US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, NUMBER 27, JULY 4, 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1.  Building a Better Future in Africa -- President
Clinton, Vice President Gore, Secretary Christopher,
Anthony Lake, Brian Atwood, George Moose
2.  President Clinton Sends POW/MIA Delegation to Vietnam
3.  Department Statements
--Central Bering Sea Pollock Fishing Agreement Signed
--U.S. To Sponsor Study of Middle East Regional Air
Traffic System
4.  Treaty Actions
 
 
ARTICLE 1:
Building a Better Future in Africa
President Clinton, Vice President Gore, Secretary
Christopher, Anthony Lake, Brian Atwood, George Moose
Remarks from the White House Conference on Africa,
Washington, DC, June 26-27, 1994
 
President Clinton
June 27, 1994
 
Ladies and gentlemen and distinguished guests:  Thank you
so much for participating, and thank you for your
understanding of our tardiness here today and for waiting
so that I could at least share a few of my thoughts on
this subject.
 
When I became President, it seemed to me that our country
really didn't have a policy toward Africa--that we had
policies toward specific countries and very often we
tried to do the right thing.  We did a have a policy
toward South Africa that had been the subject of much
division and then was the subject of a lot of unity after
the election.  But it occurred to me that we were really
suffering from having paid insufficient attention to the
entire continent as well as to various regions and
specific countries and specific problems and certain
great promise.
 
It became crystallized for me, in a way, with our
involvement in Somalia, which, I will always believe, was
a well-motivated and good thing to do that saved hundreds
of thousands of lives but which was presented, I think
quite honestly but wrongly, to the American people as
something that could be done on a purely humanitarian
basis--when, in fact, unless human tragedy is caused by
natural disaster, there is no such thing as a purely
humanitarian enterprise.
 
As we dealt with that and with the complexities of trying
to hand over power to the United Nations mission--the
questions of how long was long enough; what the UN could
do; and what our responsibilities were as a police force,
in effect, after the Pakistani comrades in arms were
killed there and dealing with all the various
interpretations which could be given to those roles--it
struck me again how we needed good intentions in Africa.
We needed attention to Africa, but we also needed to
bring the best minds in our country and from around the
world together to try to learn, grow, and develop a
policy that would make some sense and really had a chance
to unleash the human potential of the people of the
African continent in ways that would lead to a safer and
more prosperous world, a better life for them, and a
better life for us.
 
I wish very much that I had had the chance to just sit
here for the last couple of days and listen to all of
you.  I never learn anything when I'm talking.  I know I
need to learn a lot.  I was so jealous when the Vice
President told me he actually got to come and sit in on
one of the seminar sessions and to listen to your
wonderful speech, madam, and we thank you for coming.
But I assure you that I will follow the results of this
conference very closely.
 
Seeing Africa:  A New Freedom And a New Responsibility
 
Africa matters to the United States.  It has to matter to
us.  The things we want to do--they sound so good, but we
know they're hard to do:  to have sustainable
development, to have reasonable population growth, to
stop the environmental decline, to stop the spread of
AIDS, to preempt ethnic tensions before they explode into
bloodbaths, to protect human rights, and to integrate the
rich and wonderful spiritual heritage of Islam with the
demands of modern states and the conflicts that must be
reconciled in peaceful ways.  These are not just
conceptual.  These are practical problems, not just for
Africans but also for Americans.
 
For decades we viewed Africa through a Cold War prism and
through the fight against apartheid.  We often, I think,
cared in past years more about how African nations voted
in the United Nations than whether their own people had
the right to vote.  We supported leaders on the basis of
their anti-communist or anti-apartheid rhetoric perhaps
more than their actions.  And often the United States--
because it was a long way away and we had a lot of other
problems--just simply ignored the realities of Africa.
 
But now the prism through which we viewed Africa has been
shattered.  In the post-Cold War and post-apartheid
world, our guideposts have disappeared, and it may be a
very good thing--if we respond in the proper way.  We
have a new freedom and a new responsibility to see
Africa--to see it whole and to see it as specific nations
and specific problems and specific promise.
 
It seems to me that a lot of what we would like to see
occur in Africa is what we would like to have happen
everywhere.  We'd like to see more prosperity and more
well-functioning economies, more democracy, and genuine
security for people in their own borders.  We would like
to see sustainable development that promotes the long-
term interest of our common environment on this
increasingly shrinking globe.
 
Africa illustrates also a central security challenge of
the post-Cold War era--not so much conflicts across
national borders but conflicts within them which can then
spill over.  It's not confined to Africa, as you see in
Europe and the effort we have made to try to contain the
conflict in Bosnia even as we worked to resolve it.
 
The United States is currently supporting seven peace-
keeping efforts in Africa.  I have issued new guidelines
to help us do this work more effectively.  I've already
discussed Somalia, but we've had special envoys to Sudan
and Angola.  We supported the Organization of African
Unity's attempts to find new ways to resolve conflicts
there and elsewhere.
 
The daily reports from Rwanda, of course, remind us of
the obstacles we face.  There we have provided material,
financial, and statistical support for the UN peace-
keeping mission--more than $100 million in humanitarian
relief.  We have insisted that those who are committing
genocide be brought to justice.  And we supported the
French decision to protect Rwandans at risk.
 
This action will end as soon as the United Nations is
ready to deploy peace-keepers.  We will redouble our
efforts to make sure we are providing all the support we
can for that and to make sure it happens as soon as
possible.
 
I'm not sure that we can fairly view what has happened in
Rwanda as an aberration rather than simply as the most
extreme example of tensions that can destroy generations
and disrupt progress and delay democracy.  It seems to me
that in the face of all of the tensions that are now
gripping the continent, we need a new American policy
based on the idea that we should help the nations of
Africa identify and solve problems before they erupt.
Reacting is not enough; we must examine these underlying
problems.
 
I know one of the underlying problems--and I've been
following this on television, your meeting--is the
enormity of outstanding debt.  Last year at the G-7
meeting, we announced  a policy of writing off 50% or
more of the debts of selected African nations that carry
the heaviest debt burdens, and we will continue that.
But we are actively searching for new solutions to that
problem as well.
 
Let me challenge all of you here who have to work within
the existing U.S. federal guidelines.  I just named our
Budget Director to be the new White House Chief of Staff,
and I don't want to criticize tough budget guidelines,
because they help us to get the deficit down.  But one of
the difficulties the United States has that a lot of our
partners don't have in writing off debt is that debt--
even if it is not worth very much--is required, under our
budget rules, to be scored with a certain value.  We have
to really work on that because we often find ourselves--
because of the mechanics of this--in a position that can
be quite counterproductive.
 
Debt is a problem not just in Africa but elsewhere as
well.  We are actively searching for new solutions to
this problem, and I believe that we have to do something
about it.  Even though we know lightening the debt load
won't solve all the problems, we can't solve a lot of the
other problems unless we do it.
 
The long-term goal has to be sustainable development.
The statistics are pretty grim.  Look at what is
happening to natural resources, to population, to the gap
between rich and poor.  Look at what has happened to per
capita income in so many countries in the decade of the
1980s.
 
Daunting Challenges Ahead
 
Africans have a daunting set of challenges before them.
Yet we know that they can't do what people are always
urging me to do--just pick out one thing and do it;
forget about all the rest.  Right?  You heard that
before?  The problem is, it gives you something to say
you did, but it may not solve the problem.
 
I was very impressed by the writings of Professor Homer
Dixon, who argued that all of these fronts must be moved
on at once.  There is no silver bullet; there is no magic
cure.  It would be nice if we could just work on one or
two issues, but it unfortunately is not possible.
 
When the representatives from 170 nations meet in Cairo
at the population conference in September, they will
approve a plan of action that attacks this problem at its
heart--one which will eventually bolster families,
improve the social and economic status of women, and
provide the kinds of family planning and health services
that sustainable development requires.
 
The United States is a proud partner in embracing this
strategy, which will eventually raise living standards
and enable us to raise children better throughout the
globe.  I hope all of you will be supportive of that
endeavor.
 
As Africans turn away from the failed experiments of the
past, they're also embracing new political freedoms.
Yes, I know there are too many nations in Africa where
tyranny still drowns out opposition to human rights.  But
as we meet today, more than a dozen African nations are
preparing for elections.  Opposition voices grow louder.
Someday they'll be like me, and they'll wish it weren't
happening.  But it's a good sign, and the lights of
freedom shine brighter.
 
I think South Africa has given us great cause for hope,
not only on the African continent but throughout the
world.  President Mandela spoke to you, I know, by
videotape, and I thank him for that.  I thank Reverend
Jack-son and others who worked so hard to make those
elections work well there.  I think the $35 million we
spent there last year in trying to prepare for and help
make sure the elections came off all right was about the
best expenditure of a modest amount of tax dollars that I
have seen in many a year.
 
