US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH VOLUME 5, NUMBER 27, JULY 4, 1994 PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE: 1. Building a Better Future in Africa -- President Clinton, Vice President Gore, Secretary Christopher, Anthony Lake, Brian Atwood, George Moose 2. President Clinton Sends POW/MIA Delegation to Vietnam 3. Department Statements --Central Bering Sea Pollock Fishing Agreement Signed --U.S. To Sponsor Study of Middle East Regional Air Traffic System 4. Treaty Actions ARTICLE 1: Building a Better Future in Africa President Clinton, Vice President Gore, Secretary Christopher, Anthony Lake, Brian Atwood, George Moose Remarks from the White House Conference on Africa, Washington, DC, June 26-27, 1994 President Clinton June 27, 1994 Ladies and gentlemen and distinguished guests: Thank you so much for participating, and thank you for your understanding of our tardiness here today and for waiting so that I could at least share a few of my thoughts on this subject. When I became President, it seemed to me that our country really didn't have a policy toward Africa--that we had policies toward specific countries and very often we tried to do the right thing. We did a have a policy toward South Africa that had been the subject of much division and then was the subject of a lot of unity after the election. But it occurred to me that we were really suffering from having paid insufficient attention to the entire continent as well as to various regions and specific countries and specific problems and certain great promise. It became crystallized for me, in a way, with our involvement in Somalia, which, I will always believe, was a well-motivated and good thing to do that saved hundreds of thousands of lives but which was presented, I think quite honestly but wrongly, to the American people as something that could be done on a purely humanitarian basis--when, in fact, unless human tragedy is caused by natural disaster, there is no such thing as a purely humanitarian enterprise. As we dealt with that and with the complexities of trying to hand over power to the United Nations mission--the questions of how long was long enough; what the UN could do; and what our responsibilities were as a police force, in effect, after the Pakistani comrades in arms were killed there and dealing with all the various interpretations which could be given to those roles--it struck me again how we needed good intentions in Africa. We needed attention to Africa, but we also needed to bring the best minds in our country and from around the world together to try to learn, grow, and develop a policy that would make some sense and really had a chance to unleash the human potential of the people of the African continent in ways that would lead to a safer and more prosperous world, a better life for them, and a better life for us. I wish very much that I had had the chance to just sit here for the last couple of days and listen to all of you. I never learn anything when I'm talking. I know I need to learn a lot. I was so jealous when the Vice President told me he actually got to come and sit in on one of the seminar sessions and to listen to your wonderful speech, madam, and we thank you for coming. But I assure you that I will follow the results of this conference very closely. Seeing Africa: A New Freedom And a New Responsibility Africa matters to the United States. It has to matter to us. The things we want to do--they sound so good, but we know they're hard to do: to have sustainable development, to have reasonable population growth, to stop the environmental decline, to stop the spread of AIDS, to preempt ethnic tensions before they explode into bloodbaths, to protect human rights, and to integrate the rich and wonderful spiritual heritage of Islam with the demands of modern states and the conflicts that must be reconciled in peaceful ways. These are not just conceptual. These are practical problems, not just for Africans but also for Americans. For decades we viewed Africa through a Cold War prism and through the fight against apartheid. We often, I think, cared in past years more about how African nations voted in the United Nations than whether their own people had the right to vote. We supported leaders on the basis of their anti-communist or anti-apartheid rhetoric perhaps more than their actions. And often the United States-- because it was a long way away and we had a lot of other problems--just simply ignored the realities of Africa. But now the prism through which we viewed Africa has been shattered. In the post-Cold War and post-apartheid world, our guideposts have disappeared, and it may be a very good thing--if we respond in the proper way. We have a new freedom and a new responsibility to see Africa--to see it whole and to see it as specific nations and specific problems and specific promise. It seems to me that a lot of what we would like to see occur in Africa is what we would like to have happen everywhere. We'd like to see more prosperity and more well-functioning economies, more democracy, and genuine security for people in their own borders. We would like to see sustainable development that promotes the long- term interest of our common environment on this increasingly shrinking globe. Africa illustrates also a central security challenge of the post-Cold War era--not so much conflicts across national borders but conflicts within them which can then spill over. It's not confined to Africa, as you see in Europe and the effort we have made to try to contain the conflict in Bosnia even as we worked to resolve it. The United States is currently supporting seven peace- keeping efforts in Africa. I have issued new guidelines to help us do this work more effectively. I've already discussed Somalia, but we've had special envoys to Sudan and Angola. We supported the Organization of African Unity's attempts to find new ways to resolve conflicts there and elsewhere. The daily reports from Rwanda, of course, remind us of the obstacles we face. There we have provided material, financial, and statistical support for the UN peace- keeping mission--more than $100 million in humanitarian relief. We have insisted that those who are committing genocide be brought to justice. And we supported the French decision to protect Rwandans at risk. This action will end as soon as the United Nations is ready to deploy peace-keepers. We will redouble our efforts to make sure we are providing all the support we can for that and to make sure it happens as soon as possible. I'm not sure that we can fairly view what has happened in Rwanda as an aberration rather than simply as the most extreme example of tensions that can destroy generations and disrupt progress and delay democracy. It seems to me that in the face of all of the tensions that are now gripping the continent, we need a new American policy based on the idea that we should help the nations of Africa identify and solve problems before they erupt. Reacting is not enough; we must examine these underlying problems. I know one of the underlying problems--and I've been following this on television, your meeting--is the enormity of outstanding debt. Last year at the G-7 meeting, we announced a policy of writing off 50% or more of the debts of selected African nations that carry the heaviest debt burdens, and we will continue that. But we are actively searching for new solutions to that problem as well. Let me challenge all of you here who have to work within the existing U.S. federal guidelines. I just named our Budget Director to be the new White House Chief of Staff, and I don't want to criticize tough budget guidelines, because they help us to get the deficit down. But one of the difficulties the United States has that a lot of our partners don't have in writing off debt is that debt-- even if it is not worth very much--is required, under our budget rules, to be scored with a certain value. We have to really work on that because we often find ourselves-- because of the mechanics of this--in a position that can be quite counterproductive. Debt is a problem not just in Africa but elsewhere as well. We are actively searching for new solutions to this problem, and I believe that we have to do something about it. Even though we know lightening the debt load won't solve all the problems, we can't solve a lot of the other problems unless we do it. The long-term goal has to be sustainable development. The statistics are pretty grim. Look at what is happening to natural resources, to population, to the gap between rich and poor. Look at what has happened to per capita income in so many countries in the decade of the 1980s. Daunting Challenges Ahead Africans have a daunting set of challenges before them. Yet we know that they can't do what people are always urging me to do--just pick out one thing and do it; forget about all the rest. Right? You heard that before? The problem is, it gives you something to say you did, but it may not solve the problem. I was very impressed by the writings of Professor Homer Dixon, who argued that all of these fronts must be moved on at once. There is no silver bullet; there is no magic cure. It would be nice if we could just work on one or two issues, but it unfortunately is not possible. When the representatives from 170 nations meet in Cairo at the population conference in September, they will approve a plan of action that attacks this problem at its heart--one which will eventually bolster families, improve the social and economic status of women, and provide the kinds of family planning and health services that sustainable development requires. The United States is a proud partner in embracing this strategy, which will eventually raise living standards and enable us to raise children better throughout the globe. I hope all of you will be supportive of that endeavor. As Africans turn away from the failed experiments of the past, they're also embracing new political freedoms. Yes, I know there are too many nations in Africa where tyranny still drowns out opposition to human rights. But as we meet today, more than a dozen African nations are preparing for elections. Opposition voices grow louder. Someday they'll be like me, and they'll wish it weren't happening. But it's a good sign, and the lights of freedom shine brighter. I think South Africa has given us great cause for hope, not only on