US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, NUMBER 2, JANUARY 10, 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
 
 
 
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1.  Forging a Partnership for Peace and Prosperity --
Vice President Gore
2.  Promoting Security and Stability in Europe --
Secretary Christopher
3.  U.S.-North Korea Discussions on Nuclear Issues --
Lynn Davis
4.  Treaty Actions
 
 
ARTICLE 1:
 
Forging a Partnership For Peace and Prosperity
Vice President Gore
Address before a conference sponsored by the Institute of
World Affairs at the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, January 6, 1994
 
When the President was here 15 months ago, on that
October day he spoke about America's need for a strong
pro-democracy national security policy.  In two days,
President Clinton will leave for Europe for a series of
meetings designed to advance that goal.  He will go to
Brussels to stress the importance of our economic and
security ties with NATO and Europe.  He will go to Prague
to stress our strong commitment to the new democracies in
Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia.  He
will visit Moscow to stress our support for democratic
reforms there and elsewhere.  And he will visit Minsk in
Belarus to stress the importance of the progress that
that state and others are making to dismantle nuclear
weapons.
 
Before he left our shores to talk with foreign leaders,
the President wanted to come and talk with you about why
this trip is important to the American people.  The
President has now asked me to share his views directly
with you today because, at this point in history, all of
Europe stands at a turning point with deep implications
for our own security and prosperity.
 
The President has insisted that our Administration focus
so much on Europe, particularly Central and Eastern
Europe and Russia.  At the President's request, my first
trip abroad as Vice President was to Poland.  There are
at least a couple of people here who traveled with me on
that occasion.  While there, I had extensive meetings
with President Walesa and shared prayer and communion
with him at morning mass in his private chapel.
 
I recently visited Hungary--last month--and met with the
new leadership in Budapest.  In addition, at the
President's request, I enjoyed a lengthy one-on-one
meeting with President Kravchuk during the same visit to
Europe.  And may I say that since taking office, the
President and I have met with almost all of the leaders
of virtually every Central and Eastern European nation--
and many of the leaders of the former Soviet republics as
well--because President Clinton feels so strongly about
the importance of our nation's role in contributing to
the positive change which is taking place and must
continue to take place.
 
We live at a time of astounding changes.  After a half-
century of standing firm against Soviet aggression in the
Cold War, suddenly the Cold War is over and the Soviet
Union is gone.  After decades of praying for
reconciliation between black and white in South Africa
and between Arab and Jew in the Middle East, suddenly we
witness handshakes of hope that rivet the world.  After
decades of dreaming and working for the freedom of
captive nations--as I know many of you have with all your
hearts--suddenly those states are free and new
democracies have blossomed across Europe.  And the
President has told me that one of the things he is most
looking forward to is meeting again with some of those
democratic heroes, such as Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa.
 
At the same time, some of the world's changes hold great
danger for us, such as the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction and the degradation of the global
environment.  We face the changes of a new global
economy, changes that offer us many new opportunities but
that also can be unsettling for our jobs and our
communities.  In the face of all these changes, some
Americans would prefer that we stay out of the world's
squabbles and focus only on our challenges here at home.
Europe is facing even harder economic challenges:
double-digit unemployment and very sluggish growth.  Many
Europeans also might prefer not to get involved with
problems beyond their borders.  And the economic
transformation facing Russia and the other former
communist states is more daunting still.
 
So there is a great temptation in all our nations to
focus only on our own problems.  But my message today--
and the message of the President's trip--is very simply
this:  In order to be strong at home, we must engage
abroad as well.  We must work with other nations to get
the world's economy growing and to open foreign markets
if we want to sell more exports.  We must engage with
other nations to lock in the end of the Cold War, or else
we would simply end up needing to spend more on defense
and less on the domestic investments that we need.   We
tried running away from the world after World War I.
What did it bring us?  A depression and another horrible
war.  But when we helped shape world events after World
War II, what did that bring us?  Decades of security and
prosperity.  And that is what we must do again.
 
