U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, SUPPLEMENT NUMBER 10, NOVEMBER 1994
FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
Further Developments in the Middle East Peace Process
CONTENTS OF THIS ISSUE:
Middle East Negotiations
1. Maintaining the Momentum for Peace in the Middle East--Secretary
Christopher
Jordan-Israel Breakthroughs
2. New Steps Toward Peace and Security in the Middle East--President
Clinton
3. U.S. and Egypt Reaffirm Commitment to Middle East Peace--President
Clinton, Egyptian President Mubarak
4. Jordan and Israel Sign Treaty of Peace--President Clinton, Secretary
Christopher, Jordanian King Hussein, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin,
Israeli Foreign Minister Peres, Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev
5. Text of Jordan-Israel Treaty of Peace
6. U.S. Goal of Peace in the Middle East To Produce Tangible Benefits--
President Clinton
7. Progress Toward Achieving a Common Goal of Peace in the Middle East-
- President Clinton, Syrian President Asad
8. Realizing the Blessings of Peace in the Middle East--President
Clinton
9. Moving Toward Peace in the Middle East--President Clinton, Israeli
Prime Minister Rabin
Recent Developments in U.S. Relations With Saudi Arabia and Kuwait
10. U.S.-Saudi Arabia Joint Communique
11. The U.S. and Kuwait: Partners Into the Future--President Clinton,
Kuwaiti Amir Jabir al-Sabah
12. U.S. Leadership Advances Peace in the Middle East and the World--
President Clinton
Casablanca Conference
13. Promoting Economic Development in the Middle East--Secretary
Christopher
14. Building the Structures of Peace and Prosperity in the Middle East-
-Secretary Christopher
15 Casablanca Declaration
16. The Private Sector: Engine For Growth in the Middle East--Secretary
Christopher
17. Turning Peace Into Prosperity at the Casablanca Conference--
Secretary Christopher
18. Overview of the Multilaterals--Robert H. Pelletreau
Middle East Negotiations
ITEM 1:
Maintaining the Momentum for Peace in the Middle East
Secretary Christopher
Address at Georgetown University, Washington, DC, October 24, 1994
Father O'Donovan, ladies and gentlemen: Thank you, Dean Krogh, for that
introduction. Few institutions have done more to train and test the
future leaders of our foreign policy than Georgetown. There is, of
course, President Clinton. Only in America could one go on from the
high office of undergraduate Chairman of the Georgetown Food Service
Investigation Committee to become Commander-in-Chief. Georgetown also
provided a home for Professor Madeleine Albright, our superb Ambassador
to the UN. It has sharpened the minds of countless other past, present,
and future ambassadors and other diplomats.
Much has changed in the world since the cruel divisions of the Cold War
disappeared. Containment of the Soviet Union need no longer be the
focal point of American diplomacy. The United States has a new
opportunity to build a more secure and integrated world of open
societies and open markets.
But some things do not change. Four decades ago, in his final State of
the Union address, President Truman captured the abiding nature of our
national purpose: "Circumstances change," he said, "and current
questions take on different forms, new complications, year by year. But
underneath, the great issues remain the same--prosperity, welfare, human
rights, effective democracy, and above all, peace."
The extraordinary events of the last few weeks remind us once again that
our nation's enduring interests do not shift with the times. And
neither does our obligation to pursue those interests through persistent
and steady diplomacy, backed by a willingness to use force when
necessary. That kind of diplomacy does not seek immediate results at
the expense of long-term goals. As we have seen so far in this
remarkable autumn, the pay-off comes over time.
In Haiti, President Aristide's triumphant return capped a three-year
commitment to restore democratic government. When every avenue for a
peaceful resolution was exhausted, we mobilized military action. Our
willingness to back our commitments with force allowed us to meet our
initial goals with maximum speed and minimum bloodshed. The coup
leaders are gone. The legitimate government is back in place. Refugees
are returning. We have sent a powerful message to would-be coup
plotters: Democracy, the key to stability in the Americas, cannot be
overturned with impunity and cannot be stolen from the people. In
Haiti, as elsewhere, we must not be complacent. But we have made great
strides.
Our determined diplomacy on the North Korean nuclear issue has yielded
an Agreed Framework that advances long-standing American objectives. As
implemented, it will lift the specter of a nuclear arms race from
Northeast Asia. Over 16 months of negotiations, we consulted closely
with South Korea, Japan, and the International Atomic Energy Agency. We
worked with China, Russia, and the other Security Council members and
made real the threat of economic sanctions. The result is a broadly
supported, verifiable agreement that preserves peace and stability in a
region vital to our interests.
The recent achievements in Haiti and on the North Korean nuclear issue
were the direct result of sustained American leadership, coalition
building, and diplomacy backed by force. That same consistent purpose
and engagement have been the hallmark of this Administration's policy
toward the Middle East. Today, I would like to focus on the dramatic
changes that are occurring in this vital region. The Arab-Israeli
conflict is coming to an end, with American leadership playing a
critical role. What I want to do is to set the scene for the President's
trip to the Middle East, which begins tomorrow morning.
The day after his election, almost two years ago, President Clinton
reaffirmed America's enduring interest in the Middle East. He vowed to
make the pursuit of Arab-Israeli peace one of his top priorities. And
he put in place a comprehensive strategy to accelerate progress.
Diplomatically, the United States has helped to energize and sustain
negotiations launched in Madrid and based upon UN Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338. Economically, we have marshalled international
support for the Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles. We have
established the U.S.-Israel-Jordan Economic Commission. And we have
pressed for an end to the Arab boycott. Strategically, we have
strengthened our security ties with Israel and our key Arab friends, and
thus formed a bulwark against aggression by the region's rogue regimes,
especially Iraq and Iran.
Today, this strategy is producing historic results. In 24 hours, the
President will embark on a trip that will reinforce every element of the
basic approach he laid down almost two years ago.
First, to advance the peace process, he will witness Jordan become only
the second Arab state to sign a full peace treaty with Israel. In
Damascus, he will seek to build on this momentum by pressing for
progress in negotiations between Israel and Syria.
Second, in his meetings in Israel, Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, the
President will preview next week's economic conference in Casablanca.
There, 900 chief executive officers and senior executives from Israel,
the Arab states, and around the world will explore the opportunities
being created by the transformation of the Middle East and North Africa.
Finally, in Kuwait, the President will visit with American soldiers--
part of the force he deployed there two weeks ago to turn back Saddam
Hussein's threat to his neighbors.
Throughout his trip, the President will deliver an unmistakable message:
The United States will do everything in its power to advance the
opportunity that exists to build a new future for the Middle East. We
cannot allow the terrorists of Hamas and Hezbollah, or the rogue regimes
of Iraq and Iran, to kill the prospects for peace. Standing shoulder-
to-shoulder with Israel and our Arab partners, the United States will
stay the course to ensure that the forces of the future triumph over the
forces of the past.
This is also the message that Jordan and Israel will send at their
signing ceremony on Wednesday. King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin
are committed to building a "warm" peace. These two courageous leaders
are determined that their border will become a gateway rather than a
barrier. Already, there are ads in Israeli papers for tours of Jordan's
great historical sites in Petra and Jerash. Through the work of the
U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Committee, plans are underway to develop
joint economic projects, to share water resources, and to develop the
Jordan Rift Valley. These projects will build bonds of human contact
and common interest. They will cement an enduring peace.
Over the last year, the Middle East has begun a broad transformation
that I believe is fundamental. The changes have been so rapid and
constant that, today, we take for granted developments that two years
ago seemed fantastic.
The Israeli-PLO Declaration of Principles is giving more than 800,000
Palestinians in Gaza and Jericho control over their lives. An agreement
has been reached on early empowerment for the West Bank, and
negotiations have begun for Palestinian elections. Of course, great
difficulties remain. But Prime Minister Rabin, Foreign Minister Peres,
and Chairman Arafat are determined to make peace a reality.
Economic development is essential to the Palestinians' success.
Palestinians need proof that peace will improve their lives. That is
why the United States has mobilized the donor community to support
Palestinian self-government. That is why we have worked so closely with
Chairman Arafat to allow aid projects to begin in Gaza and Jericho. But
more must be done to facilitate the flow of assistance and maximize its
effect so it can be felt by people on the ground.
If the Palestinians' greatest need is economic development--and it is--
the greatest threat they confront is Hamas terror. As surely as last
week's bus massacre was targeted at Israelis, it was also aimed at
destroying Palestinian aspirations. If peace brings nothing but more
terror, the process of reconciliation surely will not succeed.