the African continent but throughout the world. President Mandela spoke to you, I know, by videotape, and I thank him for that. I thank Reverend Jack-son and others who worked so hard to make those elections work well there. I think the $35 million we spent there last year in trying to prepare for and help make sure the elections came off all right was about the best expenditure of a modest amount of tax dollars that I have seen in many a year. But now the hard work begins. Governor Cuomo of New York used to have a wonderful phrase that he quoted all the time. He says we campaign in poetry, but, alas, we must govern in prose. Nelson Mandela's long travail in prison, for the rest of us who did not have to suffer personally, was an exercise in agonizingly beautiful poetry. But now that those decades of struggle have come to fruition, they must govern in prose, and we must find prosaic, practical, meaningful ways of helping them. We have launched a three-year, $600-million trade investment and development program which is a beginning of that but may not be the end. We have to do a number of other things as well. Building a Constituency For Change I want to ask all of you, who are Americans at least, when you leave here to help us to develop an American constituency for Africa that creates lasting links between our people and their people and that will not only help to drive the continent ahead but will help to drive a meaningful, sustained agenda here at home. We can do this. Maybe the most important thing I can do to work with you in the aftermath of this conference is to do whatever the President can do to develop that constituency--to explain to the American people of whatever race, region, or background why Africa matters to all of us and to our common future. All Members of Congress who have participated in this, including many who have tried to have more attention drawn to Africa for years and years and years, know that that is the first thing we must do in our democracy. Let me just say one or two other things. I think it's important, as we kind of wrap this up, to remember that even with all the problems and all the terrible things that are happening and all the economic backsliding which has occurred, there is a lot of hope in Africa. Even though, for example, there are problems in Sudan, where division delays development, there are Senegal, Mali, Namibia, and Botswana. For every Rwanda, there is Benin, Malawi, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, where people are trying to draw together as a society. In spite of our continuing frustrations with Angola, we look at Mozambique--reaching out for national reconciliation, looking forward to new elections. I say this because one of the problems I always find in trying to discuss this with people who are not otherwise engaged in it is that they read about all these terrible problems and they think, look, we've got all we can say grace over and then some. We're trying to get you to do less, and here you try to get me to think about this. This is a conversation I have now in the White House and around town here. I think it is very important--as Americans have to choose whether to engage in the future of Africa--that all the things that are happening which are good and positive be known, be-cause we can never develop a constituency for change in this country until people imagine that it will make a difference. The level of knowledge, frankly, is pretty low, except when something really horrible happens. Then it just cuts through our hearts, and it seems so overwhelming that we can't do anything about it. So that also gives you an excuse to walk away. You get the best of all worlds--I really care about this, but, lamentably, there's nothing I can do. So I say to all of you, I will do what I can. I will never know as much as those of you who have committed your professional lives to the development of Africa, those of you who have friends and family members there, those of you who have ties of passion and history there. But I do know we need a new policy. I do believe Africa matters to America. I do know there are a lot of good people there leading and making good things happen. I do know there are a lot of visionaries there. And I do know my child's and my grandchildren's future depends upon reconstructing the environmental and social fabric of that continent. I know that. So I say to you, let's build a constituency. Let's remind people there are things to hope about as well as things to fear. Let's go to work and make this the beginning--just the beginning--of a new American commitment to a better future for all our people. Vice President Gore June 27, 1994 Those of us who were lucky enough to be in South Africa on the morning after Nelson Mandela's inauguration could pick up the Star and relive the triumphant moments of that stunning day: the great crowds cheering outside Pretoria's Union Building, Mr. Mandela and Mr. de Klerk raising their hands together, and the delta wing jets that swept over the crowd with contrails in all the colors of the African flag. "A day of music, flags, colour, and joy," a headline read--and so it was. But if you read past the front page and on through the paper, you saw hints of the reality that lies ahead--a story about South Africa's growing number of street children, little ads from American immigration lawyers promising help to those who want to migrate here or to New Zealand, letters to the editor complaining about how Zimbabwe treated whites after its independence, articles about the devastating possibilities of drought for the sugar crop and about when to sell gold stocks, and sober discussion of the dismal GDP for Sub-Saharan Africa. It was the morning after. We had celebrated a triumph. Now the hard work of building a nation began. Optimism and Reality In many ways, what is true of South Africa is true of the entire continent. Sweeping through Africa in this last decade of the 20th century is a wave of optimism. Is it generated by the Mandela inauguration? Not entirely. After all, I saw other African success stories first-hand during my recent trip: Namibia, Benin, and Cape Verde. To meet with the leaders of the Southern Africa Development Community is to realize that Africa now has eight established democracies--Senegal, for example, and Botswana. It has 12 new ones, some admittedly fragile, and we see real progress toward democracy in 17 others. The optimism we see is based on far more than the events in Pretoria last month. On the other hand, I remember a conversation with Gwanda Chakuambaphiri, Malawi's Minister of Home Affairs, where he rightly pointed out that support for democracy evaporates if a representative government fails to deliver the goods. Democracy is only the beginning. Election achievements are meaningless if people continue to suffer under corruption, poor leadership, ethnic hatred, and economic failure. While there are examples of peace, progress, and stability--Bo-tswana or Namibia-- Africa is worse off now that it was at the beginning of the 1980s. -- Per capita income has dropped drastically. -- Debt has ballooned. -- Country after country has sunk into civil war; seven of the 17 UN peace-keeping operations are deployed in Africa. -- Much of Africa is plagued by disease--whether AIDS, for which no country has a cure, or schistosomiasis, which can be cured in the industrialized countries for pennies. -- Nigeria has already lost more than 60% of its forests, savannah, and wetlands. -- Only 15% of Uganda has access to safe water. -- In Niger, the terrible deforestation means women must walk three times as far in the hot sun for wood to prepare the midday meal. U.S. Priorities in Africa How do we help Africa fulfill the promise held out by the events in South Africa last month? This Administration wants to help. In part, our interest in Africa arises out of a vision of foreign policy enunciated by the President during the campaign and much of this year. It is a three-pronged vision: one that seeks to promote democracy, promote prosperity, and promote our own national security in an age when the Berlin Wall has been dismantled and people are casting ballots in the Kremlin. Our interest in Africa arises, as well, from our passionate belief in the common bond of humanity and from the fact that both this President and Vice President speak for 25 million Americans whose roots are in Africa. Early in this Administration, National Security Adviser Tony Lake emphasized our commitment to support Africa in three key areas, reiterating the President's priorities. -- We want to promote trade and investment. -- We want to leverage capital for basic development and infrastructure. -- We want to support effective government and democracy. There are those who argue that democracy or free market economies--or, for that matter, attention to the environment--are luxuries Africa cannot afford. What patronizing nonsense. Democracy is not a cure-all. But if ever there was doubt that Africa is ready for democracy, it was surely dispelled when we saw ordinary men and women waiting in line at the polling places for hours and hours in small townships, rural reserves, and great cities along the length and breadth of South Africa. As for those who argue that free trade will only trample Africa's small companies and smother its entrepreneurs--well, history shows that when countries choose economic isolation over international economic engagement, their standard of living falls. Democracy, free markets, attention to the environment: All three conditions, like a kind of economic petri dish, can create conditions allowing environmentally sustainable economic development. U.S. Policy Successes Our policy has achieved some notable successes. We have eased the debt burdens of Africa's poorest countries. We have supported democratic transitions. We have influenced the growth of accountable government by conditioning our economic assistance in countries like Zambia and Kenya. We expanded the Africa Regional Electoral Assistance Fund to strengthen democratic institutions. We've continued our support for South Africa's transition to democracy with a $600-million multi-year program designed to meet the urgent needs of South Africans for jobs, housing, health care, basic education, and black private sector development. We will continue to work closely in partnership with South