During the campaign, the President and I said our foreign
policy would be based on economic renewal, strong
defenses, and the promotion of democracy overseas.  In
the past year, we have made progress toward those goals.
We began, of course, by putting our country's economic
house back in order,  because without a strong economy we
cannot compete and lead abroad.  We passed an economic
package to cut half a trillion dollars from our deficits,
while investing in education, technology, and defense
conversion.  And, incidentally--if you can remember it--
the projection for next year's deficit, when we took
office, was $300 billion.  That projection now is way
down to $190 billion.  The effort is already yielding
dividends--not just with a reduced deficit, which is so
important--we are enjoying low inflation and historically
low interest rates. Consumer confidence is up.  Housing
starts are booming--we had the highest number last month
in the entire history of the United States of America.
And our nation has created more private sector jobs in
the past 12 months than in the previous four years
combined.  We still have a long way to go.  We understand
that.  To take one example, we still need to ensure
health care--that can never be taken away--for every
American.  And we are going to do that, with your help.
But we have made a good start.  It's been a good first
year.
 
After putting our own economic house in order, we next
took major steps to open up foreign markets to U.S. goods
and services so we can boost exports and create more new
jobs.  We passed the North American Free Trade Agreement,
which will lower tariffs on our exports and create over
200,000 new American jobs.  We expanded our ties with the
fast-growing economies of Asia.  Just last month, we
reached a historic new agreement in the GATT world trade
talks that will create another set of hundreds of
thousands of American jobs and also will provide a boost
to the entire world economy so that we can get it moving
again.
 
With these steps and others, we are putting the economic
interests of the American people back at the heart of our
foreign policy.  We have restored America's leadership on
the environment as well.
 
This past year, we have worked to strengthen our nation's
defenses.  Under Les Aspin's able leadership, we
completed a sweeping review of our military to ensure
that we have the forces we need to respond to the diverse
threats of this new era.  And when we were threatened
abroad, such as when we learned of that Iraqi plot to try
to assassinate former President Bush, President Clinton
used those military forces to hit back hard--to send a
clear, unmistakable message.
 
We also have worked to promote democratic movements
around the world with significantly increased support for
reformers in Russia, Ukraine, Armenia, and the other new
states of the former Soviet Union who seek to close the
door to a communist past and usher in a democratic
future.  We lifted sanctions on South Africa as soon as
there was an agreement to end apartheid and hold a non-
racial election.  And isn't that a sign of hope in our
world?
 
Despite intense budget pressures, we substantially
increased funding for programs to support grass-roots,
democratic organizing from Central America to Asia to
Eastern Europe.  The success of these new democracies--
like the ones in Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and
Slovakia--is important to our nation and our security.
We must help them succeed.  We did not spend years
supporting Solidarity just to lose democracy in Poland.
We did not celebrate the Velvet Revolution in
Czechoslovakia just to see that birth of freedom die from
neglect.  We prevailed in the Cold War for their sake and
ours.  And now we must prevail for their sake and ours in
building a broader democratic peace throughout Europe.
 
The steps we have taken this year make America stronger
and safer.  I want to take a moment to acknowledge in
particular the service of all the men and women who wear
our nation's uniform and protect us all over the world.
As President Clinton has often said, America's armed
forces are the best this world has ever known, and we are
determined to make sure they remain just that.  We are
going to make certain they remain the best-trained, best-
equipped, best-prepared fighting force on the face of
this earth.
 
Now, we have done much this past year to make America
more secure.  But nothing is more important to our
security than our relations with Europe.  With the Cold
War over, some may think Europe does not matter as much
to our nation as it used to.  President Clinton says they
are wrong.  The fact is, Europe remains our most valuable
trading partner, and our military security remains as
interwoven with that of Europe as ever in our history.
 
Twice in this century, we sent our sons and daughters to
Europe to repel aggression and protect the survival of
democracy.  Two world wars left us with a lesson that is
understood in every VFW and American Legion hall in
Wisconsin and across our nation.  When Europe fights, we
suffer.  When Europe is safe and free, we thrive here in
the United States.
 