Palestinians, more than anyone, will suffer. It is imperative that
Chairman Arafat fulfill his responsibility to root out terror in the
areas he controls. The same courage he has demonstrated in making peace
must now be shown in fighting the enemies of peace.
The Israeli-Syrian negotiating track has also undergone important
changes in the last year. For the first time, these once bitter enemies
are engaged in serious negotiations to end their conflict. I have spent
dozens of hours in intensive discussions with President Asad and Prime
Minister Rabin. I can tell you that both men are deeply engaged in
addressing the central issues of a settlement. We have succeeded in
narrowing differences, but important gaps remain.
In my view, the time is fast approaching when some very difficult
decisions must be made. If these talks are to succeed, if they are to
produce the "peace of the brave" of which President Asad speaks, then
the deliberate pace of the current negotiations must give way to a
bolder approach.
We understand the risks and costs involved. For Syria, peace requires
overcoming decades of suspicion and ending policies geared to
confrontation. In an environment of genuine and comprehensive peace, in
which there will be no place for terrorists on Israel's borders, we can
look to the day when relations between Syria and the United States will
improve. For Israel, peace with Syria will require difficult decisions.
But the promise of peace is powerful: an end to the Arab-Israeli
conflict, an end to the threat of war, and Israel's full integration
into the political and economic life of the Middle East. There are
stern tests for peace between Israel and Syria.
First, it must be a real peace that reflects an active commitment to
reconciliation. It is significant that President Asad has said that
Syria has made a strategic choice for peace with Israel and is prepared
to meet its objective requirements. The requirements of real peace are
clear to all: agreed-upon withdrawal, full diplomatic relations,
borders that facilitate the movement of people and goods, and a
commitment never to threaten each other again.
Second, peace between Israel and Syria must provide security for both
sides. After decades of hostility, each side needs to be sensitive to
the security concerns of the other. If requested, the United States
stands ready to participate, in an appropriate form, in the security
arrangements negotiated between the parties.
Let there be no doubt on this point: America's strategic commitment to
Israel's security is unshakable. We will maintain Israel's qualitative
military edge and its ability to defend itself, by itself. As President
Clinton has pledged, the United States will do all it can to help Israel
minimize the risks it takes for peace.
Finally, peace between Israel and Syria must open the way to a
comprehensive peace. An Israeli-Syrian agreement will inevitably widen
the circle of Arab states making peace with Israel. And it will build
the confidence of all that peace will endure. This is why we say an
agreement between Israel and Syria is a key to a comprehensive peace.
Our vision is simple: on the one hand, an Israel that is secure and at
peace with every Arab and Islamic state of goodwill; on the other hand,
an Arab world liberated from conflict, able to devote its resources to
economic development and the needs of its people.
We are making dramatic progress toward a comprehensive peace. In just
the last month, with American encouragement, Morocco and Tunisia
established official ties with Israel. And in a meeting with me at the
UN a very short time ago, Saudi Arabia and the other states of the Gulf
Cooperation Council announced an end to the secondary and tertiary
boycott of companies that deal with Israel. This opens enormous trade
and investment opportunities both for Israel and American business.
Very soon, we hope to see the entire boycott relegated, as it must be,
to the history books.
Next week in Casablanca, the Middle East's progress toward a new future
will take a leap forward when Morocco's King Hassan convenes the Middle
East/North Africa Economic Summit conference. Just as the Madrid
conference shattered the taboo on political contacts between Israel and
the Arabs, so, too, will Casablanca shatter the taboo on private sector
cooperation.
Our message there will be powerful: The Middle East is open for
business. Through investment, trade, and joint ventures, private
commerce can build the ties that will transform peace between
governments into peace between peoples. Only a vibrant private sector
can generate the growth and integration needed to undergird an enduring
peace. I am pleased that American companies will be well represented at
Casablanca and that they are poised to take advantage of tremendous new
opportunities in the Middle East and North Africa. Governments, too,
must do their part. They must reduce economic barriers and help build
the infrastructure that joins the Middle East by road, air, fax, and
microchip.
Redefining the Middle East from a zone of continuing conflict to one of
expanding reconciliation is the opportunity that we must seize now. And
that is the opportunity that we must protect from the enemies of peace.
The recent wave of terror against Israel has been undertaken by
desperate forces who know that their extremism has no future in a region
moving toward peace. Their only hope is to fight a rear-guard action of
violence designed to return the Middle East to a tragic past of fear and
conflict. We will not let them succeed.
The international community must reject the terrorism of Hamas,
Hezbollah, and other extremists. Strong condemnation of terror,
especially from Israel's Arab partners, is an essential starting point.
But condemnation is not enough. A real penalty must be imposed. We
must join together to turn off all foreign sources of funding for
terrorism, both public and private. Front organizations based abroad
that are linked to terrorism must be shut down. And the perpetrators
and organizers of terror must be punished.
That is the course we are urging upon governments in the Middle East and
around the world. And that is the course we are pursuing. We will do
everything we can--and seek legislation where necessary--to ensure that
Hamas and other terrorists do not get support from inside the United
States.Of course, radical groups could not continue their atrocities
without the support of rejectionist states. Iran and Iraq remain the
region's most dangerous actors. Through our policy of dual containment,
the United States is leading the world in combatting the threat they
pose.
Iran is the world's most significant state sponsor of terrorism and the
most ardent opponent of the Middle East peace process. The
international community has been far too tolerant of Iran's outlaw
behavior. Arms sales and preferential economic treatment, which make it
easier for Iran to divert resources to terrorism, should be terminated.
The evidence is overwhelming: Iran is intent on projecting terror and
extremism across the Middle East and beyond. Only a concerted
international effort can stop it.
In recent days, the rogue state of Iraq has tested our resolve, and we
have met the test. In a scenario chillingly like that preceding the
1990 invasion of Kuwait, Saddam Hussein moved troops to the Kuwaiti
border. Within hours, President Clinton deployed U.S. forces to Kuwait.
Saddam got the message, stopped dead in his tracks, and pulled back.
The UN Security Council--acting under U.S. leadership--passed a
unanimous resolution demanding that Saddam withdraw the forces he had
moved to the south. It barred him from taking any actions in the future
to enhance his military forces there. And it warned Saddam never again
to threaten his neighbors or UN operations in Iraq.
Saddam has shown himself to be a repeat offender, trusted neither by the
international community nor by the Arab world. We have put him on
notice that any repetition of his recent threats will be met by all
means necessary, including military force.
The Iraqi people should understand that Saddam's brutal regime bears
full responsibility for their suffering. Saddam has continued to waste
Iraq's resources on military ventures. He has refused to take advantage
of UN resolutions that would permit humanitarian needs to be met. I
assure you that Saddam will not intimidate the UN into lifting
sanctions. He knows that sanctions can only be eased after Iraq
complies in full with all relevant Security Council resolutions. Not
surprisingly, that is the only approach he has not tried.
Saddam's continued aggression and Hamas' recent campaign of terror
underscore that forces of hatred and extremism still stalk the Middle
East. But we will not allow their violence to blind us to the broader
sweep of history at work in the region. Amazing change is underway. As
this century draws to a close, Arabs and Israelis stand on the threshold
of a new future--one of hope and peace, not despair and war.
American leadership, power, and diplomacy, through administrations of
both parties, has been indispensable in bringing us to this moment of
promise. If the United States had not stepped forward, Iraqi forces
might today be back in Kuwait City, North Korea would be proceeding to
build nuclear weapons, and Haitians would still be suffering under
military dictators. Our recent achievements remind us that only the
United States has the strategic vision and the global capabilities to
lead.
Now more than ever, American leadership is critical to ensure that the
promise of peace becomes a reality. We cannot--we will not--allow the
forces of the past to destroy this historic opportunity. The momentum
for peace must be maintained.
(###)
Jordan-Israel Breakthroughs
ITEM 2:
New Steps Toward Peace and Security in the Middle East
Remarks by President Clinton upon departure for the Middle East,
Washington, DC, October 25, 1994.
Good morning. Today, I embark on a mission inspired by a dream of
peace--a dream as ancient as the peoples I will visit; a dream that,
now, after years of struggle, has a new chance of becoming a reality.
Tomorrow, in the desert between Israel and Jordan, two neighbors will
agree to lay to rest age-old animosities, and give a new future to their
countries and their children. King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin
will enter into an historic peace treaty. By their courage, they help
their peoples, their region, and the entire world. They help to begin a
final journey to peace, in one of the most perilous conflicts of our
age. By taking part in that ceremony, I will help to fulfill a mission,
pursued vigorously by the United States, by presidents of both parties,
since the end of World War II.