Africa to ensure that this historic transition succeeds. In the coming weeks, I expect to announce the establishment of a concrete mechanism to focus our dialogue with Nelson Mandela's government and to maintain high-level involvement in helping the South African people realize their dream of a democratic, non-racial, prosperous, and free nation. American involvement elsewhere in Africa includes leading the international community's humanitarian effort to end the starvation that ravaged Somalia and supporting its reconciliation process. We have worked to strengthen the OAU's abilities to resolve conflicts; helped expand the ECOWAS peace-keeping presence in Liberia; worked with the international community to advance the OAU-brokered peace accord in Rwanda; provided $94 million in humanitarian aid to Rwanda, Burundi, and neighboring states; leased peace-keeping equipment to the UN; and encouraged regional leaders to revive the Arusha process. Our Agency for International Development has undertaken extensive consultations to develop a new approach for doing business in Southern Africa. USAID has reached agreement on regional initiatives in four areas--two of them unlike anything it has done before: a Southern Africa Enterprise Fund to encourage indigenous private sector development and a Southern Africa Democracy Fund to strengthen participatory democracy. Usually in speeches like these, we try to make news. But this year, we have also worked very hard to prevent some headlines from appearing. This spring, it looked very likely that there would be famine in parts of the Horn region by the end of the growing season. It is one of the most pressing problems on the African continent: Who here does not have emblazoned in their mind's eye the images of starving families in Ethiopia in 1984? This time we did not wait. President Clinton dispatched Brian Atwood to the region as his special envoy to coordinate emergency relief efforts and to lead the way in focusing development activities on the root causes of famine. By targeting our efforts--along with other donors--on the underlying causes of recurrent famine, we can help break the cycle of despair that now grips much of the Horn region. I'm pleased to state that our efforts have produced results already. We consulted with and gained commitments from the European Union to augment and coordinate food delivery to the region; we energized the United Nations and the private voluntary organization community about the crisis. We do not claim to have solved the problem of famine in Africa. Right now, there are over 20 million people needing emergency aid in Eastern Africa alone. But this fall, at least, we expect one of those rare times when no news is good news. The real news, of course, is that the world community is reacting quickly to forestall what could have been starvation and death for whole villages. Africans Creating Change in Africa I do not run through this list to argue that we have solved problems. I mention them only to demonstrate the depth of our commitment--for in the end, American aid can only be a catalyst. Those who create real change in Africa will be the African people themselves. But that is what we have seen. Uganda has emerged from years of chaos, and a fairly elected constituent assembly will soon ratify a democratic constitution for that country. Outsiders didn't do that. Ugandans did. Malawi prepares for the first genuine elections in three decades. Outsiders didn't create those elections. The people of Malawi did. Both Madagascar and Seychelles recently abandoned socialist rule and have run free and fair elections. Tanzania has legalized opposition parties. This wasn't the work of outsiders. It came from the aspirations and persistence and courage of the people of Madagascar, Seychelles, and Tanzania. The worldwide telecommunications revolution also holds great promise for Africa. It will spark trade and investment throughout Africa and accelerate the spread of ideas and information. Right now there are 55 phones for every 100 Americans--and less than one for every 100 Africans. Private sector projects such as AT&T's proposed fiber optic seabed cable and the LEOS--Low Earth Orbiting Satellite systems--promise to enrich the lives of all Africans. Meanwhile, Africa can increase its access to information through projects like the GLOBE initiative, which allows school children throughout Africa and the world to work together measuring environmental phenomena. Much Still To Be Done This is not to argue that Africa is in the homestretch. Democracy has made some progress. But there is so much more to be done. Many African countries need reform in both civil service and in education. In too many African countries, disenfranchised, illiterate populations have been--and sometimes still are--the victims of those who won power often through the barrel of a gun and ruthlessly maintained that power. The United States will be frank in its condemnations of those who call themselves leaders but who continue to prosecute wars in which they risk the lives of hundreds of thousands of their own people--people who have no voice in their own destinies--or who, as in Rwanda, butcher those with whom they must live in peace. But if we in the United States cannot solve Africa's future, we can work with those who have that ability. In fact, we already have. For evidence, we need look no further than those who are in this room. Looking around, I see Wangari Maathai, the founder of the greenbelt movement and a champion of rural Kenyan women. I see members of the Congressional Black Caucus, now under the leadership of Kweisi Mfume, which has made so many Americans aware of African problems and opportunities. I also see Maya Angelou. The night of Nelson Mandela's inauguration, we celebrated in the Market Theatre in Johannesburg, a theater that was itself a symbol of hope, with its willingness to defy apartheid by the plays it produced. At one point, Maya Angelou came to the stage to read her poetry. As I listened--I was next, and believe me, I didn't relish the idea--I thought of the other time I had stood on a stage and listened to her. It was also an inauguration--President Clinton's. And I remember her poem, which contained these lines: "Lift up your eyes Upon this day breaking for you Give birth again To the dream . . . Lift up your hearts Each new hour holds new chances For a new beginning." A new day is breaking not only in South Africa but for the entire continent. What we do in the months and years ahead will help determine how bright a day it is. Decades from now, when we look back on what we have accomplished, let it be said that this was the generation that helped Africa achieve the peace and prosperity that has eluded it for so long. Let it be said that, inspired by those who tore down apartheid, we helped Africa use its strength to build a new life. Give us your ideas. Give us your insights. Give us your commitment. Africa is the continent where human beings began. Help Africa become testament to the best human beings can achieve. Secretary Christopher June 26, 1994 Secretary General Salim, distinguished guests: I am pleased to welcome you to the State Department as we begin the first White House Conference on Africa. Thank you all for taking a Sunday night to join us. We are meeting tonight in the Benjamin Franklin room. The other rooms on this wonderful eighth floor are also named for our founding fathers: Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe. Providence was generous to America in the incomparable quality of our first leadership. This Department has been privileged to host another founding father in this very room, one of the great men of our century: the founding father of the new South Africa, Nelson Mandela. With dignity, wisdom, and determination, he stands as a beacon to Africa and to the world as he leads his country to a brighter future. Democratic Achievements, Ongoing Conflicts Africa is a continent of stark contrasts. It is a continent of awesome natural resources and enormous human potential. It is also a continent plagued by political and ethnic conflict, deteriorating economies, poverty, and hunger. It is the continent that has witnessed the single most horrible and the single most triumphant events on the planet this year. Africa and the world must confront the horror of Rwanda. But we can gain confidence from the triumph of South Africa. The credit for that triumphant democratic achievement belongs to the people of South Africa--to their indomitable political will and their spirit of tolerance and compromise. But America has been proud to lend a hand. During the last two years alone, the United States provided more than $185 million to help bring an end to apartheid, to organize the mechanics of free elections, and to build civil society. The United States is actively supporting the new march to democracy throughout the continent. Malawi has just held its first multi-party election. More than two dozen elections have taken place on the continent during the last four years, with 12 more planned before 1996. This year, we have committed $85 million to help build democratic institutions in Africa. We are reinforcing our commitment to African democracy by supporting conflict resolution. Let me emphasize, Mr. Secretary General, that the United States applauds the OAU's strong commitment to conflict resolution. The OAU is demonstrating that regional diplomacy can work. Efforts such as those in Angola, Mozambique, and Liberia deserve our continued engagement and assistance. Despite the uncertainties about Somalia's future, more than 500,000 Somalis who might have died are alive today because of American and UN peace-keeping efforts. Now, Somalis themselves must determine their country's future. We recognize that our diplomacy is most effective when deployed in support of African efforts. An end to the civil war in Liberia, for example, is closer today than at any time in the last four years. Much of the credit goes to the West African community of nations and others that have contributed peace-keeping troops. From the onset of the crisis in Rwanda, we have worked with African nations and the international community to find a solution to the horrible ethnic violence and bloodshed. We have provided nearly $100 million in humanitarian assistance. And we spearheaded efforts to convene a special