Now Europe is enjoying a rebirth of freedom.  After a
half-century of captivity, we have seen the Baltic
nations regain their rightful independence.  We have seen
great dissident heroes, such as Vaclav Havel and Lech
Walesa, help throw off communist rule and emerge as
leaders of their people.  We have seen Boris Yeltsin and
other courageous democratic reformers in Russia hold
elections and write a constitution in the face of fierce
reactionary resistance.
 
This democratic renaissance is cause for hope.  But, of
course, there is also a dark cloud on Europe's horizon.
It is the threat of fiery nationalism, ignited by old
resentments, fueled by economic frustration, fanned by
self-serving demagogues.  We already see it burning
across the former Yugoslavia.  But it smolders in other
states as well, particularly in Europe's east.  If we do
not begin building new forms of protection, these embers
could flare and engulf Europe again, just as they did
during this century's worst crises.
 
President Clinton's goal on this trip is to help build
that protection.  It cannot come from new walls topped
with barbed wire.  Rather, the protection the new states
of Europe need today is the kind all of us carry inside
our souls--the protection that keeps our darkest nature
from spilling out into public life--the sense of
tolerance and the habits of the heart that are built up
by the practices of free commerce, open democracy, a
robust civic life, and respect for differences among
individuals and nations.
 
To those who would ask where in the world such tolerance
can be found, I would say come to Milwaukee.  Just look
at your city.  Your roots trace back to Poland, Russia,
Ukraine, the Baltics, to Germany, Italy, and England, to
Africa, Asia, and Latin America.  You may be Christian,
Jewish, or Muslim and yet you are all one community.
Why?  Because you all share the American belief that
there is strength in all our differences; that we can
build a collective civic space large enough for all our
separate identities; that we can be E Pluribus Unum--out
of many, one.  We take that for granted here in our
blessed United States of America.  But that idea is not
foreign to Europe.  Those very ideas that Jefferson and
Madison wrote into our Declaration of Independence and
our Constitution were European imports, derived from
Europe's great age of reason.
 
But throughout the former Soviet Union's bloc, those
ideas were strangled by false ideologies and decades of
dictatorship.  Now we have the opportunity to help our
cherished values of freedom take root in places that were
homelands to so many of us and our ancestors.  We can
help erase the false lines that divided Europe for too
long and heal the scars those divisions left behind.
Fostering the integration of Europe will not only express
our highest ideals, it also will be the best investment
we can make in our own security and prosperity.
 
President Clinton's first goal on this trip will be to
reinvigorate NATO and help ensure that NATO is prepared
to meet the challenges that I just described.  NATO is
the greatest military alliance in all human history.  We
could not have won the Cold War without it.  But now the
Soviet Union it helped deter is gone.  It is time for
NATO to address Europe's new security challenges, such as
consolidating democracy's gains among NATO's eastern
neighbors and warding off ethnic conflict.
 
At the NATO summit in Brussels, the President will
propose that NATO create a Partnership for Peace as a
major step toward the new security Europe needs.  The
Partnership is a new way of drawing the former communist
states into cooperation with the rest of Europe.  It
advances an evolutionary process of formal NATO
enlargement, a step toward adding new members of NATO.
 
The Partnership for Peace invites Europe's new
democracies to take part right away in military and
political cooperation with NATO members as well as with
each other.  Those states that join the Partnership can
participate in military planning, exercises, and
operations.  The Partnership will help foster democratic
practices that can prepare these states for full NATO
membership.  The new NATO must address the concerns of
those nations that lie between Russia and Western Europe,
for the security of these states affects the security of
America.  Let me say that again:  The security of the
states that lie between Western Europe and Russia affects
the security of America.  Especially after Russia's
recent elections, those states are naturally concerned
about whether they will again be rendered pieces of a
buffer zone, prizes to be argued over by others.
 
