VOLUME 5, NUMBER 24, JUNE 13, 1994
1.  Securing Peace and Prosperity In a Broader
Europe -- President Clinton
2.  Update on the Four-Point Plan for Haiti --
Deputy Secretary Talbott
3.  Country Fact Sheet:  Kenya
4.  Focus on Business:  Services for U.S. Firms
5.  Clergy Murdered and Civilians Massacred in
6.  Fourth Meeting of U.S.-Jordanian-Israeli
Trilateral Economic Committee
7.  What's in Print:  Foreign Relations of the
United States
Securing Peace and Prosperity In a Broader
President Clinton
Address to the National Assembly, Paris,
France, June 7, 1994
Mr. President, distinguished deputies,
representatives of the people of France:  It is
a high honor for me to be invited here--along
with my wife and our distinguished ambassador,
Pamela Harriman--to share with you this
occasion.  There is between our two peoples a
special kinship.  After all, our two republics
were born within a few years of each other.
Overthrowing the rule of kings, we enthroned in
their places common ideals--equality, liberty,
community, and the rights of man.
For two centuries, our nations have given
generously to each other.  France gave to our
founders the ideas of Montesquieu and Rousseau.
Then Lafayette and Rochambeau helped to forge
those ideas into the reality of our own
independence.  For just as we helped to
liberate your country in 1944, you helped to
liberate our country two full centuries ago.
Your art and your culture have inspired
countless Americans for that entire time, from
Benjamin Franklin to John and Jacqueline
Kennedy.  In turn, we lent to you the
revolutionary genius of Thomas Jefferson, the
fiery spirit of Thomas Paine, and the lives of
so many of our young men when Europe's liberty
was most endangered.
This week, you have given us yet another great
gift in the wonderful commemorations of the
Allied landings at Normandy.  I compliment
President Mitterrand and all the French people
for your very generous hospitality.  I thank
especially the thousands of French families who
have opened their homes to our veterans.
Yesterday's sights will stay with me for the
rest of my life--the imposing cliffs of Pointe
du Hoc, the parade of our Allied forces on Utah
Beach, the deadly bluffs at bloody Omaha, and
the rows upon rows of gravestones at our
cemetery at Colleville.
D-Day was the pivot point of the 20th century.
It began Europe's liberation.  In ways great
and small, the Allied victory proved how
democracy's faith in the individual saved
democracy itself.  From the daring of the
French Resistance to the inventiveness of the
soldiers on Omaha Beach, it proved what free
nations can accomplish when they unite behind a
great and noble cause.
The remarkable unity among the Allies during
World War II--let us face it--reflected the
life-or-death threat facing freedom.
Democracies of free and often unruly people are
more likely to rally in the face of that kind
of danger.  But our challenge now is to unite
our people around the opportunities of peace,
as those who went before us united against the
dangers of war.
Once in this century--as your President so
eloquently expressed--following World War I, we
failed to meet that imperative.  After the
armistice, many Americans believed our foreign
threats were gone.  America increasingly
withdrew from the world, opening the way for
high tariffs, for trade wars, and for the rise
to fascism and the return of global war in less
than 20 years.
After World War II, America, France, and the
other democracies did better.  Led by visionary
statesmen like Truman and Marshall, De Gaulle,
Monnet, and others, we reached out to rebuild
our allies and our former enemies--Germany,
Italy, and Japan--and to confront the threat of
Soviet expansion and nuclear power.  Together,
we founded NATO and launched the Marshall Plan,
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and
other engines of economic development.  And in
one of history's great acts of reconciliation,
France reached out to forge the Franco-German
partnership, the foundation of unity and
stability in modern Western Europe.  Indeed,
the members of the European Union have
performed an act of political alchemy--a
magical act that turned rubble into renewal,
suspicion into security, and enemies into
Building Bonds Among Nations
Now we have arrived at this century's third
moment of decision.  The Cold War is over.
Prague, Warsaw, Kiev, Riga, Moscow, and many
others stand as democratic capitals, with
leaders elected by the people.  We are reducing
nuclear stockpiles, and America and Russia no
longer aim their nuclear missiles at each
Yet, once again, our work is far from finished.
To secure this peace, we must set our sights on
a strategic star.  Here, where America and our
allies fought so hard to save the world, let
that star for both of us--for Americans and for
Europeans alike--be the integration and
strengthening of a broader Europe.  It is a
mighty challenge.  It will require resources.
It will take years, even decades.  It will
require us to do what is very difficult for
democracies--to unite our people when they do
not feel themselves in imminent peril to
confront more distant threats and to seize
challenging and exciting opportunities.
Yet, the hallowed gravestones we honored
yesterday speak to us clearly.  They define the
price of failure in peacetime.  They affirm the
need for action now.
We can already see the grim alternative.
Militant nationalism is on the rise:
transforming the healthy pride of nations,
tribes, and religious and ethnic groups into
cancerous prejudice; eating away at states; and
leaving their people addicted to the political
painkillers of violence and demagoguery and
blaming their problems on others when they
should be dedicated to the hard work of finding
real answers to those problems in
reconciliation, in power-sharing, and in
sustainable development.
We see the signs of this disease, from the
purposeful slaughter in Bosnia to the random
violence of skinheads in all our nations.  We
see it in the incendiary misuses of history and
in the anti-semitism and irredentism of some
former communist states.  And beyond Europe, we
see the dark future of these trends in mass
slaughter, unbridled terrorism, devastating
poverty, and total environmental and social
Our trans-Atlantic alliance clearly stands at a
critical point.  We must build the bonds among
nations necessary for this time, just as we did
after World War II.  But we must do so at a
time when our safety is not directly
threatened, just as after World War I.
The question for this generation of leaders is
whether we have the will, the vision, and, yes,
the patience to do it.  Let me state clearly
where the United States stands.  America will
remain engaged in Europe.  The entire trans-
Atlantic alliance benefits when we, Europe and
America, are both strong and engaged.  America
wishes a strong Europe, and Europe should wish
a strong America--working together.