session of the UN Human Rights Commission, because those who commit acts of genocide must be brought to justice. Focusing on Root Causes But if we are to help prevent such conflicts, we also must focus on root causes, especially the interlocking crises of environmental degradation, unsupportable population growth, and disease. If we fail to confront these scourges now, more lives will be wasted. When the Cairo population conference convenes in September, the United States will lead in global efforts to address too- rapid population growth. This Administration is strengthening our nation's commitment to preventing humanitarian crises. USAID Administrator Brian Atwood recently traveled to the Horn of Africa to assess an emergency that places 20 million people at risk. USAID is developing a long-term strategy to prevent food shortages from developing into famines once again to get ahead of the curve for once. Our efforts are aimed at bringing what has been called "a little preemptive humanity" to a region where it has been in such desperately short supply. Our ultimate challenge is to increase Africa's capacity to address its problems and to create the conditions in which democratic societies and market economies can take hold. African nations must sharpen their focus on strengthening the rule of law, stemming corruption, and supporting education. In Africa as elsewhere, it is market democracies that have the greatest capacity to avoid conflict, achieve sustainable development, and meet the aspirations of their peoples. This important conference can help us focus on the challenges facing Africa and mobilize the energies and resources of the public, private, and voluntary sectors in this country. We are pleased to be able to draw upon the important experience and expertise of people from government, academia, business, the media, and NGOs. This conference can help build a sturdy bridge between America and Africa--a bridge that can lead to a better future for African nations and peoples. Anthony Lake Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs June 26, 1994 A very warm welcome to the White House Conference on Africa--I can't tell you what pleasure it gives me to say those words. I think this is the first such gathering of regional experts ever sponsored by the White House. I am particularly pleased and excited that our focus is on Africa. In fact, I've heard an ugly rumor around that the choice of topics might have something to do with my own personal prejudices. And I want to tell you that that ugly rumor is absolutely true. As I said, this is our first effort at drawing together a group like this in seeking a very wide range of views. So I hope that you won't hesitate to tell us, at the end of the conference, where we went right and where we went wrong and that you won't keep your opinions to yourselves. Somehow I am not too worried on either score, looking out at you. All of us are reminded that we live in uncertain and very exciting times. The Cold War is history; democracy is on the march around the world; technology and commerce are drawing us closer together. This exciting new world challenges us to think and to act anew. That's why it is so important to us that you are here. As I was saying to Jim Grant just now, none of us in such a new world which does so challenge our thinking should let slip any opportunity to plagiarize. And I look forward to our plagiarizing your ideas in the coming weeks and months and even years ahead of us. A Continent of Contradictions Africa, like the rest of the world, captures our attention and our emotions as rarely ever before. Nations consumed by conflict live side by side with those struggling quietly for success. Headlines speak one day of ethnic massacres and the next day of democracy's advances. The terrible problems of African nations and the pessimism they can breed are matched in scope only by the continent's huge potential. In recent months, events in South Africa and Rwanda have starkly illustrated those contradictions and offered sharply different pictures of Africa's future. Had any one of us come before a group like this half a decade ago and predicted what would happen in South Africa, we would have laughed him or her right off the podium. But Nelson Mandela is the elected leader of a free South Africa, and we live in a post-apartheid world. Whenever we feel overwhelmed by the troubles that face Africa, we should remind ourselves of those wonderful pictures of South Africans standing in line, waiting for hours and days to cast their votes in free and fair elections. And then we should repeat to ourselves that magic phrase, "President Mandela." Just think about it. While South Africa's citizens have proved that political courage and personal will can triumph over the habits of history, recent evidence from Rwanda tells a much different story. It's a story of ethnic hatred transformed into genocide--the story of unspeakable physical horror, of generations and families lost to rifles and machetes. It is a test case of one of the great security challenges of the post-Cold War era-- conflicts within rather than among nations. It is a warning of what can happen if African nations and all of us do too little to stop simmering conflicts before they boil over. The examples of South Africa and Rwanda illustrate why our administration cares so deeply about African affairs and why we have committed ourselves to stronger ties with Africa. We care about Africa because of the great potential of its people, its tradition, and its resources. We care because of the historic ties that bind our two nations together. We care because the great global challenges of tomorrow are reflected in Africa today. So for most Americans, Africa is a place about which we care. Who could not care when we read the newspaper account a few days ago of a Rwandan woman, separated from her husband and her children--waiting in a church for the next visit of the murderers, who were coming from time to time to pluck out their next victims from the group she was in, or for her deliverance? Caring--Conceptual Clarity--Practical Action But caring is not enough. Care must be translated into conceptual clarity about the nature of the problems that Africa faces, and then care must be translated into practical action. That begins, unhappily, with the sober appreciation of the limitations that we face and must overcome: shrinking budgets that will prevent large, new infusions of funds; an American people uncertain of where and when on earth they want their nation to get involved; a United Nations that is stretched to its capacities; and a sometimes overwhelming feeling of pessimism borne of a decade of African economic decline, captured in the human statistic of a decline in African per capita income of about 2% per year. But we are engaged in Africa, and we will move forward. In support of security on the continent, we have engaged in active diplomacy to help resolve internal conflicts, including sending presidential special envoys to work on the crises in Angola, in Sudan, and in Somalia. We have supported several peace-keeping efforts in Africa--from Mozambique to Liberia, from Angola to Rwanda--giving the people of those nations the breathing space they need to rebuild their societies. In Somalia, the efforts of American soldiers and of our relief agencies helped save hundreds of thousands of Somali lives. We are supporting the OAU's conflict resolution mechanism, which will identify and address potential conflicts before they explode. We have launched new programs to support the flourishing of democracy on a continent which has seen nearly half of its nations take bold or tentative steps in that direction in the past few years. Throughout Africa, we have left no doubt in the minds of autocratic leaders that we insist on a rapid transition to democracy, return to civilian rule, and respect for human rights. To pursue the goal of sustainable development, we are maintaining current levels of development assistance, despite serious cuts in foreign aid budgets elsewhere. We are providing broad relief to African nations burdened by crushing debt, and we intend to do more. We have been steadfast in our support for the wonderful, historic change in South Africa through election support and through a post-election package of trade and investment and development policies. These efforts are a beginning. But there are opportunities to do more to assist sustainable development, conflict resolution, and the promotion of democracy and human rights. We hope that your efforts over the next few days will provide fresh thinking and a deepening public-private partnership that will allow us to seize these opportunities. For their part, the next generation of African leaders faces limitations and challenges that dwarf, of course, our own. But they, too, must look forward beyond the tendency to blame all their problems on the very real legacy of colonial domination. Instead, they must take responsibility for the tough steps that sustainable development and democracy require. Conference Working Groups Over the next two days, we will be discussing the wide range of challenges that African nations are facing and the decisions that the United States faces in conducting its relations with the continent. We will hear from President Clinton, Vice President Gore, and Secretary Christopher. But most of the hard work, of course, will be done in the conference's six working groups into which you have been divided. Let me take a few minutes to describe those groups. The first working group will address the issue of sustainable development and will be chaired by C. Payne Lucas of Africare and Elliott Berg of Developmental Alternatives. The nexus of economic, political, social, and environmental challenges facing Africa can lead one to a sense of "Afro-pessimism," as Robert Kaplan has observed in his article--pessimistic enough--"The Coming Anarchy." This group will consider how we can simultaneously address these challenges and create a synergy that can stimulate development, resurrect societies, and build hope. A second group, chaired by Richard Joseph of the Carter Center and Pauline Baker of the Aspen Institute, will address the challenge of supporting democracy and promoting human rights. The group will address how the United States can support the revolution of democracy