Peace in the Middle East is in our fundamental interests, and our
continued participation in the peace process is crucial to its success.
The signing ceremony I will witness rose out of the peace process we
have helped to build.
The treaty between Israel and Jordan will be only the second full peace
treaty between Israel and one of its Arab neighbors and the first ever
signed in the Middle East itself. The roots of this process reach back
to the Camp David accords, between the late Anwar Sadat of Egypt and
Menacem Begin of Israel, in which President Carter played such a pivotal
role, and to the historic peace treaty they signed here 15 years ago.
But this trip is more than a celebration of another important step
toward peace; it's an opportunity to pursue new steps. Israel and
Jordan have shown that contact can overcome conflict and that direct
talks can produce peace. My goal is to make clear that the time has
arrived for all parties to follow the brave and hopeful inspiration of
Israel and Jordan. With so much at stake, it is more important than
ever for the United States to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with those who
are taking risks for peace.
For all the progress toward peace--indeed, because of that progress--we
have witnessed a new wave of terrorism and violence. No step on this
long journey requires more patience, more discipline, more courage than
the steps still to come. At this crucial moment, the people of the
Middle East stand at a crossroads. In one direction lies the dark past-
-of violence, terrorism, and insecurity the desperate enemies of peace
seek to prolong. In the other lies a brighter future--a brighter future
that Israel and all her Arab neighbors can achieve if they have the
courage to stand up to violence, to terrorism, and to mistrust to build
that future.
Above all else, I go to the Middle East to deliver one clear message:
The United States stands by those who, in the words of the Psalms,
"seek peace and pursue it." And we stand up to those who threaten to
destroy the dream that has brought us to this historic moment.
Standing up for peace in this region includes countering the aggressive
acts of Iraq toward its neighbors. Like our troops around the world,
the men and women of our armed forces stationed in Kuwait are the
strength behind our pledge to support peace and security. They are
doing a magnificent job, and I want them to know how proud all Americans
are of their efforts.
When I visit them on Friday, I know I will carry the good wishes of all
their fellow Americans--just as I know all Americans will pray this week
for the progress toward peace as we witness this historic treaty and
carry the peace process forward.
ITEM 3:
U.S. and Egypt Reaffirm Commitment To Middle East Peace
Opening remarks by President Clinton and Egyptian President Mubarak at a
press conference, Cairo, Egypt, October 26, 1994.
President Mubarak. Good morning. It is a source of great pleasure for
me to welcome President Clinton and his able assistants in Cairo on
behalf of the people of Egypt. We look upon President Clinton with
great admiration and esteem. He's a man of courage and conviction; a
man of ideals and action alike.
Since he has assumed his awesome responsibilities, he has demonstrated
an exceptional ability to combine his evident concern of domestic
matters with a genuine interest in foreign policy. Under his
leadership, the United States has played a pivotal role in the
maintenance of worldly peace and security. Such a role is indispensable
in an era of profound change--it was only natural that the Middle East
received much attention from the President and the American people.
During the past two years, much has been achieved on the road to peace.
To a great extent, this was due to the active role the Clinton
Administration undertook with vigor and perseverance. And it has been a
success story all along.
We are not unmindful of the obstacles that remain on the road to a
comprehensive and lasting peace. But we are determined to pursue that
goal with vigor and determination. As you move to consolidate the steps
which were taken on the Palestinian and Jordanian tracks, we cannot lose
sight of the centrality of the Syrian and Lebanese track. Today, I
discussed with President Clinton the necessity of making meaningful
progress on these tracks. I assured our guests that President Asad is
wholeheartedly committed to a just and honorable peace; so is the
Lebanese leadership. Hence, we should spare no effort in order to reach
that goal without delay. In the weeks ahead, we shall work together,
and more, in harmony toward that end.
We must rekindle hope in the hearts of the peace-loving forces in the
region. And with the same goal, we must fight despair and violence. We
deplore the killing of innocent people and attempts to spread fear and
hatred. The time has come for healing all wounds of the past and for
creating a better future for Arabs as well as Israelis.
President Clinton, you have made a great contribution to the
solidification of the ever-growing friendship between our two nations.
Through your words and deeds alike, you have cemented our partnership
for peace and development. This role is highly appreciated by our
people.
In our discussion this morning, we explored new ways and means for
strengthening our cooperation even further. We are determined to make
it a stable and everlasting aspect of our policy.
In short, we are in agreement that this relationship, which is based on
mutual respect and mutuality, is a constant element of progress and
stability--a model for cooperation and solidarity among nations.
Much credit goes to you, Mr. President, and your vision and sound
judgment. I wish you success in the efforts you are exerting during
this trip. Your decision to make Cairo your first stop is a good omen,
for it is here in this proud city that the first and most difficult
steps in decisions toward peace were taken. May Almighty God bless your
endeavor and guide your steps.
President Clinton. Thank you. Thank you, President Mubarak. It is
fitting that we begin this day, which will include the celebration of a
new peace between Israel and Jordan, in Egypt with President Mubarak.
Egypt's courageous example set at Camp David and President Mubarak's
tireless leadership in the peace process have paved the way to the
historic progress we celebrate on this day.
Mr. President, this region--indeed, the entire international community--
owe to you and your nation a deep debt of gratitude. Egypt led the way,
and I am proud to stand here with you; the United States is proud to
stand with Egypt as partners in the pursuit of peace.
Today, I reaffirmed to President Mubarak my commitment to do all I can
to achieve a comprehensive settlement. The peace we seek calls on the
parties to do more than lay down arms. We seek reconciliation between
peoples, cooperation between governments, joined by a vision of shared
destiny.
The United States has walked each step with Egypt. Despite many
sacrifices, the journey to peace has brought Egypt to better times.
After so many years of conflict and so many casualties, no Egyptian has
died in battle against Israel since 1973.
Now we're on the verge of seeing those and other benefits extend
throughout the region. I salute President Mubarak for the crucial role
he has played in bringing the Palestinians and Israelis together. Your
work helped make possible the historic handshake between Prime Minister
Rabin and Chairman Arafat in the White House last year.
To keep moving on that front, President Mubarak and I have just met with
Chairman Arafat. We had a useful discussion about the need to fully
implement the Declaration of Principles between the Palestinian
Liberation Organization and Israel. We reviewed the progress toward
elections and the early empowerment of Palestinian authorities in the
West Bank.
I made it clear that the United States places great importance on
establishing strong and accountable democratic institutions. I also
told Chairman Arafat that as the Palestinian administration starts to
work on setting up a system to raise revenues, the United States will
lead an international effort to support the Israeli-Palestinian
agreement on early empowerment in the West Bank.
We also discussed a matter of great urgency--the absolute necessity to
combat Hamas and all other extremist groups using terror to perpetuate
hatred. We agreed that the same courage is needed to fight the enemies
of peace that Chairman Arafat showed in making peace.
I want to reaffirm that the United States will stand with all friends of
peace. Terrorists must not be allowed--must not be allowed--to
intimidate the peoples of this region into abandoning the peace process.
At this moment of opportunity, those who perpetuate violence pose the
greatest threat to the Palestinian people and to all Arab people. The
enemies of peace are desperate, but they must not defeat the hopeful
forces of the future.
President Mubarak and I discussed our determination to stand as partners
in this and many other efforts. We have worked on many things around
the world in the past; we do in the present. I congratulated him again
on the success of the remarkable population conference here at Cairo.
We will continue to work together on many fronts, including the need to
stand up and repel the Iraqi threat to Kuwait.
Our countries share a commitment to promote economic growth in Egypt as
well. At my request, the Vice President met with President Mubarak when
he was in Cairo in September, and they initiated a new partnership for
economic growth. Earlier this week, our two countries agreed to
establish a new committee to support this partnership. The Vice
President will be saying more about that in the next few months. I
believe he'll have the opportunity to come back here.
Again, let me thank President and Mrs. Mubarak for their gracious
reception. And let me thank President Mubarak, especially, again for
his leadership in this process. I am confident we would not be where we
are today had it not been for him.
ITEM 4:
Jordan and Israel Sign Treaty of Peace
Remarks by President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, Jordanian King
Hussein, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin, Israeli Foreign Minister Peres,
and Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev at the signing of the Treaty of
Peace Between the State of Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,
Wadi Arava Crossing, Jordan-Israel border, October 26, 1994.