To ensure that our own country remains a strong
partner, we are working hard at home to create
a new spirit of American renewals:  to reduce
our budget deficits; to revive our economy; to
expand trade; to make our streets safer from
crime; to restore the pillars of our American
strength--work,  family, and community; and to
maintain our defense presence in Europe.
We also want Europe to be strong.  That is why
America supports Europe's own steps so far
toward greater unity--the European Union, the
Western European Union, and the development of
a European defense identity.  We now must
pursue a shared strategy:  to secure the peace
of a broader Europe and its prosperity.  That
strategy depends upon integrating the entire
continent through three sets of bonds:  first,
security cooperation; second, market economics;
and, third, democracy.
Security Cooperation
To start, we must remain strong and safe in an
era that still has many dangers.  To do so, we
must adapt our security institutions to meet
new imperatives.  America has reduced the size
of its military presence in Europe, but we will
maintain a strong force here.
The EU, the WEU, the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe, and other organizations
must all play a larger role.  I was pleased
that NATO recently approved an American
proposal to allow its assets to be used by the
WEU.  To foster greater security cooperation
all across Europe, we also need to adapt NATO
to this new era.
At the NATO summit in January, we agreed to
create the Partnership for Peace in order to
foster security cooperation among NATO allies
and the other states of Europe--former Warsaw
Pact countries, states of the former Soviet
Union, and states not involved in NATO for
other reasons.  And just six months later, this
Partnership for Peace is a reality.  No fewer
than 19 nations have joined, and more are on
the way.  Russia has expressed an interest in
The Partnership will conduct its first military
exercises this fall.  Imagine the
transformation:  Troops that once faced each
other across the Iron Curtain will now work
with each other across the plains of Europe.
We understand the historical anxieties of
Central and Eastern Europe.  The security of
those states is important to our own security.
We are committed to NATO's expansion.  At the
same time, as long as we have the chance--the
chance--to create security cooperation
everywhere in Europe, we should not abandon
that possibility anywhere.
There are signs that such an outcome may be
possible.  Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Belarus
have now committed to eliminate all the nuclear
weapons on their soil.  By this August, we may
well see all Russian troops withdrawn from
Eastern Europe and the Baltics for the first
time since the end of World War II.
Do these developments guarantee that we can
draw all the former communist states into the
bonds of peaceful cooperation?  No--but we
would fail our own generation and those to come
if we did not try.
Do these arrangements mean we can solve all the
problems?  No--at least not right away.  The
most challenging European security problem and
the most heartbreaking humanitarian problem is,
of course, Bosnia.  We have not solved that
problem, but it is important to recognize what
has been done, because France, the United
States, Great Britain, and others have worked
together through the United Nations and through
NATO.  Look what has been done.  First, a
determined and so far successful effort has
been made to limit that conflict to Bosnia,
rather than having it spread into a wider
Balkan war.  Second, the most massive
humanitarian airlift in history has saved
thousands of lives, as has the UNPROFOR
mission, in which France has been the leading
contributor of troops.
We have prevented the war from moving into the
air.  We have seen an agreement between the
Bosnian Muslims and the Croats.  Progress has
been made.  What remains to be done?  Today,
the United Nations has put for-ward the
proposal by Mr. Akashi for a cessation of
hostilities for a period of several months.
The United States supports this program; France
supports this proposal.  We must do all we can
to get both sides to embrace it.
Next, the Contact Group is working on a map
which can be the basis of a full and final
cessation of hostilities there.  We must do all
we can, once all parties have been heard from,
to secure that agreement.
Finally, let us not forget what has happened to
make that more likely, and that is that Russia
has been brought into the process of attempting
to resolve this terrible crisis in what so far
has been a very positive way, pointing the way
toward a future in which we may all be able to
work together to solve problems like this over
a period of time.  We must be patient.  We must
understand that we do not have total control of
events within every nation.  But we have made
progress in Bosnia, and we must keep at it,
working together--firmly together--with
patience and firmness until the job is done.
We can do this if we stay together and work
Market Economics
The best way to sustain this sort of
cooperation is to support the evolution of
Europe across the board.  We must also have an
economic dimension to this.  We must support
Europe's East in their work to integrate into
the thriving market democracies.  That brings
me to the second element of our strategy of
integration:  Integration requires the
successful transition to strong market
economies all across broader Europe.
Today, the former communist states face
daunting transitions.  Our goal must be to help
them succeed--supporting macroeconomic reforms,
providing targeted assistance to privatization,
and increasing our bonds of trade and
investment.  That process invariably will
proceed slowly and, of course, unevenly.  It
will depend in part on what happens within
those countries.  We have seen voters in former
communist states cast ballots in a protest
against reform and its pain.  Yet as long as
these states respect democratic processes, we
should not react with too much alarm.  The work
of reform will take years and decades.
Despite many problems, the economic reforms in
Europe's East have still been impressive.
Russia's private sector now employs 40% of the
work force, and 50 million Russians have become
shareholders in privatizing companies.  In
Prague last January, I said the West needed to
support such reforms by opening our markets as
much as possible to the exports of those
nations.  For if our new friends are not able
to export their goods, they may instead export
instability--even against their own will.
We can also support other reforms by
stimulating global economic growth.  One of the
most important advances toward that goal in
recent years has been the new GATT agreement.
It will create millions of jobs.  France played
an absolutely pivotal role in bringing those
talks to fruition.  I know it was a difficult
issue in this country.  I know it required
statesmanship.  I assure you, it was not an
easy issue in the United States.
We have issues left to resolve.  But now that
we have opened the door to history's most
sweeping trade agreement, let us keep going
until it is done.  My goals are to have the
United States Congress ratify the GATT
agreement this year and to pursue policies
through the G-7 that can energize all our
We have historically agreed among the G-7
nations that we will ask each other the hard
questions:  What can we do to promote economic
growth and job creation?  Why kind of trade
policies are fair to the working people of our
countries?  How can we promote economic growth
in a way that advances sustainable development
in the poorer countries of the world so that
they do not squander their resources and, in
the end, assure that all these endeavors fail?
These are profoundly significant questions.
They are being asked in a multilateral forum
for the first time in a serious way, and this
is of great significance.