The Partnership for Peace is designed to offer these
states the confidence that they can integrate into the
West rather than always fear what could happen to their
east.  The Partnership for Peace does not divide East and
West in a way that could create a self-fulfilling
prophecy of future confrontation; instead, it tries to
integrate a broader Europe.  On an equal basis, it
provides an open door for all the nations of Central and
Eastern Europe, as well as the nations emerging from the
former Soviet Union.  It invites all of them to forge a
new relationship with NATO based on a belief that
freedom's boundaries now must recognize not just old
history but also new behavior.
 
The Partnership for Peace can build the habits of
cooperation that have been the sinews behind NATO and
NATO's formal security guarantees.  We look forward to
beginning such cooperation soon with Poland, the Czech
Republic, and other former communist states as we create
the foundation for a new and broader Europe.
 
President Clinton's second goal will be to show our
support for those people and leaders in former communist
states working to build democracy and to lay the building
blocks of a civil society:  political parties, labor
unions, business associations, and a free press.  In
Prague, he will meet with leaders of the Czech Republic,
Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia--the Visegrad nations--
nations that are playing such leading roles in Europe's
wave of reform.  In Minsk, the President will voice our
support for Chairman Shushkevich and other leaders of
Belarus' democratic progress.  In Moscow, he will meet
with President Boris Yeltsin and other Russian reformers
who are steering their nation toward a democratic,
market-based, and peaceful future.
 
The strong support for reactionary candidates in the
recent Russian elections gave all of us cause for
concern.  We would be foolish to ignore those results,
and it is our duty to condemn the voices of racism and
intolerant nationalism wherever such voices are heard.
But make no mistake about it, there was another, larger
message--of hope--in those Russian elections.  An
election that looked doubtful only months before was held
in a free and fair manner.  And when they voted, the
Russian people ratified a democratic constitution and
elected Russia's first post-Soviet legislature.
 
All these can help Russia's reformers move ahead.  We
must not lose faith in the process of reform simply
because it moves slowly or encounters setbacks.  Changing
an entire society is the work of generations.  Along the
way, the people of Russia and the other new states will
doubtless make some bad choices, just as we often have
done at times in our own history.  Democracy, after all,
doesn't turn us into angels; it simply gives us a way to
learn collectively from our very human trials and errors.
As long as these nations support freedom with protections
for ethnic and religious minorities and political
dissent, we have faith that reaction will give way to
reform.  President Clinton's third goal will be to help
reduce the dangers of weapons of mass destruction.  When
the Soviet Union dissolved, four states were left with
its nuclear weapons--Russia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and
Belarus.  One key to our security is making sure there is
only one nuclear successor state to the Soviet Union.
Under the leadership of President Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan
has agreed to give up its nuclear weapons.  I was pleased
to be in Almaty last month on the day his parliament
ratified the decision.
 
We are working with Ukraine to secure a similar
agreement.  One reason the President is going to Minsk is
to congratulate the people of Belarus and the leaders of
Belarus for ratifying the START Treaty and agreeing to
live as a non-nuclear state.  In addition, in Brussels,
we expect NATO to adopt our proposal to address the
threat posed by nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons
as well.
 
Now, the President's final goal is to support the
dramatic progress toward market reforms throughout the
former communist states and to work for a greater Europe
that is more economically vibrant.  Most of Europe, as we
all know, is deep in recession; and, if those nations can
start growing again we will benefit from more exports and
more jobs here in our own nation.  Equally as important,
we must help ensure that economic growth reaches all the
way into the former communist states which are making the
hard transition to market economies.
 
Some of the greatest heroes of that flight from communism
are people whose names we will never know:  the farmer
outside of Sofia, working with new pride now that he once
again owns the land of his grandfather; the entrepreneur
in Riga, running a new business out of his apartment; the
factory worker in St. Petersburg, trying to adapt to the
new habits and uncertainties of capitalism.  Freedom's
success will depend in large part on their labors.  We
need to do all that we can to ensure that their labors
are rewarded.
 
In Brussels, the President will urge Western Europe's
leaders to join our nation in taking steps to make all of
our markets more open to goods from Europe's new
democracies.  In Prague, Moscow, and Minsk, he will work
with the leaders of those new market democracies to
ensure that our economic assistance and trade and
investment efforts are well-targeted to provide the
greatest possible support as these nations make the very
difficult transitions to market economies.
 