But now the hard work begins.  Governor Cuomo of New York
used to have a wonderful phrase that he quoted all the
time.  He says we campaign in poetry, but, alas, we must
govern in prose.  Nelson Mandela's long travail in
prison, for the rest of us who did not have to suffer
personally, was an exercise in agonizingly beautiful
poetry.
 
But now that those decades of struggle have come to
fruition, they must govern in prose, and we must find
prosaic, practical, meaningful ways of helping them.  We
have launched a three-year, $600-million trade investment
and development program which is a beginning of that but
may not be the end.  We have to do a number of other
things as well.
 
Building a Constituency For Change
 
I want to ask all of you, who are Americans at least,
when you leave here to help us to develop an American
constituency for Africa that creates lasting links
between our people and their people and that will not
only help to drive the continent ahead but will help to
drive a meaningful, sustained agenda here at home.
 
We can do this.  Maybe the most important thing I can do
to work with you in the aftermath of this conference is
to do whatever the President can do to develop that
constituency--to explain to the American people of
whatever race, region, or background why Africa matters
to all of us and to our common future.  All Members of
Congress who have participated in this, including many
who have tried to have more attention drawn to Africa for
years and years and years, know that that is the first
thing we must do in our democracy.
 
Let me just say one or two other things.  I think it's
important, as we kind of wrap this up, to remember that
even with all the problems and all the terrible things
that are happening and all the economic backsliding which
has occurred, there is a lot of hope in Africa.  Even
though, for example, there are problems in Sudan, where
division delays development, there are Senegal, Mali,
Namibia, and Botswana.  For every Rwanda, there is Benin,
Malawi, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, where people are trying to
draw together as a society.  In spite of our continuing
frustrations with Angola, we look at Mozambique--reaching
out for national reconciliation, looking forward to new
elections.
 
I say this because one of the problems I always find in
trying to discuss this with people who are not otherwise
engaged in it is that they read about all these terrible
problems and they think, look, we've got all we can say
grace over and then some.  We're trying to get you to do
less, and here you try to get me to think about this.
This is a conversation I have now in the White House and
around town here.
 
I think it is very important--as Americans have to choose
whether to engage in the future of Africa--that all the
things that are happening which are good and positive be
known, be-cause we can never develop a constituency for
change in this country until people imagine that it will
make a difference.  The level of knowledge, frankly, is
pretty low, except when something really horrible
happens.  Then it just cuts through our hearts, and it
seems so overwhelming that we can't do anything about it.
So that also gives you an excuse to walk away.  You get
the best of all worlds--I really care about this, but,
lamentably, there's nothing I can do.
 
So I say to all of you, I will do what I can.  I will
never know as much as those of you who have committed
your professional lives to the development of Africa,
those of you who have friends and family members there,
those of you who have ties of passion and history there.
But I do know we need a new policy.  I do believe Africa
matters to America.  I do know there are a lot of good
people there leading and making good things happen.  I do
know there are a lot of visionaries there.  And I do know
my child's and my grandchildren's future depends upon
reconstructing the environmental and social fabric of
that continent.  I know that.
 
So I say to you, let's build a constituency.  Let's
remind people there are things to hope about as well as
things to fear.  Let's go to work and make this the
beginning--just the beginning--of a new American
commitment to a better future for all our people.
 
Vice President Gore
June 27, 1994
 
Those of us who were lucky enough to be in South Africa
on the morning after Nelson Mandela's inauguration could
pick up the Star and relive the triumphant moments of
that stunning day:  the great crowds cheering outside
Pretoria's Union Building, Mr. Mandela and Mr. de Klerk
raising their hands together, and the delta wing jets
that swept over the crowd with contrails in all the
colors of the African flag.  "A day of music, flags,
colour, and joy," a headline read--and so it was.
 
But if you read past the front page and on through the
paper, you saw hints of the reality that lies ahead--a
story about South Africa's growing number of street
children, little ads from American immigration lawyers
promising help to those who want to migrate here or to
New Zealand, letters to the editor complaining about how
Zimbabwe treated whites after its independence, articles
about the devastating possibilities of drought for the
sugar crop and about when to sell gold stocks, and sober
discussion of the dismal GDP for Sub-Saharan Africa.  It
was the morning after.  We had celebrated a triumph.  Now
the hard work of building a nation began.
 
Optimism and Reality
 
In many ways, what is true of South Africa is true of the
entire continent.  Sweeping through Africa in this last
decade of the 20th century is a wave of optimism.  Is it
generated by the Mandela inauguration?  Not entirely.
After all, I saw other African success stories first-hand
during my recent trip:  Namibia, Benin, and Cape Verde.
To meet with the leaders of the Southern Africa
Development Community is to realize that Africa now has
eight established democracies--Senegal, for example, and
Botswana.  It has 12 new ones, some admittedly fragile,
and we see real progress toward democracy in 17 others.
The optimism we see is based on far more than the events
in Pretoria last month.
 
On the other hand, I remember a conversation with Gwanda
Chakuambaphiri, Malawi's Minister of Home Affairs, where
he rightly pointed out that support for democracy
evaporates if a representative government fails to
deliver the goods.  Democracy is only the beginning.
Election achievements are meaningless if people continue
to suffer under corruption, poor leadership, ethnic
hatred, and economic failure.  While there are examples
of peace, progress, and stability--Bo-tswana or Namibia--
Africa is worse off now that it was at the beginning of
the 1980s.
 
--  Per capita income has dropped drastically.
--  Debt has ballooned.
--  Country after country has sunk into civil war; seven
of the 17 UN peace-keeping operations are deployed in
Africa.
--  Much of Africa is plagued by disease--whether AIDS,
for which no country has a cure, or schistosomiasis,
which can be cured in the industrialized countries for
pennies.
--  Nigeria has already lost more than 60% of its
forests, savannah, and wetlands.
--  Only 15% of Uganda has access to safe water.
--  In Niger, the terrible deforestation means women must
walk three times as far in the hot sun for wood to
prepare the midday meal.
 
U.S. Priorities in Africa
 
How do we help Africa fulfill the promise held out by the
events in South Africa last month?  This Administration
wants to help.  In part, our interest in Africa arises
out of a vision of foreign policy enunciated by the
President during the campaign and much of this year.  It
is a three-pronged vision:  one that seeks to promote
democracy, promote prosperity, and promote our own
national security in an age when the Berlin Wall has been
dismantled and people are casting ballots in the Kremlin.
Our interest in Africa arises, as well, from our
passionate belief in the common bond of humanity and from
the fact that both this President and Vice President
speak for 25 million Americans whose roots are in Africa.
 
Early in this Administration, National Security Adviser
Tony Lake emphasized our commitment to support Africa in
three key areas, reiterating the President's priorities.
 
--  We want to promote trade and investment.
--  We want to leverage capital for basic development and
infrastructure.
--  We want to support effective government and
democracy.
 
There are those who argue that democracy or free market
economies--or, for that matter, attention to the
environment--are luxuries Africa cannot afford.  What
patronizing nonsense.
 
Democracy is not a cure-all.  But if ever there was doubt
that Africa is ready for democracy, it was surely
dispelled when we saw ordinary men and women waiting in
line at the polling places for hours and hours in small
townships, rural reserves, and great cities along the
length and breadth of South Africa.  As for those who
argue that free trade will only trample Africa's small
companies and smother its entrepreneurs--well, history
shows that when countries choose economic isolation over
international economic engagement, their standard of
living falls.  Democracy, free markets, attention to the
environment:  All three conditions, like a kind of
economic petri dish, can create conditions allowing
environmentally sustainable economic development.
 
U.S. Policy Successes
 
Our policy has achieved some notable successes.  We have
eased the debt burdens of Africa's poorest countries.  We
have supported democratic transitions.  We have
influenced the growth of accountable government by
conditioning our economic assistance in countries like
Zambia and Kenya.  We expanded the Africa Regional
Electoral Assistance Fund to strengthen democratic
institutions.
 
We've continued our support for South Africa's transition
to democracy with a $600-million multi-year program
designed to meet the urgent needs of South Africans for
jobs, housing, health care, basic education, and black
private sector development.  We will continue to work
closely in partnership with South Africa to ensure that
this historic transition succeeds.  In the coming weeks,
I expect to announce the establishment of a concrete
mechanism to focus our dialogue with Nelson Mandela's
government and to maintain high-level involvement in
helping the South African people realize their dream of a
democratic, non-racial, prosperous, and free nation.
 
