  You understand
the courage that was required for them to make
this great leap into history.
 
So does President Clinton.  The President has
said repeatedly that we would support those
countries and leaders willing to take risks for
peace.  Jordan and Israel have done their part.
Now we must do ours.  Jordan, in particular, is
suffering under the burden of a crushing
foreign debt that is crippling its economy.  We
should also be prepared to help with Jordan's
legitimate security needs.  We are urging
Congress to assist Jordan and send a clear
signal to the people of the region that America
stands with the peacemakers.
 
Mr. Chairman, during my last visit to the
Middle East, I went to Gaza and held
discussions with Yasir Arafat.  I stressed to
him the continued willingness of the United
States and other international donors to
support the Palestinian Authority so it can
govern wisely and well.  Economic development
is essential if we are to give Palestinians the
sense that peace can change their lives for the
better.  At the same time, I stressed to
Chairman Arafat the importance of meeting donor
needs for accountability as international
assistance is received.
 
Finally, on the Israeli-Syrian track, my trip
confirmed that a chance for serious progress
now exists.  I do not expect dramatic results
immediately.  The issues on the table are
tough.  They touch on the core interests of
security, peace, and territory for both
parties.  Both sides are weighing every move
with extreme care.  But I found Prime Minister
Rabin and President Asad very engaged in the
details of their negotiation.  Both are
determined to find a way to a political
settlement.  President Clinton and I are
prepared to do our part to help them succeed.
Toward that end, I will return to the region
next month.
 
Mr. Chairman, the terrorist bombings in Latin
America and London serve as a tragic reminder
that the enemies of peace remain formidable.
These killers must not--they will not--succeed.
 
Groups like Hezbollah that wreak havoc and
bloodshed must be defeated, and Hezbollah's
patron, Iran, must be contained.  The horrible
events of the last week are a clarion call for
the international community, including some of
our key allies and friends.  Iran is an
international outlaw.  Yet some nations still
conduct preferential commercial relations with
Iran or take other steps to appease that outlaw
nation.  They must understand that, by doing
so, they make it easier for Iran to use its
resources to sponsor terrorism throughout the
world.
 
The recent bombing attacks in Latin America and
Europe make clear that the effort to defeat
terrorism requires a concerted international
response.  The United States is working with
its allies around the world to improve
coordination and intelligence sharing.  This
will aid in the apprehension of those
responsible for these crimes and help prevent
further such atrocities.  I have instructed the
Department's counter-terrorism experts to
review existing procedures and mechanisms to
look for ways to improve our global efforts.
 
In our hemisphere, we are taking specific steps
to combat the latest wave of attacks and
prevent future attacks:
 
--  The United States has dispatched our
government's top forensic experts to Latin
America to assist in the investigation of the
Buenos Aires and Panama bombings.
 
--  I am directing the State Department's
Coordinator for Counter- Terrorism to consult
with our Latin American neighbors in the near
future to develop a concrete plan to combat
terrorism in this hemisphere.
 
--  Finally, as host of this year's Summit of
the Americas, the United States will move to
make terrorism in this hemisphere a priority
issue on our agenda.
 
Of course, in the long run the best way to
ensure that the terrorists fail is to pursue
peace with determination and resolve.  We will,
I am convinced now, ultimately see a lasting
and comprehensive peace for Arabs and Jews.  A
peace that is just and secure for all the
peoples of the Middle East.  A peace that sees
Israel safe and fully integrated into the
political and economic life of the region.
That is the best answer to the terrorists.
 
President Clinton told Prime Minister Rabin and
King Hussein on Monday that "the United States
will walk the final miles with you."  The
events of the past weeks and months demonstrate
the strength of our commitment and the rewards
of our engagement.
 
The United States is the world's sole remaining
superpower.  We are blessed with great
resources and resolve.  And we will continue to
use them, with wisdom and strength, to advance
our enduring interests.
 
Thank you very much.  (###)
 
 
 
 
Article 3
 
Proposal for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina
Secretary Christopher
Statement by Secretary Christopher excerpted
from a press conference at the Russian Mission
to the United Nations, Geneva, Switzerland,
July 5, 1994.
 
What's been done here today is a very important
step in the search for peace and for a brighter
future for the people of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
What's led up to today's step has been a number
of actions that we have taken:
 
--  The establishment and maintenance of
Sarajevo as an exclusion zone;
 
--  The no-fly zone;
 
--  The work that we have done to promote a
confederation between the Bosnians and the
Croats in Bosnia; and
 
--  The cease-fire, which has been fragile but,
nevertheless, largely effective.
 