Today, the people of the former communist nations are
performing human miracles on a daily basis.  Without much
at all in the way of resources or experience, they are
turning economic ruin into working markets.  They are
replacing gray, Orwellian life with the bright and
diverse cultures their people once enjoyed.  They are
reviving the religious traditions that communism could
not stamp out.  And they are planting strong seedlings of
democracy on terrain once laid bare by dictatorship and
devastated by the wild fires of war.
 
The hard work of political and economic transformation
belongs to the people of the region--and they are making
heroic progress--but the stakes for our own nation are
enormous.  We must put our shoulder behind the cause of
reform as well.  It is in America's self-interest for
those reforms to succeed and endure.  If they do, we will
all be more secure.  We can prevent another all-engulfing
European war.  We can make further progress to dismantle
the world's doomsday weapons.  We can continue
maintaining our security with far lower defense budgets.
We can create new markets for our exports and new jobs
for our people as these new economies begin to grow and
thrive.  That's why we must not sit on the sidelines.  We
must continue working to build a broader and freer
Europe.
 
I think back to the Polish uprising of 1863, in which the
motto of the Polish fighters was "For your freedom and
ours."  They believed in their hearts that their own
liberation would liberate others since they were fighting
for a broader principle of liberty.  Today, the fight for
freedom in Europe continues with new hope and high
stakes.
 
The President, as he leaves for these countries--and all
of us who have worked with him--knows that the struggle
to erase communism's scars and ensure democracy's success
is not their struggle alone.  It must also be our
struggle.  It is the fight of a lifetime--our lifetime.
It is the story of a century--our century.  President
Clinton and I are committed to making it the work of our
nation.   (###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 2:
 
Promoting Security and Stability In Europe
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at a White House news conference, Washington, DC,
January 7, 1994
 
Good morning.  As almost everybody in America knows by
now, the President will be leaving Saturday night for
Brussels directly from Arkansas.  This will be the first
stop in his first official visit to Europe as President,
and it will be the first of three visits he's making to
Europe over the next six or seven months.
 
This series of trips to Europe underscores the
fundamental importance that the United States attaches to
its relationships with Europe.  And what I'm going to do
is to try to give you a quick walk-through toward the
trip that he is taking to Europe.
 
In his speech in Brussels on Sunday and his speeches at
NATO and the European Union on Monday and Tuesday, the
President will articulate his vision for transatlantic
security and prosperity.  He will reaffirm the commitment
of the United States to the transatlantic Alliance,
indicating that we're determined to remain engaged in
Europe, keeping our unbreakable bonds in good order and
in good form.
 
Last year, I repeatedly emphasized that successfully
concluding the GATT negotiations was as important to
transatlantic security as renewing NATO.  And as you all
know, last month the United States and Europe completed
the largest trade agreement in history.  Next week we'll
come together to take steps to renew this important
Alliance, the most important successful alliance in
history.
 
NATO now faces a very momentous choice:  Will it embrace
innovation or will it risk irrelevance, which--if that
happens--I think would be very adverse to security and
have dangerous consequences for all of Europe.  That's
why President Clinton is bringing to Brussels a proposal
to help the Alliance adapt to this new post-Cold War era,
and especially to adapt to the dramatic changes that are
taking place all through Eastern Europe.
 
The agenda that he'll be bringing to Brussels has several
key elements on which we hope to secure agreement from
the Allies during the course of the week.
 
First, we'll be seeking to create a Combined Joint Task
Force--so-called CJTF--a concept which will allow
flexible military structures for potential new missions
outside of NATO territory as well as within NATO
territory.
 
A second closely related initiative will be to take steps
in the development of the European Security and Defense
Initiative--the so-called EDSI--that will reflect both
NATO's flexibility and Europe's integration.
 
A third summit initiative will be to strengthen NATO's
role in combatting proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction.  Secretary Aspin, as would be appropriate,
will be discussing these three defense-related
initiatives after I conclude here.
 