King Hussein. Peace be upon you; God's peace: the greeting with which
Muslims and Arabs receive their guests--exchange amongst each other;
the greeting that has been taken to every part of the world over a long
and cherished history and past.
It is with a sense of enormous pride, a sense of fulfillment, that I
stand here before you today, together with President Clinton, Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin, President Weizman, and all our distinguished
colleagues and friends--an unusual day, a day like no other in terms of
the hopes, in terms of the promise, and in terms of the determination.
God willing and with God's blessing, all of us will remember this day as
long as we live and for future generations--Jordanians, Israelis, Arabs,
Palestinians--all the children of Abraham; to remember it as the dawning
of the new era of peace, mutual respect between us all, tolerance, and
the coming together of people of generations to come--we understand--to
build and achieve what is worthy of them.
We will always cherish the memory and honor all those who have fallen
over the years. And amongst all of our peoples, I believe they are with
us on this occasion and at this time as we come together to ensure, God
willing, that there will be no more death, no more misery, no more
suspicion, no more fear, no more uncertainty of what each day might
bring, as has been the case in the past.
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and I had the honor of signing the
Washington Declaration with President Clinton, our partner and our
friend. We took it upon ourselves--Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and
myself--to shepherd the process of negotiations to a successful
conclusion. I believe that both of us share in this moment of
achievement and pride and relief, and, hopefully, we have contributed
toward a better future of our peoples for all times to come.
The Prime Minister of Israel and the Prime Minister of Jordan will
shortly ratify the peace treaty between our two countries. This will be
witnessed by President Clinton. In a matter of days, we will have
completed, in Jordan, the passage of this peace treaty through the
legislature. I, who have accompanied my colleagues throughout this
process--Prime Minister Majali since Madrid, my brother, Crown Prince
Hassan, and every Jordanian who has been involved, and honored to be
involved, in this peace process--fully support every word and every
letter in this peace process between Jordan and Israel.
I know it is supported by the overwhelming majority of our people, who
have learned today of its passage by the Knesset by an overwhelming
majority. These are the moments in which we live--the past and the
future.
This great valley in which we stand will become the valley of peace.
And when we come together to build it and to make it bloom as never
before, and we come to live next to each other as never before, we will
be doing so--Israelis and Jordanians together--without the need for any
to observe our actions or supervise our endeavors. This is peace with
dignity. This is peace with commitment. This is our gift to our
peoples and the generations to come.
It will herald the change in the quality of life in people. It will not
be essentially a piece of paper ratified by those responsible, blessed
by the world. It will be real as we open our hearts and minds to each
other, as we discover a human face to everything that has happened and
happened to each other--for all of us have suffered for far too long.
President Clinton, you have been our partner. You have been our friend.
You have given us your support, together with the administration of the
United States of America. You are at the helm during this historic
moment. I will always remember the warmth of your welcome to us both in
Washington and the warmth of the welcome of the people of the United
States of America with which they received our news and lauded our
achievements.
No one will ever forget this day. In particular, they will always
remember the fact that you personally came here to be with us on this
most happy of occasions--at the end of a chapter of darkness and the
opening of a book of light.
I am proud of our friendship. God bless you and give you every future
success. Maybe the world needs some good examples of what should happen
between people. Hopefully, this might herald similar progress not only
on all the tracks here in this region--because we are all committed to a
comprehensive peace; we wish it, and, hopefully, it will be--but
throughout the world--the world that is the home to all of us, that in
itself is so small, where so much needs to be addressed and met for
humanity and for the future.
Behind us here you see Eilat and Aqaba, the way we have lived over the
years, in such close proximity, unable to meet, to visit each other, to
develop this beautiful part of the world. No more, as we look into the
future beyond this point with determination, with hope, with commitment.
We survived the hard times. Let our people beyond this point in time
enjoy the good times.
I would like to thank all our friends, all our distinguished guests who
join us here today: representatives of President Yeltsin, Foreign
Minister of Russia; distinguished foreign ministers; our Arab presidents
of our Arab homeland; our guests from throughout the world; our friends.
And a very happy welcome to all of you Jordanians and Israelis, alike,
at this very precious moment. God bless you all.
Prime Minister Rabin. Your Majesty, King Hussein I; President Clinton;
President Weizman; the foreign ministers of our countries; distinguished
guests from all over the world; the peoples of Jordan and Israel: From
this podium, I look around, and I see the Araba. Along the horizon--
from the Jordanian side and the Israeli side--I see only a desert.
There is almost no life here; there is no water; no wells; and no
spring--only mine fields.
Such were the relations between Israel and Jordan during the last 47
years--a desert; not one green leaf, no trees, not even a single flower.
There comes a time when there is a need to be strong and to make
courageous decisions to overcome the mine fields, the drought, the
bareness between our two peoples.
We have known many days of sorrow; you have known many days of grief.
But bereavement unties us as does bravery, and we honor those who
sacrificed their lives. We both must draw on the springs of our great
spiritual resources to forgive the anguish we caused each other, to
clear the mine fields that divided us for so many years, and to supplant
it with fields of plenty.
For nearly two generations, desolation pervaded the hearts of our two
peoples. The time has now come not merely to dream of a better future
but to realize it. Leaders should clear the path, should show the way.
But the road itself must be paved by both peoples. I don't believe that
we would have reached this great moment without the desire for peace in
the hearts of both peoples; in the hearts of the soldiers and the
intellectuals; in the hearts of the farmers and of the lorry drivers who
drive through the Araba highways in Jordan and Israel; in the hearts of
teachers and of the little children. Both nations were determined that
the great revolution in the Middle East would take place in their
generation.
From this podium, I look around: I see the Araba, and I see you--our
generation--and the next. We are the ones who will transform this
barren place into a fertile oasis so that the red-browns and the dark
grey will burst forth in vibrant greens.
Your Majesty, peace between states is peace between peoples. It is an
expression of trust and esteem. I have learned to know and admire the
quiet and the smiling power with which you guard your nation and the
courage with which you lead your people.
It is not only our states that are making peace with each other today;
not only our nations that are shaking hands in peace here in the Araba.
You and I, Your Majesty, are making peace here--our own peace, the peace
of soldiers, and the peace of friends.
President Clinton, thank you for your tremendous support throughout the
entire process, which was vital for the achievement of this final
result. I would like to thank many [inaudible] on the Israeli side, on
the Jordanian side that worked very hard, day and night, that we would
be allowed to reach this great moment--the Foreign Minister of Israel--
and many others that no doubt contributed a lot to this great
achievement.
A dawn broke this morning, and a new day began. New life came into the
world. Babies were born in Jerusalem; babies were born in Amman. But
this morning is different. The peace that was born today gives us all
the hope that the children born today will never know war between us,
and their mothers will know no sorrow. Allow me to end by the simple
words, shalom, salaam, peace.
President Clinton. King Hussein, President Weizman, Prime Minister
Rabin, Prime Minister Majali, Crown Prince Hassan, Foreign Minister
Peres, Foreign Minister Kozyrev, Mr. Secretary of State; to the people
of Jordan and Israel--with a special thanks to those who are our
cheering section up there--we thank you all.
At the dawn of this peace of a generation, in this ancient place we
celebrate the history and the faith of Jordanians and Israelis. But we
break the chains of the past that for too long have kept you shackled in
the shadows of strife and suffering. We thank those who have worked for
peace before. We celebrate the efforts of brace leaders who saw the
bright horizon of this dawn, even while the darkness lingered.
This vast bleached desert hides great signs of life. Today, we see the
proof of it--for peace between Jordan and Israel is no longer a mirage;
it is real. It will take root in this soil. It will grow to great
heights and shelter generations to come.
Today, we honor the constant and devoted work of two courageous leaders-
-two who have risked everything so that their children and their
children's children need fight nor fear no more. King Hussein, today in
this arid place, you bring to full flower the memory of the man who
taught you to seek peace: your grandfather, King Abudllah. When he was
martyred four decades ago, he left you with a great burden and a great
dream. He believed that one day, on both sides of the River Jordan,
Arab and Jew would live in peace. How bravely you have shouldered that
burden and carried that dream. Now after so much danger and so much
hardship, Your Majesty, your day has come. Truly, you have fulfilled
your grandfather's legacy.