American involvement elsewhere in Africa includes leading
the international community's humanitarian effort to end
the starvation that ravaged Somalia and supporting its
reconciliation process.  We have worked to strengthen the
OAU's abilities to resolve conflicts; helped expand the
ECOWAS peace-keeping presence in Liberia; worked with the
international community to advance the OAU-brokered peace
accord in Rwanda; provided $94 million in humanitarian
aid to Rwanda, Burundi, and neighboring states; leased
peace-keeping equipment to the UN; and encouraged
regional leaders to revive the Arusha process.
 
Our Agency for International Development has undertaken
extensive consultations to develop a new approach for
doing business in Southern Africa.  USAID has reached
agreement on regional initiatives in four areas--two of
them unlike anything it has done before:  a Southern
Africa Enterprise Fund to encourage indigenous private
sector development and a Southern Africa Democracy Fund
to strengthen participatory democracy.
 
Usually in speeches like these, we try to make news.  But
this year, we have also worked very hard to prevent some
headlines from appearing.  This spring, it looked very
likely that there would be famine in parts of the Horn
region by the end of the growing season.  It is one of
the most pressing problems on the African continent:  Who
here does not have emblazoned in their mind's eye the
images of starving families in Ethiopia in 1984?
 
This time we did not wait.  President Clinton dispatched
Brian Atwood to the region as his special envoy to
coordinate emergency relief efforts and to lead the way
in focusing development activities on the root causes of
famine.  By targeting our efforts--along with other
donors--on the underlying causes of recurrent famine, we
can help break the cycle of despair that now grips much
of the Horn region.  I'm pleased to state that our
efforts have produced results already.  We consulted with
and gained commitments from the European Union to augment
and coordinate food delivery to the region; we energized
the United Nations and the private voluntary organization
community about the crisis.
 
We do not claim to have solved the problem of famine in
Africa.  Right now, there are over 20 million people
needing emergency aid in Eastern Africa alone.  But this
fall, at least, we expect one of those rare times when no
news is good news.  The real news, of course, is that the
world community is reacting quickly to forestall what
could have been starvation and death for whole villages.
 
Africans Creating Change in Africa
 
I do not run through this list to argue that we have
solved problems.  I mention them only to demonstrate the
depth of our commitment--for in the end, American aid can
only be a catalyst.  Those who create real change in
Africa will be the African people themselves.  But that
is what we have seen.
 
Uganda has emerged from years of chaos, and a fairly
elected constituent assembly will soon ratify a
democratic constitution for that country.  Outsiders
didn't do that. Ugandans did.
 
Malawi prepares for the first genuine elections in three
decades.  Outsiders didn't create those elections.  The
people of Malawi did.
 
Both Madagascar and Seychelles recently abandoned
socialist rule and have run free and fair elections.
Tanzania has legalized opposition parties.  This wasn't
the work of outsiders.  It came from the aspirations and
persistence and courage of the people of Madagascar,
Seychelles, and Tanzania.
 
The worldwide telecommunications revolution also holds
great promise for Africa.  It will spark trade and
investment throughout Africa and accelerate the spread of
ideas and information.  Right now there are 55 phones for
every 100 Americans--and less than one for every 100
Africans.  Private sector projects such as AT&T's
proposed fiber optic seabed cable and the LEOS--Low Earth
Orbiting Satellite systems--promise to enrich the lives
of all Africans.  Meanwhile, Africa can increase its
access to information through projects like the GLOBE
initiative, which allows school children throughout
Africa and the world to work together measuring
environmental phenomena.
 
Much Still To Be Done
 
This is not to argue that Africa is in the homestretch.
Democracy has made some progress.  But there is so much
more to be done.  Many African countries need reform in
both civil service and in education.  In too many African
countries, disenfranchised, illiterate populations have
been--and sometimes still are--the victims of those who
won power often through the barrel of a gun and
ruthlessly maintained that power.  The United States will
be frank in its condemnations of those who call
themselves leaders but who continue to prosecute wars in
which they risk the lives of hundreds of thousands of
their own people--people who have no voice in their own
destinies--or who, as in Rwanda, butcher those with whom
they must live in peace.
 
But if we in the United States cannot solve Africa's
future, we can work with those who have that ability.  In
fact, we already have.  For evidence, we need look no
further than those who are in this room.
 
Looking around, I see Wangari Maathai, the founder of the
greenbelt movement and a champion of rural Kenyan women.
I see members of the Congressional Black Caucus, now
under the leadership of Kweisi Mfume, which has made so
many Americans aware of African problems and
opportunities.
 
I also see Maya Angelou.  The night of Nelson Mandela's
inauguration, we celebrated in the Market Theatre in
Johannesburg, a theater that was itself a symbol of hope,
with its willingness to defy apartheid by the plays it
produced.  At one point, Maya Angelou came to the stage
to read her poetry.  As I listened--I was next, and
believe me, I didn't relish the idea--I thought of the
other time I had stood on a stage and listened to her.
It was also an inauguration--President Clinton's.  And I
remember her poem, which contained these lines:
 
"Lift up your eyes
Upon this day breaking for you
Give birth again
To the dream . . .
Lift up your hearts
Each new hour holds new chances
For a new beginning."
 
A new day is breaking not only in South Africa but for
the entire continent.  What we do in the months and years
ahead will help determine how bright a day it is.
Decades from now, when we look back on what we have
accomplished, let it be said that this was the generation
that helped Africa achieve the peace and prosperity that
has eluded it for so long.  Let it be said that, inspired
by those who tore down apartheid, we helped Africa use
its strength to build a new life.
 
Give us your ideas.  Give us your insights.  Give us your
commitment.  Africa is the continent where human beings
began.  Help Africa become testament to the best human
beings can achieve.
 
 
Secretary Christopher
June 26, 1994
 
Secretary General Salim, distinguished guests:  I am
pleased to welcome you to the State Department as we
begin the first White House Conference on Africa.  Thank
you all for taking a Sunday night to join us.
 
We are meeting tonight in the Benjamin Franklin room.
The other rooms on this wonderful eighth floor are also
named for our founding fathers:  Thomas Jefferson, James
Madison, James Monroe.  Providence was generous to
America in the incomparable quality of our first
leadership.
 
This Department has been privileged to host another
founding father in this very room, one of the great men
of our century:  the founding father of the new South
Africa, Nelson Mandela.  With dignity, wisdom, and
determination, he stands as a beacon to Africa and to the
world as he leads his country  to a brighter future.
 
Democratic Achievements, Ongoing Conflicts
 
Africa is a continent of stark contrasts.  It is a
continent of awesome natural resources and enormous human
potential.  It is also a continent plagued by political
and ethnic conflict, deteriorating economies, poverty,
and hunger.  It is the continent that has witnessed the
single most horrible and the single most triumphant
events on the planet this year.  Africa and the world
must confront the horror of Rwanda.  But we can gain
confidence from the triumph of South Africa.
 
The credit for that triumphant democratic achievement
belongs to the people of South Africa--to their
indomitable political will and their spirit of tolerance
and compromise.  But America has been proud to lend a
hand.  During the last two years alone, the United States
provided more than $185 million to help bring an end to
apartheid, to organize the mechanics of free elections,
and to build civil society.
 
The United States is actively supporting the new march to
democracy throughout the continent.  Malawi has just held
its first multi-party election.  More than two dozen
elections have taken place on the continent during the
last four years, with 12 more planned before 1996.  This
year, we have committed $85 million to help build
democratic institutions in Africa.  We are reinforcing
our commitment to African democracy by supporting
conflict resolution.
 
Let me emphasize, Mr. Secretary General, that the United
States applauds the OAU's strong commitment to conflict
resolution.  The OAU is demonstrating that regional
diplomacy can work.  Efforts such as those in Angola,
Mozambique, and Liberia deserve our continued engagement
and assistance.
 
Despite the uncertainties about Somalia's future, more
than 500,000 Somalis who might have died are alive today
because of American and UN peace-keeping efforts.  Now,
Somalis themselves must determine their country's future.
 
We recognize that our diplomacy is most effective when
deployed in support of African efforts.  An end to the
civil war in Liberia, for example, is closer today than
at any time in the last four years.  Much of the credit
goes to the West African community of nations and others
that have contributed peace-keeping troops.
 
From the onset of the crisis in Rwanda, we have worked
with African nations and the international community to
find a solution to the horrible ethnic violence and
bloodshed.  We have provided nearly $100 million in
humanitarian assistance.  And we spearheaded efforts to
convene a special session of the UN Human Rights
Commission, because those who commit acts of genocide
must be brought to justice.
 