In the end, no matter what we do with security
concerns or what we do with economic concerns,
the heart of our mission must be the same as it
was on Normandy's beaches a half-century ago.
That is democracy, for, after all, democracy is
the glue that can cement economic reforms and
security cooperation.  That is why our third
goal must be to consolidate Europe's recent
democratic gains.
This goal resonates with the fundamental ideals
of both of our republics.  It is, after all,
how we got started.  It also serves our most
fundamental security interests, for democracy
is a powerful deterrent; it checks the dark
ambitions of would-be tyrants and aggressors as
it respects the bright hopes of free citizens.
Together, our two nations and others have
launched a major effort to support democracy in
the former communist states.  Progress will not
come overnight.  There will be uneven
developments, but already we see encouraging
and sometimes breathtaking results.  We have
seen independent television stations
established where once only the state's version
of the truth was broadcast.  We've seen
thousands of people from the former communist
world--students, bankers, and political leaders-
-come to our nations to learn the ways and the
uses of freedom.
We've seen new constitutions written and new
states founded around the principles that
inspired our own republics at their birth.
Ultimately, we need to foster democratic bonds-
-not only within these former communist states
but also among our states and theirs.
There is a language of democracy spoken among
nations.  It is expressed in the way we work
out our differences, in the way we treat each
other's citizens, and in the way we honor each
other's heritages.  It is the language our two
republics have spoken with each other for over
200 years.  It is the language that the Western
Allies spoke during the Second World War.
Now we have the opportunity to hear the
language of democracy spoken across this entire
continent.  If we can achieve that goal, we
will have paid a great and lasting tribute to
those from both our countries who fought and
died for freedom 50 years ago.
Nearly 25 years after D-Day, an American
veteran who had served as a medic in that
invasion returned to Normandy.  He strolled
down Omaha Beach--where he had landed in June
1944--and then walked inland a ways to a nearby
village.  There, he knocked on a door that
seemed familiar.
A French woman answered the door and then
turned suddenly and called to her husband.
"He's back.  The American doctor is back," she
called.  After a moment, the husband arrived,
carrying a wine bottle covered with dust and
cobwebs.  "Welcome, Doctor," he cried.  "In
1944, we hid this bottle away for the time when
you would return.  Now, let us celebrate."
Well, this week, that process of joyous
rediscovery and solemn remembrance happened all
over again.  It unfolded in countless reunions,
planned and unplanned.
As our people renew old bonds, let us also join
to resume the timeless work that brought us
here in the first place and that brought our
forebears together 200 years ago--the work of
fortifying freedom's foundation and building a
lasting peace for generations to come.  I
believe we can do it.  It is the only, ultimate
tribute we can give for the ultimate lesson of
World War II and Normandy.
D-Day Trip Material
Material from the President's trip to Europe to
commemorate D-Day will be printed in Dispatch
Supplement Vol. 5, No. 5.  (###)
Update on the Four-Point Plan for Haiti
Deputy Secretary Talbott
Address to an ad hoc meeting of OAS Foreign
Ministers, Belem, Brazil, June 6, 1994
Mr. Chairman, I cannot elaborate on or improve
on the eloquence of the previous speakers.
What I can do is share with this body how my
government answers what my friend and colleague
Mr. Caputo calls the red elephant question:
how to get the three thugs who now rule--or,
more to the point, misrule--Haiti to leave; and
how we should fill what he calls the political
and diplomatic space that still exists to
achieve a peaceful, multilateral solution to
this problem.
The United States is proud to be among the so-
called Five Friends of Haiti.  I say "so-called
Five Friends" because, in fact, there are 33
friends of Haiti represented in this chamber--
and more, if you count the states represented
by the observers who are also here.
Last Friday, the Five Friends once again
"called on the Haitian military and its latest
purported government to surrender power
immediately."  But instead of leaving, Cedras
and his fellow thugs now have adopted the
tactic of trying to block international
humanitarian assistance efforts by freezing
funds for these efforts in Haitian banks.
Now, in addition to the other affronts and
challenges facing us, we must decide how we--
the member nations of the OAS--will respond to
such tactics and to the continuation of the
human rights outrage and humanitarian
catastrophe in our hemisphere--in our
neighborhood.  President Clinton's Special
Adviser on Haiti, Bill Gray--who has been with
us here in Belem--and other U.S. officials have
been consulting closely with all of your
governments.  We see a consensus developing
around the four-point plan that we discussed at
the OAS Permanent Council session in Washington
last month.  These four points are:
--  One--tight, comprehensive sanctions,
strictly enforced;
--  Two--humanitarian assistance;
--  Three--asylum for political refugees; and
--  Four--a reconstituted, reconfigured, and
strengthened United Nations Mission in Haiti.
Let me address where we are in regard to each
of these four points.
Sanctions.  As Mr. Caputo has eloquently
argued, effectively enforced sanctions remain
the primary element of pressure on the Haitian
military.  The United States is working closely
with the other countries in the hemisphere to
ensure the effectiveness of this sanctions
My government also recognizes that the
recommendation made by the OAS General Assembly
last year in Managua to ban commercial air
flights to and from Haiti has gone unfulfilled
for too long.  President Clinton is prepared to
sign an executive order unilaterally banning
such flights, and we urge the governments of
other OAS states to join us in this effort.
The United States is also working toward
further measures, such as banning international
financial transactions with Haiti.  These
measures, Mr. Chairman, are consistent, I
believe, with the urgings of our Secretary
General, and they are called for in our
proposal for an alternative paragraph number
three in the MFM resolution.
Humanitarian Assistance.  In conjunction with
these tightened sanctions, we need to make
clear to the neediest sectors of Haitian
society that we are not trying to punish them.
We need to demonstrate to the Haitian people
that the United States and the international
community will be ready to provide massive aid
for economic and social reconstruction once
democracy is restored.
In the meantime, Mr. Chairman, the United
States is doing its part in providing
humanitarian assistance for the needy in Haiti.