The final and most important element, indeed the
centerpiece of the NATO summit, is the plan to turn
former adversaries into partners.  This is the purpose of
President Clinton's Partnership for Peace proposal.  It
will deepen NATO's engagement in the East and draw the
new democracies toward the West.  Through this
Partnership for Peace, the forces of non-NATO states will
be developing practical working relationships with NATO
as they plan, train, and exercise their armed forces
together.  The Partnership will help adapt NATO's
capabilities in several areas--areas such as crisis
management, humanitarian relief, and possible peace-
keeping.  At the same time, I want to emphasize that this
new Partnership for Peace will in no way erode NATO's
core capabilities or undermine, in any respect, its
responsibilities for the collective security of the NATO
countries.
 
I want to emphasize that the Partnership for Peace,
important in itself, should also be seen as a logical
corollary to a summit declaration--which we hope will be
adopted--that NATO looks for and anticipates and hopes to
add new members to the Alliance in an evolutionary
process of expansion.  The Partnership for Peace is open
to all nations in Eastern Europe on a non-discriminatory
basis.  Nations choosing to be active in the Partnership
will develop habits of cooperation and routines of
consultation which are so important to the Alliance as
we've known it over the last years.  The Partnership is a
flexible tool that will allow the nations to demonstrate
their credentials for potential future membership.
 
The United States believes that the objective of
promoting security and stability in Europe could be
undermined if NATO were to be expanded too rapidly.  We
want to avoid premature selections or hasty prejudgments.
Such a course as that would risk dividing Europe by
creating new blocs and unintentionally replicating a bit
further to the east a line of demarcation that NATO has
fought for such a long time to erase.  Before the United
States would extend its security perimeter to the east,
the Congress--and, indeed, the public--must debate the
impact on our military strategy and on our budget
resources.  That will take time.  But next week's summit
will launch what we expect to be a very important process
for NATO's expansion to the east.
 
To move on now to a different subject:  The nations of
Eastern Europe making the difficult transition to free
market democracy must be able to deliver tangible
benefits to their people.  And President Clinton will be
making the point that Western nations and institutions
must help them do that by widening their access to
Western markets.  The President will be delivering that
message when he speaks to the European Union on Tuesday
afternoon.
 
On Wednesday, in Prague, when he meets with the leaders
of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia,
he'll be discussing ways in which the Partnership for
Peace will offer these countries practical forms of
military cooperation so as to deepen their ties.  I was
very glad to read, as I was coming over in the car, that
the defense ministers of the four Visegrad countries have
endorsed the Partnership for Peace--I hope, putting to
rest some questions that have existed about the attitude
of those four countries.
 
The President will also take this opportunity to express
our country's deep admiration for the courageous action
that these countries are taking, the Visegrad countries,
who he would be meeting with in Prague--admiration for
their courageous steps toward free market reform.
 
The President's visit to Moscow comes at a crucial moment
as Russia's newly and freely elected Parliament is
meeting for the first time.  The President will reaffirm
that the United States is on a steady course of
supporting democratic and market reform through bilateral
assistance, private trade, and investment.  The President
will also discuss how the international community can
help support the Russian Government's efforts to provide
basic social protections during the painful transition.
Secretary Bentsen, I know, will be addressing that
question in his remarks in just a few minutes.
 
In Moscow, of course, the President will also be
discussing with President Yeltsin the recently concluded
NATO summit.  We anticipate, indeed, we will welcome the
anticipation of Russia's participation in the Partnership
for Peace.  One of the many benefits of Russian reform--
one that I have felt personally so many times--is the
ability that we have now to cooperate with Russia on
global and regional foreign policy issues.  Accordingly,
the presidents--President Yeltsin and President Clinton--
will be discussing a wide range of foreign policy issues:
the Middle East, relations with the new independent
states, non-proliferation, and other foreign policy
issues.
 