Focusing on Root Causes
 
But if we are to help prevent such conflicts, we also
must focus on root causes, especially the interlocking
crises of environmental degradation, unsupportable
population growth, and disease.  If we fail to confront
these scourges now, more lives will be wasted.  When the
Cairo population conference convenes in September, the
United States will lead in global efforts to address too-
rapid population growth.
 
This Administration is strengthening our nation's
commitment to preventing humanitarian crises.  USAID
Administrator Brian Atwood recently traveled to the Horn
of Africa to assess an emergency that places 20 million
people at risk.  USAID is developing a long-term strategy
to prevent food shortages from developing into famines
once again to get ahead of the curve for once.
 
Our efforts are aimed at bringing what has been called "a
little preemptive humanity" to a region where it has been
in such desperately short supply.  Our ultimate challenge
is to increase Africa's capacity to address its problems
and to create the conditions in which democratic
societies and market economies can take hold.
 
African nations must sharpen their focus on strengthening
the rule of law, stemming corruption, and supporting
education.  In Africa as elsewhere, it is market
democracies that have the greatest capacity to avoid
conflict,  achieve sustainable development, and meet the
aspirations of their peoples.
 
This important conference can help us focus on the
challenges facing Africa and mobilize the energies and
resources of the public, private, and voluntary sectors
in this country.  We are pleased to be able to draw upon
the important experience and expertise of people from
government, academia, business, the media, and NGOs.
This conference can help build a sturdy bridge between
America and Africa--a bridge that can lead to a better
future for African nations and peoples.
 
 
Anthony Lake
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
June 26, 1994
 
A very warm welcome to the White House Conference on
Africa--I can't tell you what pleasure it gives me to say
those words.  I think this is the first such gathering of
regional experts ever sponsored by the White House.  I am
particularly pleased and excited that our focus is on
Africa.  In fact, I've heard an ugly rumor around that
the choice of topics might have something to do with my
own personal prejudices.  And I want to tell you that
that ugly rumor is absolutely true.
 
As I said, this is our first effort at drawing together a
group like this in seeking a very wide range of views.
So I hope that you won't hesitate to tell us, at the end
of the conference, where we went right and where we went
wrong and that you won't keep your opinions to
yourselves.  Somehow I am not too worried on either
score, looking out at you.
 
All of us are reminded that we live in uncertain and very
exciting times.  The Cold War is history; democracy is on
the march around the world; technology and commerce are
drawing us closer together.  This exciting new world
challenges us to think and to act anew.  That's why it is
so important to us that you are here.  As I was saying to
Jim Grant just now, none of us in such a new world which
does so challenge our thinking should let slip any
opportunity to plagiarize.  And I look forward to our
plagiarizing your ideas in the coming weeks and months
and even years ahead of us.
 
A Continent of Contradictions
 
Africa, like the rest of the world, captures our
attention and our emotions as rarely ever before.
Nations consumed by conflict live side by side with those
struggling quietly for success.  Headlines speak one day
of ethnic massacres and the next day of democracy's
advances.  The terrible problems of African nations and
the pessimism they can breed are matched in scope only by
the continent's huge potential.  In recent months, events
in South Africa and Rwanda have starkly illustrated those
contradictions and offered sharply different pictures of
Africa's future.
 
Had any one of us come before a group like this half a
decade ago and predicted what would happen in South
Africa, we would have laughed him or her right off the
podium.  But Nelson Mandela is the elected leader of a
free South Africa, and we live in a post-apartheid world.
Whenever we feel overwhelmed by the troubles that face
Africa, we should remind ourselves of those wonderful
pictures of South Africans standing in line, waiting for
hours and days to cast their votes in free and fair
elections.  And then we should repeat to ourselves that
magic phrase, "President Mandela."   Just think about it.
 
While South Africa's citizens have proved that political
courage and personal will can triumph over the habits of
history, recent evidence from Rwanda tells a much
different story.  It's a story of ethnic hatred
transformed into genocide--the story of unspeakable
physical horror, of generations and families lost to
rifles and machetes.  It is a test case of one of the
great security challenges of the post-Cold War era--
conflicts within rather than among nations.  It is a
warning of what can happen if African nations and all of
us do too little to stop simmering conflicts before they
boil over.
 
The examples of South Africa and Rwanda illustrate why
our administration cares so deeply about African affairs
and why we have committed ourselves to stronger ties with
Africa.  We care about Africa because of the great
potential of its people, its tradition, and its
resources.  We care because of the historic ties that
bind our two nations together.  We care because the great
global challenges of tomorrow are reflected in Africa
today.
 
So for most Americans, Africa is a place about which we
care.  Who could not care when we read the newspaper
account a few days ago of a Rwandan woman, separated from
her husband and her children--waiting in a church for the
next visit of the murderers, who were coming from time to
time to pluck out their next victims from the group she
was in, or for her deliverance?
 
Caring--Conceptual Clarity--Practical Action
 
But caring is not enough.  Care must be translated into
conceptual clarity about the nature of the problems that
Africa faces, and then care must be translated into
practical action.
 
That begins, unhappily, with the sober appreciation of
the limitations that we face and must overcome:
shrinking budgets that will prevent large, new infusions
of funds; an American people uncertain of where and when
on earth they want their nation to get involved;  a
United Nations that is stretched to its capacities; and a
sometimes overwhelming feeling of pessimism borne of a
decade of African economic decline, captured in the human
statistic of a decline in African per capita income of
about 2% per year.  But we are engaged in Africa, and we
will move forward.
 
In support of security on the continent, we have engaged
in active diplomacy to help resolve internal conflicts,
including sending presidential special envoys to work on
the crises in Angola, in Sudan, and in Somalia.  We have
supported several peace-keeping efforts in Africa--from
Mozambique to Liberia, from Angola to Rwanda--giving the
people of those nations the breathing space they need to
rebuild their societies.
 
In Somalia, the efforts of American soldiers and of our
relief agencies helped save hundreds of thousands of
Somali lives.  We are supporting the OAU's conflict
resolution mechanism, which will identify and address
potential conflicts before they explode.  We have
launched new programs to support the flourishing of
democracy on a continent which has seen nearly half of
its nations take bold or tentative steps in that
direction in the past few years.
 
Throughout Africa, we have left no doubt in the minds of
autocratic leaders that we insist on a rapid transition
to democracy, return to civilian rule, and respect for
human rights.  To pursue the goal of sustainable
development, we are maintaining current levels of
development assistance, despite serious cuts in foreign
aid budgets elsewhere.  We are providing broad relief to
African nations burdened by crushing debt, and we intend
to do more.  We have been steadfast in our support for
the wonderful, historic change in South Africa through
election support and through a post-election package of
trade and investment and development policies.
 
These efforts are a beginning.  But there are
opportunities to do more to assist sustainable
development, conflict resolution, and the promotion of
democracy and human rights.  We hope that your efforts
over the next few days will provide fresh thinking and a
deepening public-private partnership that will allow us
to seize these opportunities.
 
For their part, the next generation of African leaders
faces limitations and challenges that dwarf, of course,
our own.  But they, too, must look forward beyond the
tendency to blame all their problems on the very real
legacy of colonial domination.  Instead, they must take
responsibility for the tough steps that sustainable
development and democracy require.
 
Conference Working Groups
 
Over the next two days, we will be discussing the wide
range of challenges that African nations are facing and
the decisions that the United States faces in conducting
its relations with the continent.  We will hear from
President Clinton, Vice President Gore, and Secretary
Christopher.  But most of the hard work, of course, will
be done in the conference's six working groups into which
you have been divided.  Let me take a few minutes to
describe those groups.
 
The first working group will address the issue of
sustainable development and will be chaired by C. Payne
Lucas of Africare and Elliott Berg of Developmental
Alternatives.  The nexus of economic, political, social,
and environmental challenges facing Africa can lead one
to a sense of "Afro-pessimism," as Robert Kaplan has
observed in his article--pessimistic enough--"The Coming
Anarchy."  This group will consider how we can
simultaneously address these challenges and create a
synergy that can stimulate development, resurrect
societies, and build hope.
 
A second group, chaired by Richard Joseph of the Carter
Center and Pauline Baker of the Aspen Institute, will
address the challenge of supporting democracy and
promoting human rights.  The group will address how the
United States can support the revolution of democracy
sweeping the continent--on center stage in South Africa
but, in quieter but no less dramatic terms, present also
in countries like Malawi, Benin, Niger, and Mali. It will
also explore how we can best support the creation of a
culture of tolerance, a flowering of civil society, and
the protection of human dignity throughout the continent.
 