One of the key features of the proposal that we
are presenting today is that it preserves the
state of Bosnia as a single state within
internationally recognized borders.  There has
been some confusion about this, but I think
it's very important to understand that the
proposal being presented is for a single state
within recognized borders.  That's the
determination we had on May 8, and that's what
we are carrying forward here today.
 
A second key feature is that the proposal
that's being presented provides for a
reasonable, viable degree of territory for the
Bosnians.  And I think that it's essential that
the proposal be understood in those terms.
It's reasonable from the standpoint of the
Federation, of the Bosnians and the Croats, and
it's reasonable from the standpoint of the
Serbs as well.  As has been said, we discussed
in some detail today the consequences that
would ensue if one party accepts and the other
doesn't.  In particular, we discussed the
consequences that would ensue if the Bosnian
Government accepts the proposal and the Serbs
do not.  There are a number of steps that will
be taken in that respect, and the parties will
be told of those.
 
It would be a mistake of truly historic
proportions for either party to feel that they
can serve their people well by rejecting this
proposal.  Such a rejection could lead only to
further suffering, further bloodshed, further
tragedy in that country.  We urge them to give
the gravest consideration to this proposal as
the best and most humane solution.  Thanks to
Andrei Kozyrev for serving as host and to all
my colleagues for assisting in this united,
important endeavor. (###)
 
 
 
 
Article 4
 
National Security Strategy Report Released
President Clinton, White House Fact Sheet
 
President Clinton
Statement released by the White House, Office
of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, July
21, 1994.
 
Today I signed and forwarded to Congress the
National Security Strategy Report for 1994, as
required by Section 603 of the Goldwater-
Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act
of 1986.  The report outlines the national
security strategy of engagement and enlargement
my Administration has developed to meet the
challenges and opportunities of the new era.
 
Protecting our nation's security--our people,
our territory and our way of life--is my
Administration's foremost mission and
constitutional duty.  The central security
challenge of the past half century--the threat
of communist expansion--is gone.  The dangers
we face today are more diverse.  At the same
time, we have unparalleled opportunities to
make our nation safer and more prosperous.
Never has American leadership been more
essential.
 
Three Pillars of U.S. Foreign Policy
 
The new national security strategy elaborated
in this report charts a course for American
leadership that has already begun to produce
tangible results with respect to our security
requirements, as shown in the following fact
sheet.  Our foreign policy rests on three
pillars:
 
 
Security.  Our security depends upon our
willingness to play a leadership role in world
affairs, but we cannot sustain our leadership
role without maintaining a defense capability
strong enough to underwrite our commitments
credibly.
 
Economics.  For America to be strong abroad it
must be strong economically at home.  At the
same time, domestic economic renewal depends on
the growth and integration of the global
economy.
 
Democracy.  The best way to advance America's
interests worldwide is to enlarge the community
of democracies and free markets throughout the
world.
 
These goals are mutually supportive.
Democratic states are less likely to threaten
our interests and more likely to cooperate with
us to meet security threats and promote
sustainable development.  Secure nations are
more likely to maintain democratic structures
and to support free trade.  And, even with the
Cold War over, our nation's security depends
upon the maintenance of military forces that
are sufficient to deter diverse threats and,
when necessary, fight and win against our
adversaries.  While many factors ultimately
contribute to our nation's safety and well-
being, no single component is more important
than the men and women who wear America's
uniform and stand sentry over our security.
 
Our national security requires the patient
application of American will and resources.  We
can only sustain that necessary investment with
the broad, bipartisan support of the American
people and their representatives in Congress.
The Cold War may be over, but the need for
American leadership abroad remains as strong as
ever.  I am committed to building a new public
consensus to sustain our active engagement
abroad.  This document is part of that
commitment.
 
 
White House Fact Sheet
The following fact sheet was released by the
White House, Office of the Press Secretary,
Washington, DC, July 21, 1994.
 
During its first 17 months, this
Administration's strategy of engagement and
enlargement already has begun to produce
tangible results with respect to our security
requirements.
 
Security
 
At the President's direction, the Pentagon
completed the Bottom-Up Review--a full-scale
assessment of what defense forces and systems
the nation needs for this new security era.
The President also set forth a five-year
defense budget that funds the force structure
recommended by the review and repeatedly
stressed that he will draw the line against
further cuts that would undermine that force
structure or erode U.S. military readiness.
 
The President convened a NATO summit in January
1994.  The summit approved the Partnership for
Peace and other major new initiatives to ensure
that NATO is prepared to meet the European and
transatlantic security challenges of this era,
and to provide the security relationships that
will bind former communist states to the rest
of Europe.  Since then, 21 countries, including
Russia, have joined the Partnership for Peace.
 