From Moscow, the President will travel to Minsk as part
of our effort to encourage reform and non-proliferation
in the new independent states.  As you all know, Belarus
has made the courageous choice to ratify the START Treaty
and also to adhere to the non-proliferation treaty as a
non-nuclear state.  The President will be discussing with
the officials of Belarus and other new independent
states, who may be represented there, ways in which we
can cooperate with them as they go through this difficult
transition.
 
Finally, the President's trip will conclude with a
meeting in Geneva with President Asad of Syria.  As you
know, on the Middle East, we have structured a sequence
of steps this month, beginning with the recently
concluded consultations with officials from Lebanon and
Syria and their heads of delegations--steps that we hope
will energize the peace process.  Following the Geneva
meeting between President Asad and President Clinton, we
have invited the heads of delegations from all the other
tracks to meet here in Washington for streamlined, less
structured peace process talks.  The Geneva meeting
between the two presidents is a very important part of
this process.  We remain committed to helping the parties
achieve a comprehensive peace, and it is certain that
Syria is essential to achieving a comprehensive peace in
this region.  (###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 3:
 
U.S.-North Korea Discussions On Nuclear Issues
Lynn Davis, Under Secretary for International Security
Affairs
Remarks at a State Department news conference,
Washington, DC, January 5, 1994
 
Let me begin by introducing two folks who have been
laboring mightily over the past few months working on the
subject of bringing North Korea back into the Non-
Proliferation Treaty:  Tom Hubbard and Gary Samore, who
are sitting over here to my left.  They've been referred
to in various of your columns as working-level.  But
without confirming that they are the working- level folks
doing some of these negotiations, they are people who
have been helping all of us as we sought to bring the
North Koreans back into adherence and ensure that they
carry out their obligations in the Non-Proliferation
Treaty.
 
I thought it might be useful if I spent a couple of
moments going back to where we began, taking you to where
we hope to be, and focusing more specifically on
precisely where we find ourselves today.  Then I'll take
your questions.
 
In March of 1993, we woke up one morning to discover that
the North Koreans had decided to withdraw from the Non-
Proliferation Treaty.  Since then, our goal has been to
bring them back into that treaty and into full acceptance
of the regime of that treaty, including what we've come
to call the International Safeguards Regime.
 
Following a UN resolution urging all parties to seek a
diplomatic solution, the United States began bilateral
discussions with the North to resolve this nuclear issue.
We've held two rounds of discussions since last spring.
 
At the first round in June, the North suspended its
withdrawal from the Non-Proliferation Treaty and agreed
to refrain from any steps that could lead to its either
acquiring nuclear material in order to build nuclear
weapons or taking nuclear material and reprocessing it to
build nuclear weapons.
 
So they agreed specifically to no reprocessing of nuclear
fuel, to no refueling of their reactor without the IAEA
being present, and to maintaining what has become
somewhat of a term of art--a continuity of safeguards--
with respect to their nuclear activities.
 
So with that as the first round and our accomplishment--
that is, they suspended their withdrawal--we went into a
second round in July where they reaffirmed their
commitment to these constraints and agreed to renew their
discussions with the IAEA with respect to carrying out
the full range of inspections necessary to assure their
obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and also
to undertake a genuine dialogue with South Korea in order
to carry out their agreement--their denuclearization
agreement--with respect to the Peninsula.
 
It was understood that a third round of discussions
between the United States and North Korea would take
place only if these three commitments were made.
 
They have carried out their discussions with the IAEA,
and we have been working since that meeting in July to
ensure that they are maintaining the continuity of
safeguards as defined by the IAEA, and that they are
prepared to begin a genuine dialogue with the South in
order to carry out the denuclearization agreement.
 
So it's with those immediate goals that we've been
working with the North these past few months, and we are
very close to having accomplished those requirements in
order to begin a third round of discussions.  The North
Koreans have now agreed to accept the required
inspections to ensure a continuity of safeguards at their
seven declared nuclear sites, and they are prepared now
to begin discussions with the South.
 