Prime Minister Rabin, you have spent a lifetime as a soldier, fighting
first to establish your country and then for so long, to defend it. For
a lifetime, you have fought with skill and tenacity and courage, simply
to achieve a secure and lasting peace for your people. Now you have
given them the hope of life after the siege. In your own words, you
have now given them the challenge to furnish the house of Israel and
make it a home. As a general, you have won many battles through
strength and courage. But now, through strength and courage, you
command the army of peace, and you have won the greatest victory of all.
We salute you.
As has been said before, this treaty is the product of many hands.
Crown Prince Hassan and Foreign Minister Peres know better than any of
us that peace does not spring full-grown. It requires cultivation; it
requires patience and care. We salute their devotion and persistence
and the wise and determined counsel of Secretary Christopher. We are
all in their debt, and we thank them.
I say to the people of Israel and Jordan: Now you must make this peace
real: to turn a no-man's land into every man's home; to take down the
barbed wire; to remove the deadly mines; to help the wounds of war to
heal. Open your borders; open your hearts. Peace is more than an
agreement on paper: It is feeling; it is activity; it is devotion.
The forces of terror will try to hold you back. Already they take
deadly aim at the future of peace. In their zeal to kill hope and keep
hatred alive, they would deny all that peace can bring to your children.
We cannot, we must not, we will not let them succeed.
The United States stands with you. Since President Truman first
recognized Israel, we have wished for and worked for comprehensive peace
between Israel and all her neighbors. On behalf of all Americans,
including millions of Jewish and Arab Americans for whom this day means
so much, I thank you for trusting America to help you arrive at this
moment. The American people are very proud of the opportunity we have
had.
Now let the work of progress bear fruit. Here at the first of many
crossing points to be open, people from every corner of the earth will
soon come to share in the wonders of your lands. There are resources to
be found in the desert, minerals to be drawn from the sea, water to be
separated from salt and used to fertilize the fields. Here, where
slaves in ancient times were forced to take their chisels to the stone,
the earth, as the Koran says, will stir and swell and bring forth life.
The desert, as Isaiah prophesied, shall rejoice and blossom.
Here your people will drink water from the same well and savor together
the fruit of the vine. As you seize this moment, be assured that you
will redeem every life sacrificed along the long road that brought us to
this day. You will take the hatred out of hearts, and you will pass
along to your children a peace for the generations.
Your Majesty; Mr. Prime Minister: Here in the Rift Valley, you have
bridged the tragic rift that separated your people for too long. Here
in this region, which is the home of not only both of your faiths--but
mine--I say: Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall inherit the
earth.
Secretary Christopher. Your Majesty, King Hussein, President Weizman,
President Clinton, Prime Minister Rabin, Prime Minister Majali, fellow
foreign ministers, Crown Prince Hassan, ladies and gentlemen: Less than
90 days ago, I had the great honor of witnessing from this very spot the
opening of the Israeli-Jordanian border crossing. This place that for
decades was nothing more than a field of mines was turned over night
into a field of dreams. Today, we're, again, honored to bear witness as
those dreams come true.
King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin: The entire world salutes your
courage, your vision, and your skill. Each of you has dedicated your
distinguished careers to a single, noble calling: to build for your
peoples and your nations a future of hope and a future of peace. By
your extraordinary achievement here this afternoon, your life's work is
a long step toward completion.
As President Clinton has said, the United States stands shoulder to
shoulder with Israel and Jordan. We did three months ago when you ended
your state of war, we do today when you inaugurate your state of peace,
and we will be there tomorrow and beyond as you build the bonds of human
contact and the common interest that will ensure a lasting
reconciliation. This is truly a day of rejoicing, of reconciliation,
and of recommitment. Thank you ladies and gentlemen.
Foreign Minister Peres. Your Majesty, King Hussein, the President of
the United States, the President of the State of Israel, the Prime
Minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin, the Prime Minister of Jordan Majali,
my colleagues, foreign ministers, distinguished guests, ladies and
gentlemen: In addition to expressing my thanks to the President of the
United States for his tremendous support and to King Hussein for his
outstanding leadership, I shall do something improper and tell about my
own Prime Minister--he did a great job, with great character and wisdom.
We were born as sons of Abraham. Now we have to become brothers in the
family of Abraham. Not our [inaudible] but our outlook should be
different: where a person to a person will be a host, not a hostage;
that we shall mutually help each other understand each other and, permit
me to say, to pray for each other. It is not just a peace of the
braves, permit me to say, this is a peace of mothers with their children
born and unborn--a peace for today and a peace for tomorrow.
I see that as [inaudible]. Nature made it brown; science will make it
green. War made it dead; peace will make it alive. And we shall see an
entirely new landscape for us and for our neighbors.
This is the third time that we are making steps toward peace. It's not
the end of the road. I hope what has happened today, under the
brilliant leadership of King Hussein and Yitzhak Rabin, will go on, will
walk on, will march on until the whole Middle East is a region of
peace, of promise, and of prosperity.
Now please don't forget that I am a foreign minister, so I shall take
this occasion to thank our friend, the foreign minister of Egypt--first
to make peace, supporting peace all the time.
I would like to thank the foreign ministers of Europe and their
[inaudible] of today, Dr. Kinkel, for ongoing support to make this peace
not just a matter of a policy but an issue of a new reality. Thank you
very much.
We want to thank the United States for the Middle East. It's a God-sent
support. No power has ever supported other nations that need peace as
has the United States. It's a pleasure to see the United States and
Russia working together. This wasn't always the case in the Middle
East. This is a new addition, and we welcome it with our full hearts.
We seek among us some other candidates for peace: Welcome to the club;
the sooner the better. Ladies and gentlemen: It's a great day; it's a
great hope; it's a moving occasion for many of us who dreamed it. Now
it has become a reality. It is not just the end of war, this is the
beginning of a new cooperation. Let's dream together; we've got the
license. Thank you.
Foreign Minister Kozyrev. Your Majesty, King Hussein bin Talal, Your
Excellencies Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, President Weitzman, President
Bill Clinton of United States, dear colleagues, ladies and gentlemen: I
would like to convey to this gathering a welcoming address of the
President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin. I quote:
I wish to extend my cordial congratulations to His Majesty King Hussein
and His Excellency Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, as well as to the
peoples of Jordan and Israel, with the historic accomplishment,
signature of the treaty of peace. It has become possible due to
political courage and statesmanship of the leaders of Jordan and Israel.
Having surmounted all the apprehensions and having broken down the wall
of mistrust, you extended a hand of peace to each other. And now, you
lay down a foundation for further reinforcement and development of
mutual understanding and good neighborly relations between Jordan and
Israel.
We are confident now that creative energy of the peoples of both
countries will be aimed at their prosperity and well being and at
building of a happy future for the succeeding generations.
Today's event is impressive success of the Madrid peace process that has
developed under the co-sponsorship of Russia and the United States of
America. Russia intends to go on with its practical promotion of the
final cessation of the Arab-Israeli conflict and support for the
implementation of the Israeli-Jordanian agreements.
Signed, Boris Yeltsin.
Allow me, on my part, just to express my personal admiration for the
political courage of all present here--heads of states and governments
of both Jordan and Israel--and assure you that Russia, as a co-sponsor
of the peace process, will be with you and with others on all tracks
until there is firm peace and, after that, in building a truly
prospective life in this region.
ITEM 5:
Text of Jordan-Israel Treaty of Peace
Following is the text of the Treaty of Peace Between the State of Israel
and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, signed at Wadi Arava Crossing,
Jordan-Israel border, October 26, 1994. Annexes and appendices, which
constitute an integral part of the treaty, are not included here.
Preamble
The Government of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the Government of
the State of Israel:
Bearing in mind the Washington Declaration, signed by them on 25th July,
1994, and which they are both committed to honour,
Aiming at the achievement of a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in
the Middle East based on Security Council resolutions 242 and 338 in all
their aspects;
Bearing in mind the importance of maintaining and strengthening peace
based on freedom, equality, justice and respect for fundamental human
rights, thereby overcoming psychological barriers and promoting human
dignity;
Reaffirming their faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter of
the United Nations and recognising their right and obligation to live in
peace with each other as well as with all states, within secure and
recognised boundaries;
Desiring to develop friendly relations and co-operation between them in
accordance with the principles of international law governing
international relations in time of peace;
Desiring as well to ensure lasting security for both their States and in
particular to avoid threats and the use of force between them;
Bearing in mind that in their Washington Declaration of 25th July, 1994,
they declared the termination of the state of belligerency between them;
Deciding to establish peace between them in accordance with this Treaty
of Peace;
Have agreed as follows:
ARTICLE I
Establishment of Peace
Peace is hereby established between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and
the State of Israel (the "Parties") effective from the exchange of the
instruments of ratification of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 2
General Principles
The Parties will apply between them the provisions of the Charter of the
United Nations and the principles of international law governing
relations among states in time of peace. In particular:
1. They recognise and will respect each other's sovereignty,
territorial integrity and political independence;
2. They recognise and will respect each other's right to live in peace
within secure and recognised boundaries;
3. They will develop good neighbourly relations of co-operation between
them to ensure lasting security, will refrain from the threat or use of
force against each other and will settle all disputes between them by
peaceful means;
4. They respect and recognise the sovereignty, territorial integrity
and political independence of every state in the region;
5. They respect and recognise the pivotal role of human development and
dignity in regional and bilateral relationships;
6. They further believe that within their control, involuntary
movements of persons in such a way as to adversely prejudice the
security of either Party should not be permitted.