The U.S. and other donors are currently feeding
almost 1.2 million Haitians.  In addition, we
are providing nearly 2 million Haitians--nearly
one-third of the population--with access to
basic health services, including medicines and
Asylum.  We also have been working closely with
other OAS nations with regard to the problem of
migrant processing.  Four days ago, the United
States signed a memorandum of understanding
with the Jamaican Government that will make
Jamaican territorial waters available for
processing centers that will be located aboard
U.S. ships.  We also are actively encouraging
nations in the hemisphere to provide asylum for
Haitian political refugees.
UN Mission in Haiti.  But these three policies
by themselves will not be enough.  We also will
need a reconstituted and reconfigured United
Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH) that will be
available to be deployed as soon as the coup
leaders have abandoned power.  UNMIH will be
needed to help protect civilian UN and
humanitarian agency personnel; to assist in the
protection of Haiti's democratic leadership;
and to work with the legitimately,
democratically elected Haitian authorities in
assuring the maintenance of essential civic
Mr. Chairman, international agreement--now--on
the nature and make- up, broadly speaking, of a
reconstituted UNMIH will produce immediate
benefits as well.  A new mandate for UNMIH, in
conjunction with our tightened sanctions, will
send a strong signal to the Haitian coup
leaders--a signal that the hemispheric and
international communities are determined to see
democracy restored in Haiti.
The people of Haiti have a challenging road
ahead, and we need to promise them--with
actions as well as with words--that we are
truly interested in helping establish what
President Aristide has just called "a climate
of peace and reconciliation for all."  The
Friends of Haiti have called for this mandate,
and we have just heard President Aristide call
for it himself.  We hope that his description
of a reconfigured and reconstituted UNMIH will
be reflected--perhaps even verbatim--in the
declaration that will express the sentiments,
the conscience, and the will of this body.
From the beginning, Mr. Chairman, the OAS has
been the leading voice of international
opposition to the 1991 coup, and the General
Assembly provides an unparalleled opportunity
for the hemisphere to speak with a single,
unambiguous voice.  There are no listeners that
more urgently need to hear that voice than two
audiences in Haiti:  those few who must, at the
insistence of the international community,
leave a country that they have betrayed and
abused; and those many who, with the help of
the international community, will stay to
rebuild their country on the foundations of
civic peace and democracy under the leadership
of President Aristide.  (###)
Country Fact Sheet:  Kenya
Kenya's population of 26 million is varied.
The national motto of Kenya is harambee,
meaning "pull together."  Traditional herders,
Arab Muslims, and cosmopolitan residents of
Nairobi--its capital--contribute to the
culture.  The standard of living in its major
cities ranks high for Sub-Saharan Africa.  Most
city workers retain links with their rural,
extended families and leave the city
periodically to help work on the family farm.
About 75% of the work force is engaged in
agriculture, mainly as subsistence farmers.
The urban sector employs about 1.4 million
The four state universities enroll about 20,000
students, representing only 40% of the Kenyan
students who qualify for admission.  Although
the first eight years of primary school are
provided free by the government, there is no
compulsory education.  Volunteers in hundreds
of communities collect funds to send students
abroad; such volunteers also build schools,
clinics, and other facilities.
Fossils found in East Africa suggest that proto-
humans roamed the area more than 20 million
years ago.  Recent finds near Kenya's Lake
Turkana indicate that the Homo genus of humans
lived in the area 2.6 million years ago.
The area--occupied by Cushitic-speaking people
from about 1000 BC--saw Arab traders by the
first century AD.  Kenya's proximity to the
Arabian Peninsula invited colonization, and
Arab and Persian settlements were founded along
the coast by the eighth century AD.  By then,
Bantu and Nilotic peoples also had moved into
the area.  The Swahili language, a mixture of
Bantu and Arabic, developed as a lingua franca
for trade between the different peoples.  Arab
dominance was eclipsed by the arrival in 1498
of the Portuguese, who gave way, in turn, to
Islamic control under the Imam of Oman in the
Britain's colonization of Kenya began when--
with the Berlin Conference of 1885--the
European powers first partitioned East Africa
into spheres of influence.  In 1895, the
British Government established the East African
Protectorate and, soon after, opened the
fertile highlands to white settlers.  The
settlers were allowed a voice in government
even before it was officially made a British
colony in 1920; Africans were allowed direct
political participation beginning in 1944.
From October 1952 to December 1959, Kenya was
under a state of emergency arising from the
"Mau Mau" rebellion against British colonial
rule.  During this period, African
participation in the political process
increased rapidly.  The first direct elections
for Africans to the Legislative Council took
place in 1957.
Kenya became independent on December 12, 1963.
It established a constitution and National
Assembly.  The following year, it joined the
Commonwealth.  Jomo Kenyatta, a member of the
predominant Kikuyu tribe and head of the Kenya
African National Union (KANU), became Kenya's
first president.
Other political parties disappeared.  The
minority party, Kenya African Democratic Union
(KADU)--representing a coalition of small
tribes that had feared dominance by larger ones-
-dissolved itself voluntarily in 1964 and
joined KANU.  A small but significant leftist
opposition party, the Kenya People's Union
(KPU), emerged in 1966.  It was led by Jaramogi
Oginga Odinga, a former vice president and Luo
tribe elder.  After the 1969 assassination of
leading government official Tom Mboya and
subsequent political tension, the KPU was
banned and its leader detained.
No new opposition parties were formed after
1969.  KANU became the sole and ruling
political party and Kenya a de facto one-party
state.  Upon Kenyatta's death in August 1978,
Vice President Daniel arap Moi became interim
President.  On October 14, 1978, Moi became
President in his own right after he was elected
head of KANU and was designated its sole
nominee.  In June 1982, the National Assembly
amended the constitution, making Kenya a one-
party state by law.  Parliamentary elections in
1983 and 1988 reinforced the one-party system.
In December 1991, parliament repealed the one-
party section of the constitution.  By law,
other parties now were allowed to register, and
several new parties did form by early 1992.
Although multi-party elections were held in
December 1992, President Moi was re-elected to
another five-year term.  Opposition party
members won about 45% of the parliamentary
seats; President Moi's KANU maintained a
parliamentary majority.