sweeping the continent--on center stage in South Africa but, in quieter but no less dramatic terms, present also in countries like Malawi, Benin, Niger, and Mali. It will also explore how we can best support the creation of a culture of tolerance, a flowering of civil society, and the protection of human dignity throughout the continent. The phenomenon of societies ripping themselves apart, from Rwanda and Sudan to Somalia and Liberia, is neither new nor unique to Africa. But it has taken on a new urgency in recent years. A third group, chaired by Francis Deng of the Brookings Institution and Hank Cohen of the Global Coalition for Africa, will consider the proper international response to these crises, including diplomacy, conflict resolution, humanitarian assistance, and peace-keeping. It will address roles for the United Nations, the OAU, European nations, and our own efforts and will consider ways of addressing the often slow and tortuous, cumbersome international response to these crises. A fourth group will address a wide range of global issues facing Africa along with the rest of the world. These issues range from refugee flows to capacity-building for education, from combating crime and corruption to the fight against AIDS, and from ensuring the full participation of women in society to incorporating modern technology into the life of the continent. Vivian Lowery Derryck of the African American Institute and Don McHenry from Georgetown will chair this group, which certainly has its work cut out for it. Too often, we think of Africa only in terms of the problems to be overcome rather than the mutual benefits that can be derived. A fifth panel addresses business relationships with Africa, chaired by Percy Wilson of the Corporate Council on Africa and Stephen Lewis of Carleton College. It will consider how we can expand trade and investment links to Africa, how these links can support African development, and the relationship between our government and the private sector. Central to all of these efforts will be the strengthening of the American constituency for Africa. At a time of renewed interest in Africa--when the exhilaration in South Africa and the horrors in Rwanda I spoke about earlier have produced more front-page stories about Africa than at any time in my memory--it is incumbent on all of us who care deeply about the continent to translate this caring and this interest into a tangible commitment. The chairs for this sixth panel will be Charlayne Hunter-Gault of PBS, Ben Chavis of the NAACP, and Michael Clough of the Council on Foreign Relations. A National Dialogue On Africa's Future These are all difficult and long-term challenges. It would be foolish to expect or even to seek consensus from this conference on all of these issues. But the tremendous experience, commitment, and intellect of the people in this room, applied exclusively to African issues for the next two days, is an important milepost in our efforts. I thank you for your willingness to take time from your very busy schedules to participate in this stage of our national dialogue on the future of Africa and our policies toward Africa. As we proceed, none of us, I'm sure, will underestimate the magnitude of the problems that confront so many African nations. But again, I urge you not to let the recitation of these problems blind you to Africa's potential. Anyone who knows the people of Africa as well as you do knows the particular combination of greatness and power that dwells across their continent. It is the greatness of natural beauty and the power of untapped resources. It is the greatness of diverse and rich cultures and the power of talented people striving for a better future. That greatness, that power, is reflected in Africa's progress toward democracy and reform and offers solid evidence that a brighter African future is much more than a dream. Brian Atwood Administrator, U.S. Agency for International Development June 26, 1994 I want to thank you, Tony, for your leadership in convening this first White House Conference on Africa. Tony's interest in Africa has remained constant throughout his career, as many of you know, and I think we're very fortunate to have an Africanist in his position in government. . . . We have a great opportunity here. We are going to involve the President of the United States, the Vice President, the National Security Adviser, the Secretary of State, and experts from all over our country. In the next two days, let's be candid with one another about Africa, and let's be candid about the solutions. We have a real opportunity to renew our nation's commitment to the development of a continent with tremendous potential. But we need to be clear about the realities, the obstacles to progress, and the great opportunity that exists. Africa's Destiny in African Hands Africa today is not the Africa portrayed in Robert Kaplan's "The Coming Anarchy." Yes, there is conflict-- even tragedy. Yes, there is environmental degradation. Yes, there are overpopulated cities, overpopulated countries. But for the most part, Africa is much more hopeful than Kaplan suggests. Much of Africa is demonstrating tremendous resiliency as it recovers from manmade or natural disasters. Think about Uganda or Mozambique or Namibia or Zimbabwe or Ethiopia. These were nations in conflict a decade or less ago. Look at them now. Today, more Africans have access to health care and education than ever before. In many parts of Africa, new agricultural techniques are being used, and new markets for farmers are being created. Some of the countries of Southern Africa that only a few years ago survived a devastating drought today are producing food surpluses. What is most significant today is that a new group of African leaders has come to power. These leaders are pushing the continent to realize its potential. They are encouraging people to participate in government and in the development of their societies. These are leaders such as Mandela of South Africa and Nujoma of Namibia, Bakili of Malawi, Meles of Ethiopia, Issaias of Eritrea, Museveni of Uganda, Soglo of Benin, Ousmane of Niger, and Konare of Mali. All of these leaders have come to power and have had their leadership democratically endorsed within the past two years. Add to this critical core such leaders as Diouf of Senegal, Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Masire of Botswana, and Rawlings of Ghana, and you have a potential for positive, collective action that has not existed in Africa since the days of the post-colonial giants of the first African drive for independence. They are now involved in the second drive for independence. This critical core of leaders heard a clarion call at the OAU meeting in Tunis earlier this month from none other than the person you have just heard from yourself, President Nelson Mandela, who challenged his colleagues over the tragedy in Rwanda. He said: "Tribute is due to the great thinkers of our continent who have been and are trying to move all of us to understand the intimate interconnection between the great issues of our day, of peace, stability, democracy, human rights cooperation, and development. Even as we speak, Rwanda stands out as a stern and severe rebuke to all of us for having failed to address these interrelated matters." These words are the best proof I have seen that Africans are taking their destiny into their own hands. U.S. Development Initiatives In Africa There is much that I could say today about our development initiatives in Africa, but I would probably not tell this group of experts much that they do not already know. You know that we are doubling our commitment to South Africa: We will provide, over the next three years, $528 million to help Nelson Mandela's government promote black private sector development; improve the infrastructure of the townships and the poor rural areas; and, in the process, create jobs, redress inequities in the health care and education systems, and strengthen democratic institutions. You may not know that we are also increasing our investment in the Southern Africa region. Working closely with SADC and other regional entities, we will invest $300 million over the next five years to strengthen economic ties, to capitalize small businesses, to improve transportation and communications systems, and to encourage contacts among NGOs and other advocates of democracy. You may not know that we have created a special fund to help the CFA currency countries through a difficult transition after their decision to devalue their currency. This devaluation has already encouraged domestic production as import costs have risen. But we want to build on this to stimulate job creation and help governments restructure their economies. You probably know that the Development Fund for Africa has been a model for the kind of results-oriented, sustainable development program we want to run all over the world. We want to be more integrated in our approach, more strategic in our focus. And we want to work with partner governments that are open to allowing their own people to participate in the development process. Since you probably know all of these things, I want to spend the remaining part of my time talking about my hope that we can invest even more in sustainable development in Africa. Today, we are spending twice as much on peace-keeping and disaster relief as we are on development--that's unavoidable. We need to reverse that ratio, and we can if we engage together in a strategy of crisis prevention. In that regard, the President of the United States took a very important step a month ago when he undertook a crisis prevention initiative in the greater Horn area of East Africa. There are many people in this room that participated in that delegation. This is a unique mission in three ways. First, we're attempting to gain the world's political leaders' attention and the public's attention before a famine occurs, before we see babies dying on television. Second, we have asked other donors and the nations of this greater Horn region to look at the problem in a regional context. And third, we have asked that our collaborative efforts be viewed not just as another rescue mission but, rather, as part of a continuum--from relief, to recovery, to long-term sustainable development. I want to discuss very briefly these three innovations. First, we did succeed in