The President launched a comprehensive policy
to combat the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction and the missiles that deliver them.
The U.S. opened formal negotiations on a
comprehensive test ban treaty and secured
landmark commitments to eliminate all nuclear
weapons in Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan.
 
On May 3, 1994, President Clinton signed a
Presidential decision directive establishing
"U.S. Policy on Reforming Multilateral Peace
Operations."   This policy represents the first
comprehensive framework for U.S. decision-
making on issues of peacekeeping and peace
enforcement suited to the realities of the
post-Cold War period.
 
Economics
 
The President worked with the Congress on
effective measures to reduce the federal budget
deficit and restore economic growth.  These
measures help increase U.S. competitiveness and
strengthen its position in negotiations with
other nations.
 
The President secured approval of the North
American Free Trade Agreement which creates the
world's largest free-trade zone and will create
hundreds of thousands of American jobs.  The
vote for NAFTA marked a decisive U.S.
affirmation of its international engagement.
Through its environmental and labor side
agreements, it is working actively to protect
the rights of workers and to reduce air and
water pollution that crosses national
boundaries.
 
The Administration stood at the forefront of a
multilateral effort to achieve history's most
extensive market-opening agreements in the GATT
Uruguay Round negotiations on world trade.  The
President is committed to working with Congress
to secure U.S. accession this year to this
path-breaking agreement and the resulting World
Trade Organization.
 
The President convened the first meeting of
leaders of the organization for Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC) countries and took
steps to expand U.S. ties with the economies of
the Asia-Pacific region--the fastest-growing
area in the world.
 
The United States is committed to reduce its
greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels by the
year 2000 and has developed a national climate
plan to achieve that goal.  The United States
also has taken a leading role at the
international level toward phasing out the
production of most ozone-depleting substances.
Under the Montreal Protocol for the protection
of the ozone layer, the U.S. is contributing to
developing countries' efforts to reduce their
emissions of ozone-depleting chemicals.  In
June 1993, the U.S. signed the Biodiversity
Treaty.
 
The Administration has asserted world
leadership on population issues, focusing, in
the context of the upcoming UN Conference on
Population and Development, on a plan to
promote family planning, primary health, and
related development strategies that allow
families to choose the number and spacing of
their children.
 
Democracy
 
The Administration substantially expanded U.S.
support for democratic and market reform in
Russia and the other New Independent States of
the former Soviet Union.
 
The United States launched a series of
initiatives to bolster the new democracies of
Central and Eastern Europe.  The U.S. affirmed
its concern for their security, recognizing
that such assurances would play a key role in
promoting democratic developments.
 
The United States has doubled assistance for
the new government of President Nelson Mandela
in South Africa to consolidate the historic
transition to non-racial democracy, including a
three-year $600-million trade, aid, and
investment program.  The U.S., working with the
Organization of American States, helped reverse
an anti-democratic coup in Guatemala.  The
Administration led efforts to strengthen UN
sanctions on the military rulers of Haiti
toward the end of restoring democracy and
Haiti's democratically elected president.
 
The President invited the democratic nations of
the hemisphere to an unprecedented summit to
discuss cooperation in support of democracy in
the hemisphere, as well as mutual prosperity
and sustainable development.
 
The Administration initiated policies aimed at
crisis prevention, including a new peace-
keeping policy and a proposed revision of the
Foreign Assistance Act. (###)
 
 
 
 
Article 5
 
Responding Further to the Plight of Rwandan
Refugees
Brian Atwood, Administrator for the Agency for
International Development
Opening remarks at a White House press
briefing, Washington, DC, July 21, 1994
 
I hope you'll bear with me a bit.  I have a lot
of information to pass on to you about actions
we have taken on the situation in Zaire
relating to Rwandan refugees.
 
As you know, I returned yesterday, as the
President's representative to look at the
situation, particularly in Goma.  I was there
just two days ago.  I met today with the
President to describe the situation to him.  I
believe he made a statement earlier today
expressing his concern about the situation and
committing the U.S. Government to aggressive
and immediate action to resolve this problem.
 
You all know from looking at news reports that
we are seized, in particular, with the problem
of cholera.  When I was there a few days ago
talking to doctors on the scene, it was
apparent that the disease problem would be the
first that we would have to deal with.  People,
generally speaking, had come across the border
relatively well-fed.  We knew that starvation
would be a problem only after a matter of
several days, and that, indeed, disease would
be the first problem that we would have to deal
with.
 
We had a meeting earlier with the NSC team, and
a number of steps have been taken to move.  You
will be getting more details over the next
several days, but several things are happening
right now as we speak.
 