So the most immediate step at this point is for the North
Koreans to meet with the IAEA and work out the details of
those inspections of the seven declared sites.  And
through our discussions with the North, we believe that
this will happen in the coming few days and, that through
those discussions, the inspections will take place that
the IAEA believes necessary in order to have confidence
that there continues to be a continuity of safeguards.
 
At the same time, we have reason to believe that the
North is prepared now to meet again with the South and,
on the basis of those two steps, a third round of
discussions could take place.  In that third round of
discussions, we will be seeking to bring the North
Koreans into full compliance with their obligations under
the Non-Proliferation Treaty, including the requirement
to receive inspections at the two non-declared nuclear
sites, and for us to find ways to resolve once and for
all our outstanding issues with respect to the nuclear
policies of North Korea.
 
So once we get into the third round, our objectives are
as they've been from  the start, and that is to gain the
North's full cooperation, including the special
inspections, and full implementation of the
denuclearization agreement reached between the North and
the South--and that, itself, will include a bilateral
inspection regime.
 
That's what we will be seeking once we've passed the
hurdles of getting into the third round.  We believe we
are very close to having accomplished what was necessary,
in our view, to have that third round of discussions.
And let me say again that the North Koreans are prepared
to accept the inspections necessary for the IAEA to be
able to confirm that there is now a continuity of
inspections, by their definition, and that a genuine
dialogue is beginning between the North and the South to
carry out the denuclearization agreement.
 
So that's where we began, that's where we're going, and
that's where we are at the present time.  (###)
 
 
 
ARTICLE 4:
 
Treaty Actions
 
Multilateral
 
Genocide
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime
of genocide.  Adopted by UN General Assembly at Paris
Dec. 9, 1948.  Entered into force Jan. 12, 1951; for the
U.S. Feb. 23, 1989.
Accession:  Georgia, Oct. 11, 1993.
 
Narcotics
Single convention on narcotic drugs, 1961.  Done at New
York Mar. 30, 1961.  Entered into force Dec. 13, 1964;
for the U.S. June 24, 1967.  TIAS 6298; 18 UST 1407.
 
Protocol amending the single convention on narcotic
drugs, 1961.  Done at Geneva Mar. 25, 1972.  Entered into
force Aug. 8, 1975.  TIAS 8118; 26 UST 1439.  Accession:
Croatia, July 26, 1993.
 
 
Bilateral
 
Belarus
International express mail agreement, with detailed
regulations.  Signed at Minsk and Washington Sept. 21 and
Nov. 8, 1993.  Entered into force Jan. 1, 1994.
 
Canada
Memorandum of understanding concerning defense
communications service, with annex and appendices.
Signed at Ottawa and Arlington Sept. 9 and Oct. 13, 1993.
Entered into force Oct. 13, 1993.
 
Costa Rica
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or
refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or
insured by the U.S. Government and its agencies, with
annexes.  Signed at San Jose Nov. 22, 1993.  Enters into
force following signature and receipt by Costa Rica of
written notice from the U.S. that all necessary domestic
legal requirements have been fulfilled.
 
Ethiopia
Agreement for economic and technical cooperation.  Signed
at Addis Ababa Nov. 15, 1993.  Entered into force Nov.
15, 1993.
 
Grenada
Agreement concerning the status of U.S. Armed Forces
personnel in Grenada.  Effected by exchange of notes at
St. George's Dec. 7, 1992 and Oct. 11, 1993.  Entered
into force Oct. 11, 1993.
 
South Africa
Investment incentive agreement.  Signed at Cape Town Nov.
30, 1993.  Enters into force on date on which South
Africa notifies the U.S. that all legal requirements have
been fulfilled.
 
Syria
International express mail agreement, with detailed
regulations.  Signed at Damascus and Washington Sept. 26
and Nov. 16, 1993.  Entered into force Jan. 1, 1994.
 
Ukraine
International express mail agreement, with detailed
regulations.  Signed at Kiev and Washington June 1 and
Nov. 8, 1993.  Entered into force Jan. 1, 1994.  (###)
 
END OF DISPATCH VO. 5, NO 2

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