The phenomenon of societies ripping themselves apart,
from Rwanda and Sudan to Somalia and Liberia, is neither
new nor unique to Africa.  But it has taken on a new
urgency in recent years.  A third group, chaired by
Francis Deng of the Brookings Institution and Hank Cohen
of the Global Coalition for Africa, will consider the
proper international response to these crises, including
diplomacy, conflict resolution, humanitarian assistance,
and peace-keeping.  It will address roles for the United
Nations, the OAU, European nations, and our own efforts
and will consider ways of addressing the often slow and
tortuous, cumbersome international response to these
crises.
 
A fourth group will address a wide range of global issues
facing Africa along with the rest of the world.  These
issues range from refugee flows to capacity-building for
education, from combating crime and corruption to the
fight against AIDS, and from ensuring the full
participation of women in society to incorporating modern
technology into the life of the continent.  Vivian Lowery
Derryck of the African American Institute and Don McHenry
from Georgetown will chair this group, which certainly
has its work cut out for it.
 
Too often, we think of Africa only in terms of the
problems to be overcome rather than the mutual benefits
that can be derived.  A fifth panel addresses business
relationships with Africa, chaired by Percy Wilson of the
Corporate Council on Africa and Stephen Lewis of Carleton
College.  It will consider how we can expand trade and
investment links to Africa, how these links can support
African development, and the relationship between our
government and the private sector.
 
Central to all of these efforts will be the strengthening
of the American constituency for Africa.  At a time of
renewed interest in Africa--when the exhilaration in
South Africa and the horrors in Rwanda I spoke about
earlier have produced more front-page stories about
Africa than at any time in my memory--it is incumbent on
all of us who care deeply about the continent to
translate this caring and this interest into a tangible
commitment.  The chairs for this sixth panel will be
Charlayne Hunter-Gault of PBS, Ben Chavis of the NAACP,
and Michael Clough of the Council on Foreign Relations.
 
A National Dialogue On Africa's Future
 
These are all difficult and long-term challenges.  It
would be foolish to expect or even to seek consensus from
this conference on all of these issues.  But the
tremendous experience, commitment, and intellect of the
people in this room, applied exclusively to African
issues for the next two days, is an important milepost in
our efforts.
 
I thank you for your willingness to take time from your
very busy schedules to participate in this stage of our
national dialogue on the future of Africa and our
policies toward Africa.  As we proceed, none of us, I'm
sure, will underestimate the magnitude of the problems
that confront so many African nations.  But again, I urge
you not to let the recitation of these problems blind you
to Africa's potential.
 
Anyone who knows the people of Africa as well as you do
knows the particular combination of greatness and power
that dwells across their continent.  It is the greatness
of natural beauty and the power of untapped resources.
It is the greatness of diverse and rich cultures and the
power of talented people striving for a better future.
That greatness, that power, is reflected in Africa's
progress toward democracy and reform and offers solid
evidence that a brighter African future is much more than
a dream.
 
 
Brian Atwood
Administrator, U.S. Agency for International Development
June 26, 1994
 
I want to thank you, Tony, for your leadership in
convening this first White House Conference on Africa.
Tony's interest in Africa has remained constant
throughout his career, as many of you know, and I think
we're very fortunate to have an Africanist in his
position in government. . . .
 
We have a great opportunity here.  We are going to
involve the President of the United States, the Vice
President, the National Security Adviser, the Secretary
of State, and experts from all over our country.  In the
next two days, let's be candid with one another about
Africa, and let's be candid about the solutions.  We have
a real opportunity to renew our nation's commitment to
the development of a continent with tremendous potential.
But we need to be clear about the realities, the
obstacles to progress, and the great opportunity that
exists.
 
Africa's Destiny in African Hands
 
Africa today is not the Africa portrayed in Robert
Kaplan's "The Coming Anarchy."  Yes, there is conflict--
even tragedy.  Yes, there is environmental degradation.
Yes, there are overpopulated cities, overpopulated
countries.  But for the most part, Africa is much more
hopeful than Kaplan suggests.  Much of Africa is
demonstrating tremendous resiliency as it recovers from
manmade or natural disasters.
 
Think about Uganda or Mozambique or Namibia or Zimbabwe
or Ethiopia.  These were nations in conflict a decade or
less ago.  Look at them now.  Today, more Africans have
access to health care and education than ever before.  In
many parts of Africa, new agricultural techniques are
being used, and new markets for farmers are being
created.  Some of the countries of Southern Africa that
only a few years ago survived a devastating drought today
are producing food surpluses.
 
What is most significant today is that a new group of
African leaders has come to power.  These leaders are
pushing the continent to realize its potential.  They are
encouraging people to participate in government and in
the development of their societies.  These are leaders
such as Mandela of South Africa and Nujoma of Namibia,
Bakili of Malawi, Meles of Ethiopia, Issaias of Eritrea,
Museveni of Uganda, Soglo of Benin, Ousmane of Niger, and
Konare of Mali.
 
All of these leaders have come to power and have had
their leadership democratically endorsed within the past
two years.  Add to this critical core such leaders as
Diouf of Senegal, Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Masire of Botswana,
and Rawlings of Ghana, and you have a potential for
positive, collective action that has not existed in
Africa since the days of the post-colonial giants of the
first African drive for independence.  They are now
involved in the second drive for independence.
 
This critical core of leaders heard a clarion call at the
OAU meeting in Tunis earlier this month from none other
than the person you have just heard from yourself,
President Nelson Mandela, who challenged his colleagues
over the tragedy in Rwanda.  He said:
 
"Tribute is due to the great thinkers of our continent
who have been and are trying to move all of us to
understand the intimate interconnection between the great
issues of our day, of peace, stability, democracy, human
rights cooperation, and development.  Even as we speak,
Rwanda stands out as a stern and severe rebuke to all of
us for having failed to address these interrelated
matters."
 
These words are the best proof I have seen that Africans
are taking their destiny into their own hands.
 
U.S. Development Initiatives In Africa
 
There is much that I could say today about our
development initiatives in Africa, but I would probably
not tell this group of experts much that they do not
already know.  You know that we are doubling our
commitment to South Africa:  We will provide, over the
next three years, $528 million to help Nelson Mandela's
government promote black private sector development;
improve the infrastructure of the townships and the poor
rural areas; and, in the process, create jobs, redress
inequities in the health care and education systems, and
strengthen democratic institutions.
 
You may not know that we are also increasing our
investment in the Southern Africa region.  Working
closely with SADC and other regional entities, we will
invest $300 million over the next five years to
strengthen economic ties, to capitalize small businesses,
to improve transportation and communications systems, and
to encourage contacts among NGOs and other advocates of
democracy.
 
You may not know that we have created a special fund to
help the CFA currency countries through a difficult
transition after their decision to devalue their
currency.  This devaluation has already encouraged
domestic production as import costs have risen.  But we
want to build on this to stimulate job creation and help
governments restructure their economies.
 
You probably know that the Development Fund for Africa
has been a model for the kind of results-oriented,
sustainable development program we want to run all over
the world.  We want to be more integrated in our
approach, more strategic in our focus.  And we want to
work with partner governments that are open to allowing
their own people to participate in the development
process.  Since you probably know all of these things, I
want to spend the remaining part of my time talking about
my hope that we can invest even more in sustainable
development in Africa.
 
Today, we are spending twice as much on peace-keeping and
disaster relief as we are on development--that's
unavoidable.  We need to reverse that ratio, and we can
if we engage together in a strategy of crisis prevention.
In that regard, the President of the United States took a
very important step a month ago when he undertook a
crisis prevention initiative in the greater Horn area of
East Africa.  There are many people in this room that
participated in that delegation.
 
This is a unique mission in three ways.  First, we're
attempting to gain the world's political leaders'
attention and the public's attention before a famine
occurs, before we see babies dying on television.
Second, we have asked other donors and the nations of
this greater Horn region to look at the problem in a
regional context.  And third, we have asked that our
collaborative efforts be viewed not just as another
rescue mission but, rather, as part of a continuum--from
relief, to recovery, to long-term sustainable
development.  I want to discuss very briefly these three
innovations.
 
First, we did succeed in getting the attention we sought.
This would not have happened if this had not engaged the
President of the United States himself.  That assured us
of a traveling press corps and good coverage wherever we
went.  It opened doors at the political level, important
particularly in Europe.
 
We also would not have succeeded in this approach if the
United States had not brought to the table better
information on the situation than anyone else.  We had
information that we had gathered as part of our famine
early warning system; we have been tracking this
situation for the last year.
 
At the end of last year, we had 7.6 million people at
risk.  Today, there are 20.6 million people at risk as a
result of the drought and the civil conflict in this
region.  We have a shortfall of 2 million tons of food.
Only 1.6 million tons have been pledged, and I can tell
you--having been in a storage shed with 100 metric tons
of food--2 million metric tons of food is a lot of food.
 