ARTICLE 3
International Boundary
1. The international boundary between Jordan and Israel is delimited
with reference to the boundary definition under the Mandate as is shown
in Annex I (a), on the mapping materials attached thereto and
coordinates specified therein.
2. The boundary, as set out in Annex I (a), is the permanent, secure
and recognised international boundary between Jordan and Israel, without
prejudice to the status of any territories that came under Israeli
military government control in 1967.
3. The Parties recognise the international boundary, as well as each
other's territory, territorial waters and airspace, as inviolable, and
will respect and comply with them.
4. The demarcation of the boundary will take place as set forth in
Appendix (I) to Annex I and will be concluded not later than 9 months
after the signing of the Treaty.
5. It is agreed that where the boundary follows a river, in the event
of natural changes in the course of the flow of the river as described
in Annex I (a), the boundary shall follow the new course of the flow.
In the event of any other changes the boundary shall not be affected
unless otherwise agreed.
6. Immediately upon the exchange of the instruments of ratification of
this Treaty, each Party will deploy on its side of the international
boundary as defined in Annex I (a).
7. The Parties shall, upon the signature of the Treaty, enter into
negotiations to conclude, within 9 months, an agreement on the
delimitation of their maritime boundary in the Gulf of Aqaba.
8. Taking into account the special circumstances of the
Baqura/Naharayim area, which is under Jordanian sovereignty, with
Israeli private ownership rights, the Parties agree to apply the
provisions set out in Annex I (b).
9. With respect to the Al-Ghamr/Zofar area, the provisions set out in
Annex I (c) will apply.
ARTICLE 4
Security
1. a. Both Parties, acknowledging that mutual understanding and co-
operation in security-related matters will form a significant part of
their relations and will further enhance the security of the region,
take upon themselves to base their security relations on mutual trust,
advancement of joint interests and co-operation, and to aim towards a
regional framework of partnership in peace.
b. Toward that goal, the Parties recognise the achievements of the
European Community and European Union in the development of the
Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) and commit
themselves to the creation, in the Middle East, of a Conference on
Security and Co-operation in the Middle East (CSCME).
This commitment entails the adoption of regional models of security
successfully implemented in the post World War era (along the lines of
the Helsinki Process) culminating in a regional zone of security and
stability.
2. The obligations referred to in this Article are without prejudice to
the inherent right of self-defence in accordance with the United Nations
Charter.
3. The Parties undertake, in accordance with the provisions of this
Article, the following:
a. to refrain from the threat or use of force or weapons, conventional,
non-conventional or of any other kind, against each other, or of other
actions or activities that adversely affect the security of the other
Party;
b. to refrain from organising, instigating, inciting, assisting or
participating in acts or threats of belligerency, hostility, subversion
or violence against the other Party;
c. to take necessary and effective measures to ensure that acts or
threats of belligerency, hostility, subversion or violence against the
other Party do not originate from, and are not committed within, through
or over their territory (hereinafter the term "territory" includes the
airspace and territorial waters).
4. Consistent with the era of peace and with the efforts to build
regional security and to avoid and prevent aggression and violence, the
Parties further agree to refrain from the following:
a. joining or in any way assisting, promoting or co-operating with any
coalition, organisation or alliance with a military or security
character with a third party, the objectives or activities of which
include launching aggression or other acts of military hostility against
the other Party, in contravention of the provisions of the present
Treaty;
b. allowing the entry, stationing and operating on their territory, or
through it, of military forces, personnel or materiel of a third party,
in circumstances which may adversely prejudice the security of the other
Party.
5. Both Parties will take necessary and effective measures, and will
co-operate in combating terrorism of all kinds. The Parties undertake:
a. to take necessary and effective measures to prevent acts of
terrorism, subversion or violence from being carried out from their
territory or through it and to take necessary and effective measures to
combat such activities and all their perpetrators;
b. without prejudice to the basic rights of freedom of expression and
association, to take necessary and effective measures to prevent the
entry, presence and operation in their territory of any group or
organisation, and their infrastructure, which threatens the security of
the other Party by the use of, or incitement to the use of, violent
means;
c. to co-operate in preventing and combating cross-boundary
infiltrations.
6. Any question as to the implementation of this Article will be dealt
with through a mechanism of consultations which will include a liaison
system, verification, supervision, and where necessary, other
mechanisms, and higher level consultations. The details of the mechanism
of consultations will be contained in an agreement to be concluded by
the Parties within 3 months of the exchange of the instruments of
ratification of this Treaty.
7. The Parties undertake to work as a matter of priority, and as soon
as possible, in the context of the Multilateral Working Group on Arms
Control and Regional Security, and jointly, towards the following:
a. the creation in the Middle East of a region free from hostile
alliances and coalitions;
b. the creation of a Middle East free from weapons of mass destruction,
both conventional and non-conventional, in the context of a
comprehensive, lasting and stable peace, characterised by the
renunciation of the use of force, and by reconciliation and goodwill.
ARTICLE 5
Diplomatic and Other Bilateral Relations
1. The Parties agree to establish full diplomatic and consular
relations and to exchange resident ambassadors within one month of the
exchange of the instruments of ratification of this Treaty.
2. The Parties agree that the normal relationship between them will
further include economic and cultural relations.
ARTICLE 6
Water
With the view to achieving a comprehensive and lasting settlement of all
the water problems between them:
1. The Parties agree mutually to recognise the rightful allocations of
both of them in Jordan River and Yarmouk River waters and Araba/Arava
ground water in accordance with the agreed acceptable principles,
quantities and quality as set out in Annex II, which shall be fully
respected and complied with.
2. The Parties, recognising the necessity to find a practical, just and
agreed solution to their water problems and with the view that the
subject of water can form the basis for the advancement of co-operation
between them, jointly undertake to ensure that the management and
development of their water resources do not, in any way, harm the water
resources of the other Party.
3. The Parties recognise that their water resources are not sufficient
to meet their needs. More water should be supplied for their use
through various methods, including projects of regional and
international co-operation.
4. In light of paragraph 3 of this Article, with the understanding that
co-operation in water-related subjects would be to the benefit of both
Parties, and will help alleviate their water shortages, and that water
issues along their entire boundary must be dealt with in their totality,
including the possibility of trans-boundary water transfers, the Parties
agree to search for ways to alleviate water shortages and to co-operate
in the following fields:
a. development of existing and new water resources, increasing the
water availability, including co-operation on a regional basis, as
appropriate, and minimising wastage of water resources through the chain
of their uses;
b. prevention of contamination of water resources;
c. mutual assistance in the alleviation of water shortages;
d. transfer of information and joint research and development in water-
related subjects, and review of the potentials for enhancement of water
resources development and use.
5. The implementation of both Parties' undertakings under this Article
is detailed in Annex II.
ARTICLE 7
Economic Relations
1. Viewing economic development and prosperity as pillars of peace,
security and harmonious relations between states, peoples and individual
human beings, the Parties, taking note of understandings reached between
them, affirm their mutual desire to promote economic co-operation
between them, as well as within the framework of wider regional economic
co-operation.
2. In order to accomplish this goal, the Parties agree to the
following:
a. to remove all discriminatory barriers to normal economic relations,
to terminate economic boycotts directed at the other Party, and to co-
operate in terminating boycotts against either Party by third parties;
b. recognising that the principle of free and unimpeded flow of goods
and services should guide their relations, the Parties will enter into
negotiations with a view to concluding agreements on economic co-
operation, including trade and the establishment of a free trade area or
areas, investment, banking, industrial co-operation and labour, for the
purpose of promoting beneficial economic relations, based on principles
to be agreed upon, as well as on human development considerations on a
regional basis. These negotiations will be concluded no later than 6
months from the exchange of the instruments of ratification of this
Treaty;
c. to co-operate bilaterally, as well as in multilateral forums,
towards the promotion of their respective economies and of their
neighbourly economic relations with other regional parties.