Suffrage in Kenya is universal at age 18.  The
unicameral National Assembly consists of 188
members elected to a term of up to five years,
plus 12 members appointed by the president.
The president also appoints the vice president
and cabinet members from among those elected to
the assembly.  The attorney general and the
speaker are ex officio members of the assembly.
Locally, each of Kenya's 42 rural districts is
headed by a presidentially appointed
commissioner; these districts are joined to
form seven rural provinces.  The central
government controls administration of districts
and provinces.  The Nairobi area has special
status and is not included in any district or
The judiciary, headed by the High Court,
includes a Court of Appeal and various lower
courts.  The High Court consists of a chief
justice and at least 11 associate judges, all
appointed by the president.
Principal Government Officials
President and Commander in Chief of the Armed
Forces--Daniel Toroitich arap Moi
Vice President and Minister of Finance--Prof.
George Saitoti
Minister of Foreign Affairs--Stephen Kalonzo
Ambassador to the United States-- Benjamin
Ambassador to the United Nations-- Raphael
Kenya maintains an embassy in the United States
at 2249 R Street NW, Washington, DC  20008
(tel. 202-387-6101).
After independence, Kenya promoted rapid
economic growth through public investment,
encouragement of small-holder agricultural
production, and incentives for private--often
foreign--industrial investment.  Although gross
domestic product (GDP) grew at an annual
average of 6.6% from 1963 to 1973, economic
growth has declined since 1973, and real GDP
grew by less than 5% during 1980-91.
Vulnerable to swings in its international terms
of trade, Kenya has found its foreign exchange
shortages worsened by a rapid rise in import
prices--especially for oil--and a sharp drop in
prices for its export crops of coffee and tea.
Agriculture.  Agricultural production grew by
4.7% annually from 1963 to 1973, stimulated by
redistributing estates, diffusing new crop
strains, and opening new areas to cultivation.
But during 1980-91, agricultural production--
which accounts for about one-third of GDP and
almost two-thirds of non-petroleum exports--
averaged growth of less than 4% per year.
Bad weather and decreased international demand
contributed to this trend, although
inconsistencies in domestic pricing policy and
credit availability, as well as inadequate
marketing systems, have been equally important.
With less than 20% of the land classified as
arable and much of that already densely
populated, increases in food crop production
have not kept pace with population growth.
When crops fail because of drought, as in 1984,
large amounts of food must be imported.
Manufacturing.  Kenya's manufacturing sector
suffers from the consequences of earlier policy
decisions.  The initial and rapid growth of
industrial production in Kenya was based on
investment in import substitution--often by
multinational companies--protected by extensive
quantitative import barriers against
competition.  As a result, manufacturing firms
tend to be non-competitive.
Following a recessionary slump in the mid-
1980s, the government launched a wide-ranging
structural adjustment program designed to
attain real per capita income growth.  With
international donors' cooperation in the form
of greatly increased assistance flows, the
government committed itself to major economic
policy changes, including price decontrols,
privatization, parastatal reform, and reduction
of government budget deficits.
In addition, an import liberalization scheme
was established, agricultural prices were made
somewhat more responsive to market demand, and
the private sector was given a bigger role in
marketing agricultural products.  Export
processing zones were established and exporters
awarded better incentives.
In principle, the government had agreed to
limit the public sector deficit and net
borrowing from the banking sector, but it
failed either to curb the rising budget deficit
or implement many reforms.  By mid-1991, the
growth rate in agricultural production was
3.4%, manufacturing was stagnating, and tourism-
-the major source of foreign exchange earnings-
-was in a slump induced by the Gulf war.  The
rate of capital accumulation was declining,
inflation was skyrocketing (25%-30%), and the
government deficit was up to 6.7% of GDP.
In November 1991, international donors decided
to suspend all programs and cash assistance
pending evidence of active reform measures.
Primary areas of concern continue to be
decreasing the growing budget deficit, scaling
back the civil service, and privatizing some of
the most wasteful parastatal corporations.
In meeting these goals, the government must
deal with a rapidly growing population, which
has increased unemployment and strained Kenya's
educational facilities.  The population growth
rate (3.4% per year) is one of the world's
highest.  This growth contributes to
unemployment, which is 30%-40%.  Joblessness is
highest in urban areas, where the formal wage-
earning sector is hard-pressed to absorb more
workers.  Pressure on social services also is
most apparent in the cities.
Despite Kenya's economic difficulties, Nairobi
continues to be a major hub in East Africa,
with the region's best transportation linkages,
communications infrastructure, and trained
personnel.  It is still a desirable place for
foreign firms to maintain branch and
representative offices, although many companies
find it difficult to transfer out dividends.
Regionally, Kenya has maintained good relations
with its northern neighbors, Sudan and
Ethiopia, despite those countries' internal
tensions.  Recent ties with Uganda and Tanzania
have improved as the three countries work for
mutual economic benefit.  The absence of a
cohesive government in Somalia prevents normal
contact with that country, although Kenya
serves as the major host for refugees from its
Globally, Kenya maintains a moderate profile in
Third World politics.  Its relations with
Western countries are generally friendly,
although political and economic instabilities
are often blamed on Western pressures.
The United States and Kenya have enjoyed
cordial relations.  More than 6,000 U.S.
citizens live in Kenya, and about 35,000
Americans visit annually.  The U.S. Peace Corps
has more than 165 volunteers in Kenya.  About
two-thirds of resident Americans are
missionaries and their families.  U.S. business
investment is about $350 million, primarily in
commerce, light manufacturing, and the tourist
U.S. assistance to Kenya promotes broad-based
economic development as the foundation for
continued progress in political, social, and
related areas of national life.  U.S. aid
strategy is designed to achieve three major
--  Reduced population growth;
--  Increased agricultural productivity; and
--  Increased role of private enterprise in the
The strategy focuses on small farmers and the
rural landless, a group that comprises more
than four-fifths of Kenya's poorest citizens
and accounts for about one-quarter of the
Principal U.S. Embassy Officials
Ambassador--Aurelia Brazeal
Deputy Chief of Mission--E. Michael Southwick
USAID Mission Director--John R. Westley
Public Affairs Officer (USIS)--Frederick E.V.