We brought to the table, also, an analysis of the ports
and transportation system of this region.  In other
words, we had superior information.  We had information
better than the United Nations, better than the European
Union, better than any of the other bilateral donors.
That is the way that we could effectuate our leadership.
 
Second, the regional approach that we took was essential.
I won't dwell on this except to say that people in this
region suffer from the problems that other countries in
the region are suffering from.  No one escapes the
consequences of the civil conflict in southern Sudan or
in Rwanda--or of the population growth problems or the
drought.  People are on the move in this region, and our
efforts are designed to keep them at home.
 
Food security is the common theme.  We're working with
other donors in our regional strategy to help this region
achieve food security.  To do this, a viable strategy
will involve liberalizing agricultural markets and trade
patterns and improving ports and transportation systems,
agricultural techniques training, fertilizer and seed
supplies, irrigation and water storage systems, and
population programs.  Last but not least, it will involve
stronger and more democratic governments.
 
Finally, just as we have to avoid the stovepipe,
compartmentalized approach to development here in our own
country, we must also stop separating or ignoring the
crucial elements of the development continuum.  The
international community has compartmentalized itself.  If
you look at the UN system, UNHCR deals only with
refugees; it doesn't even deal with displaced persons.
The World Food Program supplies food; it doesn't worry
about development or agricultural production.
 
A Continuum:  Relief to Recovery to Development
 
We cannot afford to continue to address these emergencies
without simultaneously addressing their root causes and
looking at the entire continuum from relief to recovery
to development.  Employing the concept of this continuum
requires linking relief and development interventions by
investing relief dollars with a view to developmental
goals, while at the same time ensuring that development
assistance addresses the long-term vulnerabilities that
provoke disasters.
 
The way in which we plan to carry out our relief efforts
can have a major impact on the prospects for follow-on
recovery and development.  To make the transition from
relief to development, we need to use relief assistance
as creatively as possible--for example, by supporting
food-for-work programs and purchasing local food where
possible, thus supporting and stimulating local and
intraregional trade.
 
The need to encourage free markets and to stimulate
greater intraregional trade is key both to relief and to
longer-term recovery and development.  For example, at
the urging of USAID, the Government of Kenya removed key
trade barriers with neighboring Uganda.  In turn, that
led Kenyan traders to purchase 400,000 metric tons of
Ugandan maize to respond to a large food deficit in
Kenya.  These commercial purchases will save donors from
having to provide substantial food assistance to Kenya,
while at the same time stimulating Ugandan farmers to
produce more.
 
If the international community is to respond effectively
to the Horn crisis, its interventions must address
productive capacity.  That means providing assistance
that will keep farmers active as long and as extensively
as possible.  It means rehabilitating those producers who
have lost their ability to produce as well as
reintegrating returning refugees and demobilized
soldiers.
 
It means de-mining agricultural areas.  It means long-
term development strategies that are sustainable:
programs that involve people, not just government
ministries; programs that curb population growth and
offer new agricultural technology that will reduce
environmental damage and increase yields; programs that
open new markets and encourage micro-enterprise creation;
and health and education programs that help develop the
most valuable resource Africa has--its people.
 
The key to all of the above is timely and accurate
information about the challenges we face.  Our famine
early warning system has been invaluable in helping the
world appreciate the scope of the drought now threatening
the Horn.  But as we increasingly face crises caused not
just by natural conditions but by ethnic strife and
political turmoil, we need better early warning systems.
 
To address the emerging reality of such complex crises,
USAID is planning to expand its famine early warning
system beyond the agricultural sector to include a
capacity to measure the impact of poverty, population
growth, environmental degradation, and weak governmental
structures on the development process.  Such a system
would enable us not only to measure development needs
more accurately, it would also enable us to predict more
accurately the imminent implosion of societies.
 
The international community must acquire this capability
if it is to practice preventive diplomacy seriously.  The
President's Horn of Africa initiative is a vital test
case.  Can we extricate ourselves from the morass of
crisis management and enter a new era of crisis
prevention?  Can we equip our government and the
international system with the tools to combat chaos as we
earlier provided it with the tools to combat communism?
Can we use our ingenuity and our leadership skills to
prevent famine, conflict, and environmental disaster in
the developing world?  In undertaking this Horn of Africa
initiative, President Clinton has answered all of these
questions with a resounding yes.
 
But in Africa, the United States will not be acting
alone.  The new leaders of Africa give us the hope we
need to overcome the obstacles, but they need our
assistance and encouragement as never before--as
President Mandela said in his statement.  We cannot
develop their societies for them.  But today, through
more open, decentralized, and democratic political
systems, Africa is unleashing the creative skills and
energies of its own people.  That makes our investment in
Africa's sustainable development a sound one.  Let's hope
that next year we begin to spend more on development and
less on relief.  I hope you will have a constructive and
rewarding conference, and I wish you well.
 
 
George Moose
Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
June 26, 1994
 
I would like to welcome all of you and to express my
appreciation for your participation in this, the first-
ever White House Conference on Africa.  It's an honor for
me to be able to participate in a dialogue with so many
distinguished, experienced Africanists as are gathered
here this afternoon.  And I'm delighted to look around
this room and see so many people who have contributed to
my understanding of Africa over the years.
 
Long-term U.S. Policy Goals
 
This is a timely exercise.  We in the Administration
believe that we've established some reasonable and
realistic long-term goals for our policy toward Africa.
They are:
 
--  To support African efforts to establish democratic
institutions in governments;
--  To help bring an end to the many conflicts and crises
on the continent; and
--  To encourage sustainable economic growth.
 
These are essentially conservative goals.  By that I mean
that what we seek, in the first instance, is to preserve
and to consolidate the very real gains--both economic and
political--that have been made on the continent,
especially in the last decade.  We can be reasonably
confident, thereby, that these goals will remain valid.
 
But we are also much aware of a whole range of long-term
developments and trends that are seriously challenging
our assumptions about how those goals can be achieved.
They include environmental trends; population and
migration patterns; changing health conditions; and
evolving political, social and cultural practices.  They
are trends that affect the entire continent in different
ways.  They are trends which, if allowed to continue on
their present natural course, could easily overwhelm the
determined efforts being made today to put the continent
on a steadier and sounder footing.
 
We need urgently to understand those trends.  Moreover,
we need to begin now to design the policy responses that
will permit us collectively to have a significant impact
on them--to alter them for the better.  I have the
daunting task of trying to sum up the state of Africa.  I
know, as I say that, that there are many in this room who
could do that far better than I.  But I'd like to take a
moment to give you an idea of what we believe lies ahead
for the African continent during the coming decade.
 
The Coming Decade--Africa's Problems and Potential
 
Just a few weeks ago, the Bureau of African Affairs
organized a conference to look at some of those social,
economic, and political trends in Africa.  The Africa
2000 Conference, as it was called, was in some respects a
modest precursor to this weekend's events.  It brought
together a small group of academics, business people, and
practitioners of foreign affairs from both inside and
outside of government.  I'm pleased that a number of
those participants are in the gathering in the room here
this afternoon.
 
The purpose of that conference was to take our current
knowledge about Africa and project it forward to sketch a
broad, composite picture of what the continent might look
like in the first decade of the 21st century.  I'd like
to share with you this afternoon some of our
observations--and I apologize for the extreme liberties
I'm going to take with some of the wonderful
presentations that so many of you made during that
conference.
 
One of the most important observations was that the major
trends on the continent--war, population, trade,
democracy--are inextricably intertwined.  Accordingly,
there was a recognition of the need for an integrated
approach in our way of thinking about Africa if our
response to the continent's problems is to have any
chance of success.  Today, for example, we cannot pursue
democratization without considering the pressures of
population growth.  We cannot make plans for development
without considering the health of the environment.  We
cannot discuss peace-keeping without considering the
impact of AIDS on the deployment of troops.
 
Our review of Africa's economic prospects confirmed the
enormous diversity and potential of the continent's
economic base.  African nations currently produce some
$45 billion annually in major commodities, over one-half
of which is in petroleum and gold and diamonds.  In fact,
South Africa and Nigeria account for half of those
commodity exports.
 
Despite Africa's static or negative overall economic
growth during most of the 1980s, our review suggested
some generally positive trends in the coming decade.
Historically, Africa's growth has closely tracked the
growth rates of the world economy.  With an anticipated
global economic growth rate of 4% and the need for
industrial renovation in most industrial nations, African
commodities will be in slightly higher demand over the
next decade.  During the same timeframe, African
economies also should grow at approximately 4% per annum,
based on World Bank forecasts that world prices for crude
oil and food crops will remain relatively stagnant while
prices for coffee and cocoa and tea and other commodities
rise between 10% and 50%.
 