ARTICLE 8
Refugees and Displaced Persons
1. Recognising the massive human problems caused to both Parties by the
conflict in the Middle East, as well as the contribution made by them
towards the alleviation of human suffering, the Parties will seek to
further alleviate those problems arising on a bilateral level.
2. Recognising that the above human problems caused by the conflict in
the Middle East cannot be fully resolved on the bilateral level, the
Parties will seek to resolve them in appropriate forums, in accordance
with international law, including the following:
a. in the case of displaced persons, in a quadripartite committee
together with Egypt and the Palestinians;
b. in the case of refugees,
i. in the framework of the Multilateral Working Group on Refugees;
ii. in negotiations, in a framework to be agreed, bilateral or
otherwise, in conjunction with and at the same time as the permanent
status negotiations pertaining to the Territories referred to in Article
3 of this Treaty;
c. through the implementation of agreed United Nations programmes and
other agreed international economic programmes concerning refugees and
displaced persons, including assistance to their settlement.
ARTICLE 9
Places of Historical and Religious Significance and Interfaith
Relations
1. Each Party will provide freedom of access to places of religious and
historical significance.
2. In this regard, in accordance with the Washington Declaration,
Israel respects the present special role of the Hashemite Kingdom of
Jordan in Muslim Holy shrines in Jerusalem. When negotiations on the
permanent status will take place, Israel will give high priority to the
Jordanian historic role in these shrines.
3. The Parties will act together to promote interfaith relations among
the three monotheistic religions, with the aim of working towards
religious understanding, moral commitment, freedom of religious worship,
and tolerance and peace.
ARTICLE 10
Cultural and Scientific Exchanges
The Parties, wishing to remove biases developed through periods of
conflict, recognise the desirability of cultural and scientific
exchanges in all fields, and agree to establish normal cultural
relations between them. Thus, they shall, as soon as possible and not
later than 9 months from the exchange of the instruments of ratification
of this Treaty, conclude the negotiations on cultural and scientific
agreements.
ARTICLE 11
Mutual Understanding and Good Neighbourly Relations
1. The Parties will seek to foster mutual understanding and tolerance
based on shared historic values, and accordingly undertake:
a. to abstain from hostile or discriminatory propaganda against each
other, and to take all possible legal and administrative measures to
prevent the dissemination of such propaganda by any organisation or
individual present in the territory of either Party;
b. as soon as possible, and not later than 3 months from the exchange
of the instruments of ratification of this Treaty, to repeal all adverse
or discriminatory references and expressions of hostility in their
respective legislation;
c. to refrain in all government publications from any such references
or expressions;
d. to ensure mutual enjoyment by each other's citizens of due process
of law within their respective legal systems and before their courts.
2. Paragraph 1 (a) of this Article is without prejudice to the right to
freedom of expression as contained in the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights.
3. A joint committee shall be formed to examine incidents where one
Party claims there has been a violation of this Article.
ARTICLE 12
Combating Crime and Drugs
The Parties will co-operate in combating crime, with an emphasis on
smuggling, and will take all necessary measures to combat and prevent
such activities as the production of, as well as the trafficking in
illicit drugs, and will bring to trial perpetrators of such acts. In
this regard, they take note of the understandings reached between them
in the above spheres, in accordance with Annex III and undertake to
conclude all relevant agreements not later than 9 months from the date
of the exchange of the instruments of ratification of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 13
Transportation and Roads
Taking note of the progress already made in the area of transportation,
the Parties recognise the mutuality of interest in good neighbourly
relations in the area of transportation and agree to the following means
to promote relations between them in this sphere:
1. Each Party will permit the free movement of nationals and vehicles
of the other into and within its territory according to the general
rules applicable to nationals and vehicles of other states. Neither
Party will impose discriminatory taxes or restrictions on the free
movement of persons and vehicles from its territory to the territory of
the other.
2. The Parties will open and maintain roads and border-crossings
between their countries and will consider further road and rail links
between them.
3. The Parties will continue their negotiations concerning mutual
transportation agreements in the above and other areas, such as joint
projects, traffic safety, transport standards and norms, licensing of
vehicles, land passages, shipment of goods and cargo, and meteorology,
to be concluded not later than 6 months from the exchange of the
instruments of ratification of this Treaty.
4. The Parties agree to continue their negotiations for a highway to be
constructed and maintained between Egypt, Jordan and Israel near Eilat.
ARTICLE 14
Freedom of Navigation and Access to Ports
1. Without prejudice to the provisions of paragraph 3, each Party
recognises the right of the vessels of the other Party to innocent
passage through its territorial waters in accordance with the rules of
international law.
2. Each Party will grant normal access to its ports for vessels and
cargoes of the other, as well as vessels and cargoes destined for or
coming from the other Party. Such access will be granted on the same
conditions as generally applicable to vessels and cargoes of other
nations.
3. The Parties consider the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba to be
international waterways open to all nations for unimpeded and
nonsuspendable freedom of navigation and overflight. The Parties will
respect each other's right to navigation and overflight for access to
either Party through the Strait of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba.
ARTICLE 15
Civil Aviation
1. The Parties recognise as applicable to each other the rights,
privileges and obligations provided for by the multilateral aviation
agreements to which they are both party, particularly by the 1944
Convention on International Civil Aviation (The Chicago Convention) and
the 1944 International Air Services Transit Agreement.
2. Any declaration of national emergency by a Party under Article 89 of
the Chicago Convention will not be applied to the other Party on a
discriminatory basis.
3. The Parties take note of the negotiations on the international air
corridor to be opened between them in accordance with the Washington
Declaration. In addition, the Parties shall, upon the exchange of the
instruments of ratification of this Treaty, enter into negotiations for
the purpose of concluding a Civil Aviation Agreement. All the above
negotiations are to be concluded not later than 6 months from the
exchange of the instruments of ratification of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 16
Posts and Telecommunications
The Parties take note of the opening between them, in accordance with
the Washington Declaration, of direct telephone and facsimile lines.
Postal links, the negotiations on which having been concluded, will be
activated upon the signature of this Treaty. The Parties further agree
that normal wireless and cable communications and television relay
services by cable, radio and satellite, will be established between
them, in accordance with all relevant international conventions and
regulations. The negotiations on these subjects will be concluded not
later than 9 months from the exchange of the instruments of ratification
of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 17
Tourism
The Parties affirm their mutual desire to promote co-operation between
them in the field of tourism. In order to accomplish this goal, the
Parties--taking note of the understandings reached between them
concerning tourism--agree to negotiate, as soon as possible, and to
conclude not later than 3 months from the exchange of the instruments of
ratification of this Treaty, an agreement to facilitate and encourage
mutual tourism and tourism from third countries.
ARTICLE 18
Environment
The Parties will co-operate in matters relating to the environment, a
sphere to which they attach great importance, including conservation of
nature and prevention of pollution, as set forth in Annex IV. They will
negotiate an agreement on the above, to be concluded not later than 6
months from the exchange of the instruments of ratification of this
Treaty.
ARTICLE 19
Energy
1. The Parties will co-operate in the development of energy resources,
including the development of energy related projects such as the
utilisation of solar energy.
2. The Parties, having concluded their negotiations on the
interconnecting of their electric grids in the Eilat-Aqaba area, will
implement the interconnecting upon the signature of this Treaty. The
Parties view this step as a part of a wider binational and regional
concept. They agree to continue their negotiations as soon as possible
to widen the scope of their interconnected grids.
3. The Parties will conclude the relevant agreements in the field of
energy within 6 months from the date of exchange of the instruments of
ratification of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 20
Rift Valley Development
The Parties attach great importance to the integrated development of the
Jordan Rift Valley area, including joint projects in the economic,
environmental, energy-related and tourism fields. Taking note of the
Terms of Reference developed in the framework of the Trilateral Jordan-
Israel-US Economic Committee towards the Jordan Rift Valley Development
Master Plan, they will vigorously continue their efforts towards the
completion of planning and towards implementation.