getting the attention we sought. This would not have happened if this had not engaged the President of the United States himself. That assured us of a traveling press corps and good coverage wherever we went. It opened doors at the political level, important particularly in Europe. We also would not have succeeded in this approach if the United States had not brought to the table better information on the situation than anyone else. We had information that we had gathered as part of our famine early warning system; we have been tracking this situation for the last year. At the end of last year, we had 7.6 million people at risk. Today, there are 20.6 million people at risk as a result of the drought and the civil conflict in this region. We have a shortfall of 2 million tons of food. Only 1.6 million tons have been pledged, and I can tell you--having been in a storage shed with 100 metric tons of food--2 million metric tons of food is a lot of food. We brought to the table, also, an analysis of the ports and transportation system of this region. In other words, we had superior information. We had information better than the United Nations, better than the European Union, better than any of the other bilateral donors. That is the way that we could effectuate our leadership. Second, the regional approach that we took was essential. I won't dwell on this except to say that people in this region suffer from the problems that other countries in the region are suffering from. No one escapes the consequences of the civil conflict in southern Sudan or in Rwanda--or of the population growth problems or the drought. People are on the move in this region, and our efforts are designed to keep them at home. Food security is the common theme. We're working with other donors in our regional strategy to help this region achieve food security. To do this, a viable strategy will involve liberalizing agricultural markets and trade patterns and improving ports and transportation systems, agricultural techniques training, fertilizer and seed supplies, irrigation and water storage systems, and population programs. Last but not least, it will involve stronger and more democratic governments. Finally, just as we have to avoid the stovepipe, compartmentalized approach to development here in our own country, we must also stop separating or ignoring the crucial elements of the development continuum. The international community has compartmentalized itself. If you look at the UN system, UNHCR deals only with refugees; it doesn't even deal with displaced persons. The World Food Program supplies food; it doesn't worry about development or agricultural production. A Continuum: Relief to Recovery to Development We cannot afford to continue to address these emergencies without simultaneously addressing their root causes and looking at the entire continuum from relief to recovery to development. Employing the concept of this continuum requires linking relief and development interventions by investing relief dollars with a view to developmental goals, while at the same time ensuring that development assistance addresses the long-term vulnerabilities that provoke disasters. The way in which we plan to carry out our relief efforts can have a major impact on the prospects for follow-on recovery and development. To make the transition from relief to development, we need to use relief assistance as creatively as possible--for example, by supporting food-for-work programs and purchasing local food where possible, thus supporting and stimulating local and intraregional trade. The need to encourage free markets and to stimulate greater intraregional trade is key both to relief and to longer-term recovery and development. For example, at the urging of USAID, the Government of Kenya removed key trade barriers with neighboring Uganda. In turn, that led Kenyan traders to purchase 400,000 metric tons of Ugandan maize to respond to a large food deficit in Kenya. These commercial purchases will save donors from having to provide substantial food assistance to Kenya, while at the same time stimulating Ugandan farmers to produce more. If the international community is to respond effectively to the Horn crisis, its interventions must address productive capacity. That means providing assistance that will keep farmers active as long and as extensively as possible. It means rehabilitating those producers who have lost their ability to produce as well as reintegrating returning refugees and demobilized soldiers. It means de-mining agricultural areas. It means long- term development strategies that are sustainable: programs that involve people, not just government ministries; programs that curb population growth and offer new agricultural technology that will reduce environmental damage and increase yields; programs that open new markets and encourage micro-enterprise creation; and health and education programs that help develop the most valuable resource Africa has--its people. The key to all of the above is timely and accurate information about the challenges we face. Our famine early warning system has been invaluable in helping the world appreciate the scope of the drought now threatening the Horn. But as we increasingly face crises caused not just by natural conditions but by ethnic strife and political turmoil, we need better early warning systems. To address the emerging reality of such complex crises, USAID is planning to expand its famine early warning system beyond the agricultural sector to include a capacity to measure the impact of poverty, population growth, environmental degradation, and weak governmental structures on the development process. Such a system would enable us not only to measure development needs more accurately, it would also enable us to predict more accurately the imminent implosion of societies. The international community must acquire this capability if it is to practice preventive diplomacy seriously. The President's Horn of Africa initiative is a vital test case. Can we extricate ourselves from the morass of crisis management and enter a new era of crisis prevention? Can we equip our government and the international system with the tools to combat chaos as we earlier provided it with the tools to combat communism? Can we use our ingenuity and our leadership skills to prevent famine, conflict, and environmental disaster in the developing world? In undertaking this Horn of Africa initiative, President Clinton has answered all of these questions with a resounding yes. But in Africa, the United States will not be acting alone. The new leaders of Africa give us the hope we need to overcome the obstacles, but they need our assistance and encouragement as never before--as President Mandela said in his statement. We cannot develop their societies for them. But today, through more open, decentralized, and democratic political systems, Africa is unleashing the creative skills and energies of its own people. That makes our investment in Africa's sustainable development a sound one. Let's hope that next year we begin to spend more on development and less on relief. I hope you will have a constructive and rewarding conference, and I wish you well. George Moose Assistant Secretary for African Affairs June 26, 1994 I would like to welcome all of you and to express my appreciation for your participation in this, the first- ever White House Conference on Africa. It's an honor for me to be able to participate in a dialogue with so many distinguished, experienced Africanists as are gathered here this afternoon. And I'm delighted to look around this room and see so many people who have contributed to my understanding of Africa over the years. Long-term U.S. Policy Goals This is a timely exercise. We in the Administration believe that we've established some reasonable and realistic long-term goals for our policy toward Africa. They are: -- To support African efforts to establish democratic institutions in governments; -- To help bring an end to the many conflicts and crises on the continent; and -- To encourage sustainable economic growth. These are essentially conservative goals. By that I mean that what we seek, in the first instance, is to preserve and to consolidate the very real gains--both economic and political--that have been made on the continent, especially in the last decade. We can be reasonably confident, thereby, that these goals will remain valid. But we are also much aware of a whole range of long-term developments and trends that are seriously challenging our assumptions about how those goals can be achieved. They include environmental trends; population and migration patterns; changing health conditions; and evolving political, social and cultural practices. They are trends that affect the entire continent in different ways. They are trends which, if allowed to continue on their present natural course, could easily overwhelm the determined efforts being made today to put the continent on a steadier and sounder footing. We need urgently to understand those trends. Moreover, we need to begin now to design the policy responses that will permit us collectively to have a significant impact on them--to alter them for the better. I have the daunting task of trying to sum up the state of Africa. I know, as I say that, that there are many in this room who could do that far better than I. But I'd like to take a moment to give you an idea of what we believe lies ahead for the African continent during the coming decade. The Coming Decade--Africa's Problems and Potential Just a few weeks ago, the Bureau of African Affairs organized a conference to look at some of those social, economic, and political trends in Africa. The Africa 2000 Conference, as it was called, was in some respects a modest precursor to this weekend's events. It brought together a small group of academics, business people, and practitioners of foreign affairs from both inside and outside of government. I'm pleased that a number of those participants are in the gathering in the room here this afternoon. The purpose of that conference was to take our current knowledge about Africa and project it forward to sketch a broad, composite picture of what the continent might look like in the first decade of the 21st century. I'd like to share with you this afternoon some of our observations--and I apologize for the extreme liberties I'm