What makes this picture far more somber, however, is the
overlay of other trends--the disruption and instability
caused by ongoing conflicts; the specter of a disastrous
new drought; and, most important of all, an unsustainably
high population growth rate.  Indeed, Africa's population
growth rate is probably the single most important force
shaping Africa's economic, social, and political future.
The continent continues to lead the world with a rate
projected at 3.2%.  At this level, the continent's 600
million people will double by the year 2018 to 1.2
billion.  If that rate continues to hold, it could
quickly erode Africa's hopes for improved land use,
resource management, food productivity, and political
stability during the 1990s and beyond.
 
Africa has the largest expanse of arable land in the
world.  Yet it is also a continent that faces the
greatest environmental challenges, including
deforestation, desertification, and loss of biodiversity.
Studies conducted by the United Nations Environmental
Program indicate that since 1980, the total acreage of
Africa's forest land has declined by nearly 2% a year.
In Madagascar, perhaps as much as four-fifths of the area
in which tropical forests once flourished has been
cleared.
 
These forest losses have been accompanied by
desertification and land degradation.  This is a problem
throughout Africa, and it is the dominant environmental
threat in the Sahel.  Inherent soil deficiencies,
overgrazing, and unfavorable weather patterns contribute
to the problem, as does variability of rainfall, which
can cause erosion of soils that are already shallow.
Between 1984 and 1990, land degradation in some parts of
the Sahel caused millet and sorghum yields to drop from
125 kilograms per hectare to less than 50 kilograms per
hectare.
 
Africa's economic development is also closely tied to the
use of water resources.  The Nile, the Niger, and the
Zaire Rivers and numerous smaller rivers are potentially
major resources for irrigation of crops and generation of
hydroelectric power.  Unfortunately, environmental
degradation, misuse of water resources, and poor
management of catchment basins are squandering these
resources and hampering Africa's efforts to realize its
developmental potential.
 
Deforestation, desertification, and the degradation of
water resources are trends that also threaten Africa's
remarkable biodiversity.  As land is misused, critical
habitats for wild plants and animals are lost.
Nevertheless, Africa still contains a wealth of
biodiversity.  In much of the rest of the world, it may
be too late to stem the loss of plant and animal species.
In most of Africa, however, the opportunity still exists
to secure these resources and their long-term economic
and environmental benefits.
 
Africa's economic growth is further diminished by the
fact that some 10 million people--out of a world total of
14 million--are HIV-infected.  Already there are more
than 1.5 million AIDS cases in Africa.  If that weren't
tragic enough, the virus is decimating the continent's
most productive groups--the professional and working
classes--and in their most productive years.
 
A predicted 14,000 African teachers will die of AIDS in
the next 15 years.  By the year 2000, there will be an
estimated 10 million AIDS orphans.  The costs in human
suffering and strain on health care systems, social
disruption, and lost skills and productivity will be all
but impossible to calculate.
 
African cities are the places where the impact of
population growth and pathological disease is most
evident.  With war and migration and land degradation so
prevalent, African cities have grown far faster than the
capacity of African governments to provide critical
infrastructural support for these sprawling masses of
people.
 
Changes in the nature and the capacities of African
governments, of course, are key to assessing the
continent's future.  Over the past decade, the continent
has undergone dramatic political and institutional
change--much of it for the better.  Since 1989,
multiparty elections have been held in 26 countries, with
a dozen more expected by 1996.  Two-thirds of the initial
democratic elections were judged to be free and fair, and
incumbents were unseated in South Africa, in Zambia, in
Malawi, and in nine other countries.
 
Yet, most of these new governments have not had the time
to come to grips with the enormity of their problems.
Several are barely managing to survive.  Their primary
focus, indeed, is on mere survival and self-preservation.
Others stagger in a quasi-autocratic state of existence
while the social, economic, and political infrastructures
of their countries erode.
 
In Liberia, Rwanda, Angola, and Sudan, war continues to
block any hope of real progress.  As the poorest region
of the world, Africa is also the region most heavily
burdened with conflict-generated problems.  The cost of
war-related tragedies, enormous flows of refugees, and
displaced persons is not easily measurable on an
accountant's spreadsheet.  The developmental,
environmental, and--most sadly--psychological impact of
conflict has taken a tremendous toll on the African
people and often goes unnoticed.
 
Seeking Clarity and Direction In Our Approach
 
The foregoing catalogue only serves to bring home the
enormity of the problems that the continent faces today.
But what we must not do under any circumstances is allow
the weight of our current knowledge to become an excuse
for cynicism or inaction.  As one of the participants in
our Africa 2000 Conference pointedly reminded us all,
only two decades ago, knowledgeable experts were painting
an equally grim picture of developments in Asia and
making equally dire predictions as to what Asia's future
might hold.
 
In Africa itself, we have recently been provided with a
powerful reminder that the most critical variable in
human history is the capacity of the human spirit.  As
Tony mentioned earlier, five years ago, I think few of us
in this room would have been prepared to wager that the
struggle in South Africa for freedom and dignity would be
brought about without a violent cataclysm.
 
Elsewhere across the continent, we are seeing other
examples of hope and will overcoming the "forces of
natural determinism."  That is why I believe that this
conference is so important.  I do not suggest that we
will find answers to all of Africa's many problems this
weekend.  But I do believe that we can make a major step
toward giving clarity and direction to our approach to
the continent, and I would suggest that, as with Asia
only 20 years ago, Africa is now on the threshold of a
new era.  Like Asia, Africa needs a new conceptual
framework that will enable us to order our priorities and
our actions.
 
Today, I hope we can begin to define--to find and define-
-that new framework and move forward toward the
elaboration of a viable, long-term strategy for the
United States and for Africa.  I look forward to working
with all of you toward that goal.  (###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2:
President Clinton Sends POW/MIA Delegation to Vietnam
Statement by White House Press Secretary Dee Dee Myers,
Washington, DC,  June 28, 1994.
 
Last February, when the President announced the lifting
of the trade embargo against Vietnam, he also announced
that he would send another top-level delegation to
Vietnam later in the year to press for further progress
from Vietnam on unresolved POW/MIA issues.  This
presidential delegation will travel to Vietnam July 1-4
and to Laos July 4-5.  It will stop in Hawaii for
briefings by the Commander-in-Chief, Pacific (CINCPAC);
the Joint Task Force-Full Accounting (JTA-FA); and the
U.S. Army Central Identification Laboratory (CILHI).
 
The delegation will be jointly led by Deputy Secretary of
Veterans Affairs Hershel Gober, Assistant Secretary of
State Winston Lord, and Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Defense for POW/MIA Affairs James Wold.  A similar high-
level delegation went to Vietnam in July 1993.
 
At the invitation of the President, leaders of the five
largest veterans organizations--Executive Director of the
American Legion John F. Sommer, Jr.; Junior Vice
Commander-in-Chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars Paul
A. Spera; National Legislative Director of the Disabled
American Veterans Richard F. Schultz; National Commander
of the American Veterans of World War II, the Korean War,
and the Vietnam War Donald M. Hearon; and National Vice
President of the Vietnam Veterans of America Jack Clark--
will be members of the delegation.  Executive Director of
the National League of Families of American Prisoners and
Missing in Southeast Asia Ann Mills Griffith will also be
a member of the delegation.
 
President Clinton has asked this delegation to continue
the search for answers that will help us achieve the
fullest possible accounting for our POW/MIAs.  The
delegation will make clear to Vietnam that further steps
in relations between our two nations depend on additional
tangible progress on the outstanding POW/MIA cases.  In
particular, the President is looking for concrete
progress in four key areas:
 
--  Remains--Concrete results from efforts on their part
on cases, live sightings, and field activities;
--  Discrepancy cases--Continued resolution of 55
discrepancy cases, live sightings, and field activities;
--  Laos--Further assistance in implementing trilateral
investigations with the Lao; and
--  Archives--Accelerated efforts to provide all POW/MIA-
related documents that will help lead to genuine answers.
 
While in Laos, the delegation will discuss with senior
Lao officials ways to further advance joint efforts to
achieve the fullest possible accounting of the 504
Americans missing in Laos.  In particular, the delegation
will seek progress in establishing a live-sighting
mechanism, expanding the pace and scope of joint U.S.-Lao
field activities, furthering trilateral cooperation with
the Vietnamese, and obtaining broader access to Lao
Government archival holdings.  (###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3:
Department Statements
 
Central Bering Sea Pollock Fishing Agreement Signed
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman,
Washington, DC, June 16, 1994.
 
Representatives of China, Korea, Russia, and the United
States today signed the "Convention on the Conservation
and Management of Pollock Resources in the Central Bering
Sea."  Japan and Poland, the other participating
countries in the negotiation of the agreement, are
expected to sign the convention in the near future.
Ambassador David A. Colson, Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for Oceans, signed the convention for the United
Sates.
 