First, let me say that tomorrow the Secretary
General of the United Nations will be making an
appeal to donor nations to come forward with
some $274 million worth of assistance to handle
this particular crisis--a crisis, I might add,
that is growing.  Additional refugees have been
flowing out of the southwest quadrant into the
area near Burundi.  Some 800,000 have now been
detected in that area, and we have an ICRC--
meaning Red Cross--team there assessing the
situation, and our disaster relief team is on
its way.
 
This situation gets more complicated,
obviously, by the minute.  And our overall
strategy is to try to position food inside
Rwanda, in particular in the southwest
quadrant, in order to keep people home and to
attract them to return to the country.
 
Today we are prepared to announce an additional
$41.4 million--in addition to the $35 million
that had been announced earlier this week--
making a total of $76 million of new money
added to the $109 million that we had provided
for the Rwanda emergency to date.  The new
money will be used for 30,000 metric tons of
grain, DOD logistical support, aid to the
various relief organizations and UN agencies
that are working in this area, and, in
particular, a $6-million grant to deal with the
problem of orphans, which is a very, very
serious problem.
 
The Defense Department is prepared to establish
an airhead facility, as it's called, in
Entebbe, Uganda, which will be used to handle
large quantities of food, medicines, and
equipment for this entire area.  I would remind
you that we are not just dealing with the Goma
problem where 1.2 million refugees are, we are
also dealing with a refugee camp in Uganda that
has approximately 150,000 refugees, and a camp
in Tanzania that has 450,000, in addition to
the two near the southwest portion of Rwanda on
the border of Zaire, Bukavu and Kamanyola--
learning names of new cities every day.
 
I want to spend some time here talking about
the cholera problem and, in particular, the
need for clean water.  This and the sanitation
problem are the biggest causes of cholera.  We
are immediately shipping water supplies, in
addition to medicine, to deal with the cholera
problem.
 
Landing very soon in Goma from Frankfurt,
transported by the U.S. Air Force, will be
emergency health kits which contain essential
drugs; 20 million packets of oral rehydration
salts needed to deal with the cholera and
diarrheal diseases that occur in situations
like this; 3,600 kilograms of tents--I know
you're going to ask me how many tents that is;
I'll have to try to get that information for
you--7,500 kilograms of high-protein biscuits;
and large quantities of cholera kits,
antibiotics, and syringes.  We are making
preparations to establish facilities to handle
the refugees in the southwest part, in Bukavu,
as well as looking at the possibility of
assisting the French in maintaining the airport
facilities in Goma.
 
We have shipped to Bukavu 84 metric tons of
plastic sheeting.  That will begin arriving
today.  I mentioned the 20 million packets of
oral rehydration salts, the high-protein
biscuits, and the emergency medical kits; 1,500
metric tons of food will be provided in Goma
through the Red Cross, arriving, again, today
or tomorrow or in the next several hours; 120
tons of blankets; 135 tons of plastic sheeting;
and four warehouses--these are temporary ware-
houses that are used on the scene to store
equipment and food.  These will all be flown in
on eight 707 aircraft.  The first flight will
be arriving tomorrow.
 
Our initiatives, of course, are not restricted
exclusively to the humanitarian response on the
ground in Goma and the other locations.  We
also are  seized with the diplomatic challenge
of working with the newly formed government in
Uganda--I'm sorry--in Kigali.  We know that
this situation will not be handled until
conditions are such that refugees will return
to their country.
 
We are going to be pre-positioning food
distribution centers in Rwanda to encourage
people to stay and to encourage people to
return.  We discussed today the problem of the
clandestine radio that is urging Hutus to
leave, and within a matter of hours, I hope, we
will have equipment on the ground to deal with
that problem.  We will, in the next few days,
have our own radio facilities--meaning the
international community, the United Nations--in
order to send more positive messages to the
people of Rwanda.
 
Clearly, the government that is in place, which
we have not yet recognized and will not until
they abide completely with the terms of the
Arusha Agreement, is crucial in this mix of
elements that are necessary to create the
conditions so that people will return home.  We
will be sending high-level diplomatic envoys--
more details about that will be revealed in the
next few days--to work with that government and
with the United Nations, the Security Council's
representative in Kigali, in order to see what
progress we can make in assuring that it will
be a power-sharing government that will inspire
the confidence of the people who have left the
country.  (###)
 
 
 
 
Article 6
Meeting with Panamanian President-elect Perez
Balladares
Statement by White House Press Secretary Dee
Dee Myers, Washington, DC, July 20, 1994.
 