going to take with some of the wonderful presentations that so many of you made during that conference. One of the most important observations was that the major trends on the continent--war, population, trade, democracy--are inextricably intertwined. Accordingly, there was a recognition of the need for an integrated approach in our way of thinking about Africa if our response to the continent's problems is to have any chance of success. Today, for example, we cannot pursue democratization without considering the pressures of population growth. We cannot make plans for development without considering the health of the environment. We cannot discuss peace-keeping without considering the impact of AIDS on the deployment of troops. Our review of Africa's economic prospects confirmed the enormous diversity and potential of the continent's economic base. African nations currently produce some $45 billion annually in major commodities, over one-half of which is in petroleum and gold and diamonds. In fact, South Africa and Nigeria account for half of those commodity exports. Despite Africa's static or negative overall economic growth during most of the 1980s, our review suggested some generally positive trends in the coming decade. Historically, Africa's growth has closely tracked the growth rates of the world economy. With an anticipated global economic growth rate of 4% and the need for industrial renovation in most industrial nations, African commodities will be in slightly higher demand over the next decade. During the same timeframe, African economies also should grow at approximately 4% per annum, based on World Bank forecasts that world prices for crude oil and food crops will remain relatively stagnant while prices for coffee and cocoa and tea and other commodities rise between 10% and 50%. What makes this picture far more somber, however, is the overlay of other trends--the disruption and instability caused by ongoing conflicts; the specter of a disastrous new drought; and, most important of all, an unsustainably high population growth rate. Indeed, Africa's population growth rate is probably the single most important force shaping Africa's economic, social, and political future. The continent continues to lead the world with a rate projected at 3.2%. At this level, the continent's 600 million people will double by the year 2018 to 1.2 billion. If that rate continues to hold, it could quickly erode Africa's hopes for improved land use, resource management, food productivity, and political stability during the 1990s and beyond. Africa has the largest expanse of arable land in the world. Yet it is also a continent that faces the greatest environmental challenges, including deforestation, desertification, and loss of biodiversity. Studies conducted by the United Nations Environmental Program indicate that since 1980, the total acreage of Africa's forest land has declined by nearly 2% a year. In Madagascar, perhaps as much as four-fifths of the area in which tropical forests once flourished has been cleared. These forest losses have been accompanied by desertification and land degradation. This is a problem throughout Africa, and it is the dominant environmental threat in the Sahel. Inherent soil deficiencies, overgrazing, and unfavorable weather patterns contribute to the problem, as does variability of rainfall, which can cause erosion of soils that are already shallow. Between 1984 and 1990, land degradation in some parts of the Sahel caused millet and sorghum yields to drop from 125 kilograms per hectare to less than 50 kilograms per hectare. Africa's economic development is also closely tied to the use of water resources. The Nile, the Niger, and the Zaire Rivers and numerous smaller rivers are potentially major resources for irrigation of crops and generation of hydroelectric power. Unfortunately, environmental degradation, misuse of water resources, and poor management of catchment basins are squandering these resources and hampering Africa's efforts to realize its developmental potential. Deforestation, desertification, and the degradation of water resources are trends that also threaten Africa's remarkable biodiversity. As land is misused, critical habitats for wild plants and animals are lost. Nevertheless, Africa still contains a wealth of biodiversity. In much of the rest of the world, it may be too late to stem the loss of plant and animal species. In most of Africa, however, the opportunity still exists to secure these resources and their long-term economic and environmental benefits. Africa's economic growth is further diminished by the fact that some 10 million people--out of a world total of 14 million--are HIV-infected. Already there are more than 1.5 million AIDS cases in Africa. If that weren't tragic enough, the virus is decimating the continent's most productive groups--the professional and working classes--and in their most productive years. A predicted 14,000 African teachers will die of AIDS in the next 15 years. By the year 2000, there will be an estimated 10 million AIDS orphans. The costs in human suffering and strain on health care systems, social disruption, and lost skills and productivity will be all but impossible to calculate. African cities are the places where the impact of population growth and pathological disease is most evident. With war and migration and land degradation so prevalent, African cities have grown far faster than the capacity of African governments to provide critical infrastructural support for these sprawling masses of people. Changes in the nature and the capacities of African governments, of course, are key to assessing the continent's future. Over the past decade, the continent has undergone dramatic political and institutional change--much of it for the better. Since 1989, multiparty elections have been held in 26 countries, with a dozen more expected by 1996. Two-thirds of the initial democratic elections were judged to be free and fair, and incumbents were unseated in South Africa, in Zambia, in Malawi, and in nine other countries. Yet, most of these new governments have not had the time to come to grips with the enormity of their problems. Several are barely managing to survive. Their primary focus, indeed, is on mere survival and self-preservation. Others stagger in a quasi-autocratic state of existence while the social, economic, and political infrastructures of their countries erode. In Liberia, Rwanda, Angola, and Sudan, war continues to block any hope of real progress. As the poorest region of the world, Africa is also the region most heavily burdened with conflict-generated problems. The cost of war-related tragedies, enormous flows of refugees, and displaced persons is not easily measurable on an accountant's spreadsheet. The developmental, environmental, and--most sadly--psychological impact of conflict has taken a tremendous toll on the African people and often goes unnoticed. Seeking Clarity and Direction In Our Approach The foregoing catalogue only serves to bring home the enormity of the problems that the continent faces today. But what we must not do under any circumstances is allow the weight of our current knowledge to become an excuse for cynicism or inaction. As one of the participants in our Africa 2000 Conference pointedly reminded us all, only two decades ago, knowledgeable experts were painting an equally grim picture of developments in Asia and making equally dire predictions as to what Asia's future might hold. In Africa itself, we have recently been provided with a powerful reminder that the most critical variable in human history is the capacity of the human spirit. As Tony mentioned earlier, five years ago, I think few of us in this room would have been prepared to wager that the struggle in South Africa for freedom and dignity would be brought about without a violent cataclysm. Elsewhere across the continent, we are seeing other examples of hope and will overcoming the "forces of natural determinism." That is why I believe that this conference is so important. I do not suggest that we will find answers to all of Africa's many problems this weekend. But I do believe that we can make a major step toward giving clarity and direction to our approach to the continent, and I would suggest that, as with Asia only 20 years ago, Africa is now on the threshold of a new era. Like Asia, Africa needs a new conceptual framework that will enable us to order our priorities and our actions. Today, I hope we can begin to define--to find and define- -that new framework and move forward toward the elaboration of a viable, long-term strategy for the United States and for Africa. I look forward to working with all of you toward that goal. (###) ARTICLE 2: President Clinton Sends POW/MIA Delegation to Vietnam Statement by White House Press Secretary Dee Dee Myers, Washington, DC, June 28, 1994. Last February, when the President announced the lifting of the trade embargo against Vietnam, he also announced that he would send another top-level delegation to Vietnam later in the year to press for further progress from Vietnam on unresolved POW/MIA issues. This presidential delegation will travel to Vietnam July 1-4 and to Laos July 4-5. It will stop in Hawaii for briefings by the Commander-in-Chief, Pacific (CINCPAC); the Joint Task Force-Full Accounting (JTA-FA); and the U.S. Army Central Identification Laboratory (CILHI). The delegation will be jointly led by Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs Hershel Gober, Assistant Secretary of State Winston Lord, and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for POW/MIA Affairs James Wold. A similar high- level delegation went to Vietnam in July 1993. At the invitation of the President, leaders of the five largest veterans organizations--Executive Director of the American Legion John F. Sommer, Jr.; Junior Vice Commander-in-Chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars Paul A. Spera; National Legislative Director of the Disabled American Veterans Richard F. Schultz; National Commander of the American Veterans of World War II, the Korean War, and the Vietnam War Donald M. Hearon; and National Vice President of the Vietnam Veterans of America Jack Clark-- will be members of the delegation. Executive Director of the National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia Ann Mills Griffith will also be a member of the delegation. President Clinton has asked this delegation to continue the search for answers that will help us achieve the fullest possible accounting for our POW/MIAs. The delegation will make clear to Vietnam that further steps in relations between our two nations depend on additional tangible progress on the outstanding POW/MIA cases. In particular, the President is looking for concrete progress in four key areas: -- Remains--Concrete results from efforts on their part on cases, live sightings, and field activities; -- Discrepancy cases--Continued resolution of 55 discrepancy cases, live sightings, and field activities; -- Laos--Further assistance in implementing trilateral investigations with the Lao; and -- Archives--Accelerated efforts to provide all POW/MIA- related documents that will help lead to genuine answers. While in Laos, the delegation will discuss with senior Lao officials ways to further advance joint efforts to achieve the fullest possible accounting of the 504 Americans missing in Laos. In particular, the delegation will seek progress in establishing a live-sighting mechanism, expanding the pace and scope of joint U.S.