La Sor
The U.S. embassy in Kenya is located at Haile
Selassie and Moi Avenues, Nairobi, PO Box 30137
(tel. 334141; fax 340838).  The U.S. consulate
general in Mombasa is in Palli House, Nyerere
Avenue, PO Box 88079 (tel. 315101).  (###)
Focus on Business:  Services For U.S. Firms
The Department of State plays a key role in the
new export promotion strategy which was
developed by the Commerce Department's Trade
Promotion Coordinating Committee to upgrade the
efforts of 19 U.S. Government agencies involved
in export promotion.
Secretary of State Warren Christopher has
stated that the economic security of the
American people is the number one foreign
policy priority of this Administration.  As
part of his "America's Desk" commitment to
ensure that the Department is responsive to the
needs of the American people, he has designated
a Coordinator for Business Affairs to provide
assistance to U.S. businesses.
This Focus on Business describes how the
Department is organized to facilitate export
promotion and provides a list of State
Department contacts.  Written inquiries to
these contacts about export promotion should be
addressed as follows:
Bureau Name
Officer's Name
Room Number/Annex (SA) number
U.S. Department of State
Washington, DC  20520
Coordinator for Business Affairs
The Coordinator for Business Affairs is the
principal point of contact for business
concerns in the Department.  The Coordinator
ensures that business interests are represented
in foreign policy deliberations and that the
Department and overseas posts vigorously
support U.S. businesses.  The Coordinator
welcomes inquiries about the Department's
commercial services in general, commercial
policy issues, and requests for specific
commercial assistance.  Following is a list of
contacts in the Office of the Coordinator for
Business Affairs.
Ambassador Paul Cleveland
Coordinator for Business Affairs
Tel:  202-647-1625
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 3831
George Griffin
Deputy Coordinator for Business Affairs
Tel:  202-647-1625
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 3831
Alfred White
Senior Adviser
Tel:  202-647-1625
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 3831
Mary Tarnowka
Special Assistant
Tel:  202-647-1682
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 3828
Jeff Donald
Special Assistant
Tel:  202-647-0079
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 3828
Bob Martin
Special Assistant
Tel:  202-647-5389
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 6313
Regional Bureau Coordinators
The geographic bureaus have identified specific
coordinators for business affairs.  These
coordinators respond to inquiries on commercial
policy issues or requests for specific
commercial assistance in their regions.  When
appropriate, they direct inquiries to country
desk officers who maintain regular contact with
overseas missions and can provide country-
specific economic and political analysis.  A
list of these coordinators follows.
Bureau of African Affairs
(Sub-Saharan Africa)
Ann Hollick
Tel:  202-647-3502
Fax:  202-647-0810
Room 5242A
Bureau of East Asian
and Pacific Affairs
Kathleen Harrington
Tel:  202-647-6594
Fax:  202-647-7350
Room 6205
Bureau of European
and Canadian Affairs
(Eastern and Western Europe, Canada)
Shaun Donnelly
Tel:  202-647-3932
Fax:  202-647-9959
Room 6519
(Former Soviet Union)
Cliff Bond
Tel:  202-647-9370
Fax:  202-647-4710
Room 4217
Bureau of Inter-American Affairs
(Mexico, Caribbean, Central
and South America)
John Harrington
Tel:  202-647-2079
Fax:  202-647-6408
Room 3234
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs
(North Africa and the Middle East)
Bill Silkworth
Tel:  202-647-1552
Fax:  202-647-7837
Room 5252A
Bureau of South Asian Affairs
(Indian sub-continent)
Ron Woody
Tel:  202-647-2141
Fax:  202-736-4463
Room 5251
Under Secretary for Economic, Business, and
Agricultural Affairs; Other Bureaus and Offices
The office of the Under Secretary for Economic,
Business, and Agricultural Affairs, the
following five functional bureaus with
significant commercial interests, and the
Office of the Legal Adviser also have
identified coordinators for business affairs to
provide specialized advice and assistance to
U.S. businesses.
Under Secretary for Economic, Business, and
Agricultural Affairs
Under Secretary Joan E. Spero
Contact:  Malcolm Lee
Special Assistant
Tel:  202-647-8854
Fax:  202-647-9763
Room 7256
Assistant Secretary for Economic and Business
Assistant Secretary Daniel K. Tarullo
Contact:  Maria Ionata
Special Assistant
Tel:  202-647-7951
Fax:  202-647-5713
Room 6828
Bureau of International Organization Affairs
Elizabeth Shelton
Tel:  202-647-2506
Fax:  202-647-4006
Room 5327
Bureau of Oceans and International
Environmental and Scientific Affairs
Anthony Rock
Tel:  202-647-4542
Fax:  202-736-7336
Room 4333
Bureau of Political-Military Affairs
(Defense Trade)
Bill Pope
Tel:  202-647-4231
Fax:  202-647-4232
Room 2422
Bureau of Diplomatic Security
Gary Schatz
Tel:  703-204-6185
Fax:  703-204-6292
Room 340B; SA-11
Office of the Legal Adviser
Harold Burman
Tel:  202-653-9852
Fax:  202-653-9854
Room 501, SA-9
Embassies Abroad
U.S. ambassadors and the country teams they
lead understand that actively supporting
American economic and business interests is a
key part of their jobs.  Embassies ensure clear
ground rules for trade and investment, support
U.S. firms in international bids, and help
resolve trade and investment disputes.
Embassy political, economic, commercial,
agricultural, and security officers advise U.S.
firms on the local business environment and
facilitate contacts.  Embassy officers publish
a wide range of country-specific reports, many
of which are available through Department of
Commerce District Offices; the National Trade
Data Bank at 1-800-872-8723; and the Government
Printing Office (GPO) at 202-512-1993.  The
State Department's publication, Key Officers of
Foreign Service Posts:  A Guide for Business
Representatives, is available through GPO.
Public Affairs Outreach
The Bureau of Public Affairs serves as a point
of contact for requests for speakers and
individual or group briefings on economic and
trade issues; contact the Office of
Intergovernmental Affairs at (tel.) 202-647-
7416 or (fax) 202-647-5939.