Catches of pollock by foreign vessels in the high seas
"donut hole" area of the Bering Sea between the U.S. and
Russia declined from a peak of nearly 1.5 million metric
tons in 1989 to less than 11,000 tons in 1992.  A
moratorium on fishing for pollock in the "donut hole" and
on the associated stocks in the U.S. and Russian zones
has been in effect since the beginning of 1993.
 
Ambassador Colson, who was the primary U.S. negotiator of
the agreement, called the convention
 
". . . a state-of-the-art fisheries agreement.  It is a
unique, forward-looking agreement that will ensure the
long-term sustainability of pollock in the Bering Sea.
The convention contains strong provisions that will
ensure that it is effectively enforced.  U.S. enforcement
officials will be able to board vessels of other states
party to the convention to ensure that they are fishing
in accordance with the agreement."
 
The convention will require all vessels fishing for
pollock in the central Bering Sea to use real-time
satellite position-fixing transmitters, carry scientific
observers, and consent to boarding and inspection by
authorized officials of any other party to the agreement
to ensure compliance with the convention.  The convention
will enter into force when four of the signatories,
including the U.S. and Russia, deposit their instruments
of ratification.  The Department will forward the
convention to the White House for transmission to the
Senate for its advice and consent to ratification.
 
U.S. To Sponsor Study of Middle East Regional Air Traffic
System
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman,
Washington, DC, June 17, 1994.
 
The United States today announced it will sponsor a
feasibility study of regional air navigation and
communications systems in the Middle East as part of the
ongoing peace process.  This announcement was made at the
meeting of the Regional Economic Development Working
Group currently under-way in Rabat, Morocco.
 
This initiative will be open to all interested regional
parties who wish to participate.  Major airports, area
control centers, towers, and approach control facilities
will be studied to assess existing navigation and
communications systems and evaluate rehabilitation and
expansion requirements.
 
The project will lead to improved aviation efficiency and
safety.  Regional integration in this sector will offer
significant long-term economic benefits, resulting in a
more rational air traffic environment in the region.
U.S. aviation experts will begin work on this project in
July 1994.  (###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4:
Treaty Actions
 
Multilateral
 
Arbitration
Convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign
arbitral awards.  Done at New York June 10, 1958.
Entered into force June 7, 1959; for the U.S. Dec. 29,
1970.  TIAS 6997; 21 UST 2517.
Accession:  Saudi Arabia, Apr. 19, 1994.
 
Chemical Weapons
Convention on the prohibition of the development,
production, stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and
on their destruction, with annexes.  Done at Paris Jan.
13, 19931.  [Senate] Treaty Doc. 103-21.
Signature:  Saint Kitts & Nevis, Mar. 16, 1994.
Ratification:  Norway, Apr. 7, 1994.
 
Children
Convention on protection and cooperation in respect of
inter-country adoption.  Done at The Hague May 29, 19931.
Signatures:  Burkina Faso, Apr. 19, 19942; Canada, Apr.
12, 1994; Finland, Apr. 19, 1994; United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland, Jan. 12, 1994; United
States, Mar. 31, 1994.
 
Copyrights
Berne convention for the protection of literary and
artistic works of Sept. 9, 1886, revised at Paris July
24, 1971, and amended in 1979.  Entered into force for
the U.S. Mar. 1, 1989.  [Senate] Treaty Doc. 99-27.
Accession:  Tanzania, Apr. 25, 19942.
 
Environmental Modification
Convention on the prohibition of military or any other
hostile use of environmental modification techniques,
with annex.  Done at Geneva May 18, 1977.  Entered into
force Oct. 5, 1978; for the U.S. Jan. 17, 1980.  TIAS
9614; 31 UST 333.
Accession:  Chile, Apr. 26, 1994.
 
Finance
Agreement establishing the International Fund for
Agricultural Development.  Done at Rome June 13, 1976.
Entered into force Nov. 30, 1977.  TIAS 8765; 28 UST
8435.
Accessions:  Tajikistan, Macedonia, Jan. 26, 1994;
Mongolia, Feb. 9, 1994.
 
Convention establishing the multilateral investment
guarantee agency (MIGA), with annexes and schedules.
Done at Seoul Oct. 11, 1985.  Entered into force Apr. 12,
1988.
Signatures:  Niger, Apr. 11, 1994; Gabon, Apr. 15, 1994.
Ratification:  Vietnam, Apr. 4, 1994.
 
Health
Constitution of the World Health Organization.  Done at
New York July 22, 1946.  Entered into force Apr. 7, 1948;
for the U.S. June 21, 1948.  TIAS 1808; 62 Stat. 2679.
Amendment of Arts. 24 and 25 of the Constitution of the
World Health Organization.  Done at Geneva May 23, 1967.
Entered into force May 21, 1975.  TIAS 8086; 26 UST 990.
Amendments to Arts. 34 and 55 of the Constitution of the
World Health Organization.  Done at Geneva May 22, 1973.
Entered into force Feb. 3, 1977.  TIAS 8534; 28 UST 2088.
Amendments to Arts. 24 and 25 of the Constitution of the
World Health Organization.  Done at Geneva May 17, 1976.
Entered into force Jan. 20, 1984.  TIAS 10930.
Acceptances:  Niue, May 4, 1994; Nauru, May 9, 1994.
 
Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights.
Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966.
Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976; for the U.S. Sept. 8,
1992.
Accessions:  Georgia, May 3, 1994; Malawi, Dec. 22, 1993.
 
Optional protocol to the international covenant on civil
and political rights.  Adopted by the UN General Assembly
Dec. 16, 1966.  Entered into force Mar. 23, 19763.
Accessions:  Belgium, May 17, 1994; Georgia, May 3, 1994.
 
International covenant on economic, social, and cultural
rights.  Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16,
1966.  Entered into force Jan. 3, 19763.
Accessions:  Georgia, May 3, 1994; Malawi, Dec. 22, 1993.
 
Industrial Property
Nice agreement, as revised, concerning the international
classification of goods and services for the purposes of
the registration of marks.  Done at Geneva May 13, 1977.
Entered into force Feb. 6, 1979; for the U.S. Feb. 29,
1984.
Accession:  People's Republic of China, May 5, 1994.
 
Judicial Procedure
Convention on the civil aspects of international child
abduction.  Done at The Hague Oct. 25, 1980.  Entered
into force Dec. 1, 1983; for the U.S. July 1, 1988.  TIAS
11670.
Accession:  Slovenia, Mar. 22, 1994.
 
Bilateral
 
Congo
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or
refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or
insured by the United States Government and its agency,
with annexes.  Signed at Brazzaville May 6, 1994.  Enters
into force following signature and receipt by Congo of
written notice from U.S. that all necessary domestic
legal requirements have been fulfilled.
 
Eritrea
Investment incentive agreement.  Signed at Washington May
4, 1994.  Enters into force on date which Eritrea
notifies U.S. that all legal requirements have been
fulfilled.
 
 
Japan
Agreement amending the agreement of Mar. 29, 1988, as
amended, concerning the acquisition and production of the
EP-3 aircraft in Japan.  Effected by exchange of notes at
Tokyo Mar. 29, 1994.  Entered into force Mar. 29, 1994.
 
Mexico
SWAP agreement between the U.S. Treasury and the Banco de
Mexico/Government of Mexico.  Signed at Washington and
Mexico Mar. 24, 1994.  Entered into force Mar. 24, 1994.
 
Exchange stabilization agreement between the United
States Treasury and the Banco de Mexico/Government of
Mexico, with North American framework agreement.  Signed
at Washington and Mexico Apr. 26, 1994.  Entered into
force Apr. 26, 1994.
 
Slovenia
Investment incentive agreement.  Signed at Washington
Apr. 26, 1994.  Enters into force on date on which
Slovenia notifies the U.S. that all necessary legal
requirements have been fulfilled.
 
1  Not in force.
2  With declaration(s).
3  Not in force for the U.S.  (###)
 
 
Cumulative Digest of United States Practice in
International Law, 1981-1988, Book I
 
Book I of the Cumulative Digest of United States Practice
in International Law, 1981-1988, published by the
Department of State's Office of the Legal Adviser, is now
available for purchase through the U.S. Government
Printing Office (stock no. 044-000-02394-6).  The 1,311-
page volume includes materials on which work was first
begun in 1989, as well as a number of articles by its
editor, Marian Nash (Leich).  For more information,
contact:
 
Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
P.O. Box 371954
Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954
(tel:  202-783-3238; fax:  202-512-2250).  (###)
 
END OF DISPATCH VOL 5, NO 27.

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