President Clinton met with Panamanian
President-elect Ernesto Perez Balladares today
in the Oval Office.  Both leaders expressed
their commitment to a close and cooperative
relationship between the United States and
Panama and said this spirit would guide their
efforts to ensure a smooth transfer of the
Panama Canal and associated properties to full
Panamanian control between now and Dec- ember
31, 1999.  President Clinton reaffirmed that
the United States will honor its treaty
commitments to Panama and expressed his
commitment to work closely with President-elect
Perez Balladares in implementing these historic
treaties.
 
The two leaders discussed several regional
issues, including the crisis in Haiti.
President-elect Perez Balladares reiterated his
offer to provide temporary safehaven to Haitian
migrants after his inauguration on September 1,
1994.   The President expressed his
appreciation to President-elect Perez
Balladares and welcomed Panama's active
participation in the international effort that
will be made to restore democracy to Haiti.
 
President Clinton welcomed President-elect
Perez Balladares' commitment to stem narcotics-
related money laundering in Panama and offered
U.S. technical assistance to help Panama
achieve that goal.  President-  elect Perez
Balladares explained his program to promote the
structural readjustment of the Panamanian
economy and his desire to increase trade with
the other dynamic economies of the hemisphere.
 
Looking ahead to December's Summit of the
Americas in Miami, the President said he was
delighted that President-elect Perez Balladares
would be representing Panama at this historic
gathering of the hemisphere's democratically
elected leaders.  President- elect Perez
Balladares expressed his interest in
participating actively in summit preparations,
particularly on initiatives related to counter-
narcotics and trade expansion.  Both presidents
agreed that the summit offers a superb
opportunity for the hemisphere's democracies to
pursue a shared agenda of strengthening
democratic government, expanding mutual
prosperity, and promoting sustainable
development. (###)
 
 
 
 
Article 7
 
What's in Print
Foreign Relations of the United States
 
The Department of State recently released
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-
1963, Volume XVI, Eastern Europe; Cyprus;
Greece; Turkey.  This is one of 25 print
volumes and six microfiche supplements to be
published in the Foreign Relations series that
document the foreign policy of President John
F. Kennedy.  Among the major foreign policy
decisions and actions--primarily those of the
White House, National Security Council, and the
Department of State--of particular significance
was the President's inclination to explore
policies that would play upon the emerging
nationalist sentiments in the Soviet Union's
Eastern Europe satellites and would weaken
Soviet domination if not remove it altogether.
 
Economic issues, especially the cautious use of
increased U.S. aid and trade to the Soviet
bloc, dominated the rather limited relationship
between the Kennedy Administration and East
European states.  Relations with both Austria
and Finland acknowledged their Cold War
neutrality, but the United States moved more
firmly to bolster their independence through a
program of defense assistance.
 
The United States also maintained assistance to
its two NATO allies--Greece and Turkey--and
sought to create a solid working relationship
with the Cypriot Government of President
Makarios.
 
Volume XVI (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02378-5) may
be purchased for $36 ($45 foreign) from:
 
Superintendent of Documents
Government Printing Office
P.O. Box 371954
Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954
 
To FAX orders, call (202) 512-2250.  Checks
payable to the Superintendent of Documents are
accepted, as are VISA and MasterCard.  For
further information, contact Glenn W.
LaFantasie, General Editor, Foreign Relations
series, at (202) 663-1133; FAX (202) 663-1289.
(###)
 
 
 
 
Article 8
 
New Ambassadors  April-June 1994
 
Angola--Edmund T. DeJarnette, Jr., June 6, 1994
Azerbaijan--Richard Dale Kauzlarich,  April 1,
1994
Barbados, Dominica, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines--Jeanette W. Hyde, April 11,
1994
Brazil--Melvyn Levitsky, May 16, 1994
Burundi--Robert Krueger, June 8, 1994
Cambodia--Charles H. Twining, Jr., May 13, 1994
Colombia--Miles Robert Rene Freschette, June
22, 1994
Dominican Republic--Donna Jean Hrinak, June 23,
1994
Egypt--Edward S. Walker, June 3, 1994
Ethiopia--Irvin Hicks, June 17, 1994
Finland--Derek Shearer, June 16, 1994
Kuwait--Ryan Clark Crocker, May 23, 1994
Malta--Joseph R. Paolino, Jr., June 10, 1994
Micronesia--March Fong Eu, April 1, 1994
New Zealand, Western Samoa--Josiah Horton
Beeman, April 13, 1994
Somalia--Daniel H. Simpson June 1994 (assigned
Chief of Mission)
United Kingdom--William J. Crowe, Jr., May 19,
1994 (###)
 
[END OF DISPATCH VOL 5, NO. 31]

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