Department publications may be obtained through
the bureau's fax-on-demand service.  In
addition, policy information is available on-
line through the GPO's Federal Bulletin Board
Service.  For information on these, see the
inside back cover of this issue of Dispatch.
Policy information also is available from GPO
on CD-ROM; see the advertisement on last page
of this issue.  (###)
Clergy Murdered and Civilians Massacred in
Statement by Acting Department  Spokesman
Christine Shelly, Washington, DC, June 9, 1994.
The U.S. Government expresses outrage at the
murder of 13 Rwandan clergymen--including the
Archbishop of Kigali--at Kabgayi, south of the
capital.  The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)
says the clergymen were killed by rebellious
RPF soldiers acting on their own.  We condemn
these killings in the strongest possible terms
and demand that the RPF control its troops and
arrest the perpetrators so they can be brought
to justice.
The U.S. Government is also outraged by the
continued killing of civilians by militias
supporting the interim government.  We are
deeply disturbed by a recent report that
militiamen massacred over 70 civilians,
including several priests, after they had
sought refuge in a church in Kigali.  This is
only the latest example of the heinous and
repugnant criminal activity of armed groups
supporting the interim government.
We extend our deepest condolences to the
families of the innocent victims and repeat our
call for an immediate end to this horrific
violence.  The warring parties must agree to an
immediate cease-fire.  We congratulate UNAMIR
commander Dallaire for bringing the two sides
together for face-to-face talks and urge the
two sides to stop fighting now, for the sake of
their country and its people.  (###)
Fourth Meeting of U.S.-Jordanian-Israeli
Trilateral Economic Committee
Statement released by the Office of the
Spokesman, Washington, DC, June 7, 1994.
The fourth meeting of the U.S.-Jordanian-
Israeli Trilateral Economic Committee was held
in Washington on June 6-7, 1994.  The group met
in plenary and, as in previous meetings,
convened in two sub-groups:  on trade, banking,
and finance; and on cooperative projects.  Some
results of this trilateral follow.
Trade, Banking, and Finance
--  Jordan and Israel agreed to begin work on a
draft framework which would explore and outline
future trade and economic relations between the
two countries.
--  Both sides discussed in detail, both
bilaterally and with the U.S., their respective
economic agreements with the Palestinians.
--  Both sides will continue their
consultations on banking issues.
--  Jordan and Israel proposed to invite
participation by Palestinians in a new
trilateral forum for discussion by mutual
agreement of trade, banking, and finance issues
which affect the three parties.  The U.S. may
also be invited to participate in some aspects
of these discussions.
Cooperative Projects
The parties agreed to engage on a number of
issues simultaneously.
--  The parties discussed Jordan's and Israel's
conceptual papers on their comprehensive
development plans for the Jordan Rift Valley.
The U.S. will assist the parties by merging
these into an umbrella master plan which can
serve as a basis for a sub-group trilateral
meeting on the subject in the region in July
--  The parties agreed to convene a sub-group
trilateral meeting of experts on tourism in the
region in July, which will include
representatives from the private sector.
Special focus will be tourism promotion in the
Dead Sea and Aqaba-Eilat areas.
--  The parties will designate one official
each who will be responsible for trilateral
coordination on a trans-boundary cultural
heritage park in the Rift Valley.  To this end,
the U.S. has proposed a trilateral site visit
to a U.S. national park next month which could
serve as an appropriate model for development
in the region.
--  The parties agreed in principle on the
utility of constructing a road to link Jordan,
Israel, and Egypt in the vicinity of Aqaba and
Eilat.  To follow up on discussions, the
parties will conduct a preliminary site survey
in the region in July 1994.  Concurrently,
Jordan and Israel will initiate their
negotiations on the common boundaries per their
Common Agenda of September 14, 1993.
--  The three sides agreed to convene an expert-
level meeting in the region to discuss
cooperation on civil aviation.  This, too, is
projected for July 1994.
Other Understandings Reached
In addition, Israel and Jordan--following
consultations held on the occasion of the
trilateral meeting--reached a number of
understandings in the context of bilateral
negotiations leading to a treaty of peace, as
stipulated in the Israeli-Jordanian Common
Agenda, as follows.
A.  The two sides have concluded common sub-
agendas in the fields of water, energy, and the
environment and security, borders, and
territorial matters.
B.  Agreement was reached to set up a
Commission on Boundaries, Security, Water and
the Environment and Related Issues and relevant
sub-commissions on each item to discuss the sub-
agendas and other matters as agreed.
C.  The other parts of the Common Agenda will
then be negotiated.
D.  Meanwhile, negotiations on economic matters
will continue in order to prepare for future
bilateral cooperation.
E.  The results of the negotiations will be
incorporated into drafts which will form parts
of a treaty of peace.
F.  The negotiations on the above will take
place in the region starting in July 1994.
What's in Print Foreign Relations of The United
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-
1960, Volume XVIII; Japan, Korea
This volume focuses on U.S. relations with
Japan and Korea during the last three years of
the Eisenhower Administration.  Various foreign
affairs crises and the Administration's
responses to them are documented.
U.S.-Japan security and economic relations were
in transition.  Although the U.S. had wanted a
self-confident and resurgent Japan within the
U.S. security system, Japan's new assertiveness
caused friction with the U.S.  In Japan, there
were opponents to both a proposed new security
treaty and the government's pro-American
stance.  Opposition by the Japanese public to
negotiation of the new Treaty of Mutual
Cooperation and Security--meant to replace the
1951 treaty--led the Japanese to cancel
President Eisenhower's 1960 visit to Japan.
Frictions also increased between the U.S. and
Japan on trade issues.  This volume details
U.S. efforts to pressure Japan to take steps
toward greater trade liberalization.
U.S. relations with Korea in 1958 remained
stalemated over Korea's refusal to reduce its
armed forces and to allow truly democratic
elections.  Crackdowns on political opposition
followed the passage of a new national security
law, and the 1960 presidential elections
promised to be even less free and democratic
than previous ones.  Although long-time
President Syngman Rhee was re-elected in a
landslide, rioting and demonstrations against
his repressive rule and policies led to his
resignation the same year.