-Lao field activities, furthering trilateral cooperation with the Vietnamese, and obtaining broader access to Lao Government archival holdings. (###) ARTICLE 3: Department Statements Central Bering Sea Pollock Fishing Agreement Signed Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, DC, June 16, 1994. Representatives of China, Korea, Russia, and the United States today signed the "Convention on the Conservation and Management of Pollock Resources in the Central Bering Sea." Japan and Poland, the other participating countries in the negotiation of the agreement, are expected to sign the convention in the near future. Ambassador David A. Colson, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans, signed the convention for the United Sates. Catches of pollock by foreign vessels in the high seas "donut hole" area of the Bering Sea between the U.S. and Russia declined from a peak of nearly 1.5 million metric tons in 1989 to less than 11,000 tons in 1992. A moratorium on fishing for pollock in the "donut hole" and on the associated stocks in the U.S. and Russian zones has been in effect since the beginning of 1993. Ambassador Colson, who was the primary U.S. negotiator of the agreement, called the convention ". . . a state-of-the-art fisheries agreement. It is a unique, forward-looking agreement that will ensure the long-term sustainability of pollock in the Bering Sea. The convention contains strong provisions that will ensure that it is effectively enforced. U.S. enforcement officials will be able to board vessels of other states party to the convention to ensure that they are fishing in accordance with the agreement." The convention will require all vessels fishing for pollock in the central Bering Sea to use real-time satellite position-fixing transmitters, carry scientific observers, and consent to boarding and inspection by authorized officials of any other party to the agreement to ensure compliance with the convention. The convention will enter into force when four of the signatories, including the U.S. and Russia, deposit their instruments of ratification. The Department will forward the convention to the White House for transmission to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification. U.S. To Sponsor Study of Middle East Regional Air Traffic System Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, DC, June 17, 1994. The United States today announced it will sponsor a feasibility study of regional air navigation and communications systems in the Middle East as part of the ongoing peace process. This announcement was made at the meeting of the Regional Economic Development Working Group currently under-way in Rabat, Morocco. This initiative will be open to all interested regional parties who wish to participate. Major airports, area control centers, towers, and approach control facilities will be studied to assess existing navigation and communications systems and evaluate rehabilitation and expansion requirements. The project will lead to improved aviation efficiency and safety. Regional integration in this sector will offer significant long-term economic benefits, resulting in a more rational air traffic environment in the region. U.S. aviation experts will begin work on this project in July 1994. (###) ARTICLE 4: Treaty Actions Multilateral Arbitration Convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards. Done at New York June 10, 1958. Entered into force June 7, 1959; for the U.S. Dec. 29, 1970. TIAS 6997; 21 UST 2517. Accession: Saudi Arabia, Apr. 19, 1994. Chemical Weapons Convention on the prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction, with annexes. Done at Paris Jan. 13, 19931. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 103-21. Signature: Saint Kitts & Nevis, Mar. 16, 1994. Ratification: Norway, Apr. 7, 1994. Children Convention on protection and cooperation in respect of inter-country adoption. Done at The Hague May 29, 19931. Signatures: Burkina Faso, Apr. 19, 19942; Canada, Apr. 12, 1994; Finland, Apr. 19, 1994; United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Jan. 12, 1994; United States, Mar. 31, 1994. Copyrights Berne convention for the protection of literary and artistic works of Sept. 9, 1886, revised at Paris July 24, 1971, and amended in 1979. Entered into force for the U.S. Mar. 1, 1989. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 99-27. Accession: Tanzania, Apr. 25, 19942. Environmental Modification Convention on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of environmental modification techniques, with annex. Done at Geneva May 18, 1977. Entered into force Oct. 5, 1978; for the U.S. Jan. 17, 1980. TIAS 9614; 31 UST 333. Accession: Chile, Apr. 26, 1994. Finance Agreement establishing the International Fund for Agricultural Development. Done at Rome June 13, 1976. Entered into force Nov. 30, 1977. TIAS 8765; 28 UST 8435. Accessions: Tajikistan, Macedonia, Jan. 26, 1994; Mongolia, Feb. 9, 1994. Convention establishing the multilateral investment guarantee agency (MIGA), with annexes and schedules. Done at Seoul Oct. 11, 1985. Entered into force Apr. 12, 1988. Signatures: Niger, Apr. 11, 1994; Gabon, Apr. 15, 1994. Ratification: Vietnam, Apr. 4, 1994. Health Constitution of the World Health Organization. Done at New York July 22, 1946. Entered into force Apr. 7, 1948; for the U.S. June 21, 1948. TIAS 1808; 62 Stat. 2679. Amendment of Arts. 24 and 25 of the Constitution of the World Health Organization. Done at Geneva May 23, 1967. Entered into force May 21, 1975. TIAS 8086; 26 UST 990. Amendments to Arts. 34 and 55 of the Constitution of the World Health Organization. Done at Geneva May 22, 1973. Entered into force Feb. 3, 1977. TIAS 8534; 28 UST 2088. Amendments to Arts. 24 and 25 of the Constitution of the World Health Organization. Done at Geneva May 17, 1976. Entered into force Jan. 20, 1984. TIAS 10930. Acceptances: Niue, May 4, 1994; Nauru, May 9, 1994. Human Rights International covenant on civil and political rights. Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976; for the U.S. Sept. 8, 1992. Accessions: Georgia, May 3, 1994; Malawi, Dec. 22, 1993. Optional protocol to the international covenant on civil and political rights. Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 19763. Accessions: Belgium, May 17, 1994; Georgia, May 3, 1994. International covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights. Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Jan. 3, 19763. Accessions: Georgia, May 3, 1994; Malawi, Dec. 22, 1993. Industrial Property Nice agreement, as revised, concerning the international classification of goods and services for the purposes of the registration of marks. Done at Geneva May 13, 1977. Entered into force Feb. 6, 1979; for the U.S. Feb. 29, 1984. Accession: People's Republic of China, May 5, 1994. Judicial Procedure Convention on the civil aspects of international child abduction. Done at The Hague Oct. 25, 1980. Entered into force Dec. 1, 1983; for the U.S. July 1, 1988. TIAS 11670. Accession: Slovenia, Mar. 22, 1994. Bilateral Congo Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States Government and its agency, with annexes. Signed at Brazzaville May 6, 1994. Enters into force following signature and receipt by Congo of written notice from U.S. that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled. Eritrea Investment incentive agreement. Signed at Washington May 4, 1994. Enters into force on date which Eritrea notifies U.S. that all legal requirements have been fulfilled. Japan Agreement amending the agreement of Mar. 29, 1988, as amended, concerning the acquisition and production of the EP-3 aircraft in Japan. Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo Mar. 29, 1994. Entered into force Mar. 29, 1994. Mexico SWAP agreement between the U.S. Treasury and the Banco de Mexico/Government of Mexico. Signed at Washington and Mexico Mar. 24, 1994. Entered into force Mar. 24, 1994. Exchange stabilization agreement between the United States Treasury and the Banco de Mexico/Government of Mexico, with North American framework agreement. Signed at Washington and Mexico Apr. 26, 1994. Entered into force Apr. 26, 1994. Slovenia Investment incentive agreement. Signed at Washington Apr. 26, 1994. Enters into force on date on which Slovenia notifies the U.S. that all necessary legal requirements have been fulfilled. 1 Not in force. 2 With declaration(s). 3 Not in force for the U.S. (###) Cumulative Digest of United States Practice in International Law, 1981-1988, Book I Book I of the Cumulative Digest of United States Practice in International Law, 1981-1988, published by the Department of State's Office of the Legal Adviser, is now available for purchase through the U.S. Government Printing Office (stock no. 044-000-02394-6). The 1,311- page volume includes materials on which work was first begun in 1989, as well as a number of articles by its editor, Marian Nash (Leich). For more information, contact: Superintendent of Documents U.S. Government Printing Office P.O. Box 371954 Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954 (tel: 202-783-3238; fax: 202-512-2250). (###) END OF DISPATCH VOL 5, NO 27.
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