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-
1963, Volume XXIV; Laos Crisis
The focus of this volume is the negotiations
over neutralizing Laos which led to the 1962
signing of a settlement in Geneva.
Laos was newly elected President Kennedy's
first foreign policy crisis, as he confronted a
low-intensity conflict between U.S.-supported
conservatives and North Vietnamese-supported
forces.  After considering military options,
Kennedy decided that the best course was to
neutralize Laos through diplomacy.
U.S. negotiators in Geneva felt they had gained
Moscow's promise that Laos would remain neutral
and that Hanoi could and would be controlled.
But a cease-fire never took hold, and fighting
continued in Laos.  By mid-1963, the Geneva
settlement for a coalition government that was
to have ended the conflict was in shreds, and
the U.S. increased its support of pro-Western
factions.  While Laos retained a facade of
neutrality, later escalation in South Vietnam
ensured that Laos would become a battlefield of
the Vietnam war.
For the Kennedy Administration, one of the
enduring lessons of Laos was that political and
diplomatic negotiations had to be supplemented
by military and clandestine action.  This two-
track approach became a hallmark of the
Administration's foreign policy.
These volumes present the official record of
U.S. policy drawn from documents originating in
the Department of State, White House,
Department of Defense, and CIA and from papers
of other key participants.
Volume XVIII (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02373-3)
may be purchased for $33.00 ($41.25 for foreign
orders).  Volume XXIV (GPO Stock No. 044-000-
02371-7) may be purchased for $47.00 ($58.75
for foreign orders).  Both volumes are
available from:
Superintendent of Documents
Government Printing Office
P.O. Box 371954
Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954
To fax orders, dial (202) 512-2250.  Checks
payable to the Superintendent of Documents are
accepted, as are VISA and MasterCard.  For
further information, contact Glenn W.
LaFantasie, General Editor, Foreign Relations
series, by telephone at (202) 663-1133 or by
fax at (202) 663-1289.  (###)
Electronic Services
Federal Bulletin Board
The U.S. Government Printing Office (GPO)
provides the public with immediate, self-
service, and cost-effective access to federal
electronic information through its Federal
Bulletin Board Service (BBS).  The State
Department's Bureau of Public Affairs provides
Dispatch, country Background Notes, daily press
briefings, and special publications on the BBS.
Users can immediately access free services on
the bulletin board with a personal computer,
modem (settings: 8 bit, no parity, 1 stop bit,
speeds 300-9600 baud), telecommunications
software, and telephone line by dialing (202)
To access BBS through the Internet, telnet to
FEDERAL.BBS.GPO.GOV 3001 (where 3001 is the
port number).
There is no charge for time on-line and no
subscription fee.  There is no charge for
browsing the list of files and searching for
keyword terms, downloading copies of
instructional and product description files or
publication schedules, or using electronic mail
to order free product literature or
publications for sale by GPO.
To download files, prices are reasonable:  the
minimum charge per file is $2 (up to 50
kilobytes); a full megabyte file costs $15.
For BBS purchases, you may pay by VISA,
MasterCard, or GPO Deposit Account.  To pay by
credit card, GPO requires 24 hours to validate
the information from the time you register on
the BBS as a new user.  A GPO Deposit Account
can be opened by calling (202) 512-0822  (fax:
(202) 512-1262).
For additional information about GPO's service,
call the Office of Electronic Information
Dissemination Services at (202) 512-1530.
Consular Affairs Bulletin Board
The Department of State's Bureau of Consular
Affairs provides Consular Information Sheets,
Travel Warnings, and helpful tips to travelers
on the Consular Affairs Bulletin Board (CABB).
Access is free of charge to anyone with a
personal computer, modem, telecommunications
software, and telephone line.  Dial (202) 647-
9225 and follow the screen prompts to retrieve
and download data.  For further information on
the CABB and materials provided, write to:
Department of State, Bureau of Consular
Affairs, Office of Public Affairs, Room 5807,
Washington, DC 20520; or telephone (202) 647-
The Bureau of Public Affairs has introduced a
fax-on-demand system.  It gives the press and
public a way to get selected Department of
State publications quickly and efficiently by
fax.  For the cost of a phone call, callers can
retrieve desired documents at their
The system is available 24 hours a day.  If
calling long-distance, callers may want to take
advantage of off-peak phone rates.
Information Available
The information available through fax-on-demand
includes the following:
--  Major speeches by the Secretary, Deputy
Secretary, and other senior Department
--  Selected Background Notes;
--  Selected fact sheets on a variety of
foreign policy topics;
--  Selected biographies of senior Department
--  The transcript of the Department of State
daily press briefing; and
--  Special briefings and other material
released by the Press Office.
How To Access Fax-on-Demand
Any fax machine equipped with a touchtone
telephone can be used to retrieve documents or
to obtain a listing of available documents by
keying numbers on the touchtone phone keypad of
the fax machine.
From the telephone handset attached to the fax
machine, dial the fax-on-demand system at (202)
736-7720 and follow the recorded prompts to
request retrieval of any document in the system
by its three-digit identification number.
If the document identification number is not
known, a list of ID numbers can be obtained
from the fax-on-demand system by responding to
prompts.  The document ID number list is
updated as documents stored in the system are
added or removed.
The document ID number list also contains
several permanent ID numbers.  These can be
used to retrieve specific releases in a given
category.  Following are the categories of
publications for which this option is
available, along with the ID number to enter
for each category.  For four of the categories-
-6, 7, 8, and 9--the two-digit date extension
corresponds to the date of the briefing,
question, statement, or notice.  For example, a
briefing given on the 18th of the month would
be 618; a taken question on the 2nd would be
--  Latest available speech or testimony:  100
--  Press briefing transcripts:  6+two-digit
--  Taken questions:  7+two-digit date
--  Department statements and notices:  8+two-
digit date
--  Special briefings and other material
released by the Press Office:  9+two-digit date
For More Information
For more information, telephone the Public
Information Division at (202) 647-6575.  (###)

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