ARTICLE 21
Health
The Parties will co-operate in the area of health and shall negotiate
with a view to the conclusion of an agreement within 9 months of the
exchange of the instruments of ratification of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 22
Agriculture
The Parties will co-operate in the areas of agriculture, including
veterinary services, plant protection, biotechnology and marketing, and
shall negotiate with a view to the conclusion of an agreement within 6
months from the date of the exchange of instruments of ratification of
this Treaty.
ARTICLE 23
Aqaba and Eilat
The Parties agree to enter into negotiations, as soon as possible, and
not later than one month from the exchange of the instruments of
ratification of this Treaty, on arrangements that would enable the joint
development of the towns of Aqaba and Eilat with regard to such matters,
inter alia, as joint tourism development, joint customs posts, free
trade zone, co-operation in aviation, prevention of pollution, maritime
matters, police, customs and health co-operation. The Parties will
conclude all relevant agreements within 9 months from the exchange of
instruments of ratification of the Treaty.
ARTICLE 24
Claims
The Parties agree to establish a claims commission for the mutual
settlement of all financial claims.
ARTICLE 25
Rights and Obligations
1. This Treaty does not affect and shall not be interpreted as
affecting, in any way, the rights and obligations of the Parties under
the Charter of the United Nations.
2. The Parties undertake to fulfil in good faith their obligations
under this Treaty, without regard to action or inaction of any other
party and independently of any instrument inconsistent with this Treaty.
For the purposes of this paragraph, each Party represents to the other
that in its opinion and interpretation there is no inconsistency between
their existing treaty obligations and this Treaty.
3. They further undertake to take all the necessary measures for the
application in their relations of the provisions of the multilateral
conventions to which they are parties, including the submission of
appropriate notification to the Secretary General of the United Nations
and other depositories of such conventions.
4. Both Parties will also take all the necessary steps to abolish all
pejorative references to the other Party, in multilateral conventions to
which they are parties, to the extent that such references exist.
5. The parties undertake not to enter into any obligation in conflict
with this Treaty.
6. Subject to Article 103 of the United Nations Charter, in the event
of a conflict between the obligations of the Parties under the present
Treaty and any of their other obligations, the obligations under this
Treaty will be binding and implemented.
ARTICLE 26
Legislation
Within 3 months of the exchange of the instruments of ratification of
this Treaty, the Parties undertake to enact any legislation necessary in
order to implement the Treaty, and to terminate any international
commitments and to repeal any legislation that is inconsistent with the
Treaty.
ARTICLE 27
Ratification and Annexes
1. This Treaty shall be ratified by both Parties in conformity with
their respective national procedures. It shall enter into force on the
exchange of the instruments of ratification.
2. The Annexes, Appendices, and other attachments to this Treaty shall
be considered integral parts thereof.
ARTICLE 28
Interim Measures
The Parties will apply, in certain spheres to be agreed upon, interim
measures pending the conclusion of the relevant agreements in accordance
with this Treaty, as stipulated in Annex V.
ARTICLE 29
Settlement of Disputes
1. Disputes arising out of the application or interpretation of this
Treaty shall be resolved by negotiations.
2. Any such disputes which cannot be settled by negotiations shall be
resolved by conciliation or submitted to arbitration.
ARTICLE 30
Registration
This Treaty shall be transmitted to the Secretary General of the United
Nations for registration in accordance with the provisions of Article
102 of the Charter of the United Nations.
DONE at the Araba/Arava Crossing Point this day Jumada Al-Ula, 21st,
1415, Heshvan 21st, 5755 to which corresponds 26th October, 1994 in the
Arabic, Hebrew and English languages, all texts being equally authentic.
In case of divergence of interpretation, the English text shall prevail.
For the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan:
(Abdul Salam Majali)
Prime Minister
For the State of Israel
(Yitzhak Rabin)
Prime Minister
Witnessed by:
(William J. Clinton)
President of the
United States of America
ITEM 6:
U.S. Goal of Peace in the Middle East To Produce Tangible Benefits
Address by President Clinton to the Jordanian Parliament, Amman, Jordan,
October 26, 1994.
Your Majesties, Prime Minister Majali, Mr. President, Mr. Speaker,
members of the Parliament, citizens of Jordan, citizens of the United
States: Mr. President, thank you for that generous introduction. Your
Majesty, thank you for welcoming me to your beautiful country and for
giving me the opportunity to accept your kind hospitality after your
many visits to our capital.
I thank you all for the honor to address this assembly and to reflect
with you on this historic day of peace. On this day--Your Majesty,
descendant of the prophet Mohammed--in making peace with your neighbor,
you have done even more than fulfill the legacy of King Abdullah. You
have sent a signal to the entire Arab world that peace is unstoppable.
On this day, in the desert of the great Rift Valley, the people of
Jordan stepped out of the shadows of strife. You made a bold choice:
You rejected the dark forces of terror and extremism; you embraced the
bright promise of tolerance and moderation. You spurned those who would
draw you back into the hostile past. You chose, instead, a future of
opportunity and tranquility for your children. The United States
admires and supports the choice you have made, and we will stand with
you in months and years ahead.
Today, the people of Jordan pay homage to those who led the great Arab
revolt for freedom, independence, and unity. You honor the memory of
three generations of Jordanians who gave their lives in defense of your
country--what Your Majesty has called the shattering toll in blood and
tears, the waste of youth, and the grief of our forefathers.
In your address to our Congress two months ago, Your Majesty called for
an end to the unnatural and sinister state that has spread fear and
isolation. You urged your people to commit themselves to establishing a
new, humane, and natural order. Now the people of Jordan have said,
enough of blood, enough of tears. It is time to move on. In the words
of Your Majesty, they have said: Let us make what is abnormal, normal.
All over the world, people of different faiths and all walks of life
celebrated this day. All over the world, people of goodwill rejoiced at
the leadership of King Hussein, who, with his courage, discipline, and
vision, honored King Abdullah's wish as he embarked on his last journey
to Jerusalem when he said: "Do your very best to see that my work is
not lost. Continue it in the service of our people."
Now it can be said that Your Majesty has met King Abdullah's charge.
And, in so doing, you are meeting the challenge of history and advancing
the cause of peace throughout the Arab world.
Today's victory is also in keeping with the history of Jordan, which has
long been a model for progress and a voice of moderation in the Arab
world. From the beginning, when King Abdullah brought together
disparate peoples in a united kingdom, following this path has never
been easy for you. Yet in the midst of hard times and conflicts, you
are building a society devoted to the growth of pluralism and openness.
You have established a parliament where all voices can be heard.
You have nurtured a growing partnership between Your Majesty and all
Jordanian citizens. Your nation's commitment to pluralism has been
matched by a remarkable generosity of spirit, for you have opened your
doors to millions of your Arab brethren. They have come here, year
after year, seeking refuge in your nation, and here they have found a
true home. In return, they have enriched your economy and your culture.
My country, a nation of immigrants from every area of this world,
respects your openness and your understanding that diversity is a
challenge, but it can be a source of strength. America's commitment to
Jordan is as strong tonight as it was when Your Majesty traveled to the
United States for the first time 35 years ago and met President Dwight
Eisenhower, the first of eight presidents you have known.
The President and Your Majesty discussed the great threat that communism
then posed to America and to the Arab world. When President Eisenhower
asked what America could do to help, Your Majesty said then, "We need
more than anything else the feeling that we do not stand alone."
Now, at a time when those who preached hate and terror pose the greatest
threat to the cause of peace, President Eisenhower's response still
holds true. Thirty-five years ago he told Your Majesty, "Our country
knows what you have done. Believe me, we won't let you down."
Both of us--Jordan and America-- are fighting the same battle. Today,
that battle is the struggle for peace, and I say, again, on behalf of
the United States, we will not let you down.
From the outset, America's commitment to a comprehensive peace in the
Middle East has been backed by a strong pledge that whenever Arabs and
Israelis turn the page on the past, the United States would work with
them to write a real, practical future of hope. Those who take risks
for peace must not stand alone. We will work with Jordan to meet your
legitimate defense requirements and to give you the security you
deserve.
But for peace to endure, it must not only provide protection, it must
produce tangible improvements in the quality of ordinary citizens'
lives--and, in so doing, give those citizens a real stake in preserving
the peace. The United States understands the need for peace to produce
real benefits, and we are taking steps to meet that goal.
We have pledged to forgive all of Jordan's debt to our own government,
and we have encouraged--indeed, urged--other countries to do the same.
From one end of your border with Israel to the other, the U.S.-Jordan-
Israel Trilateral Economic Commission is preparing to invest in
progress. Visionary designs to develop the great Rift Valley, ambitious
projects to produce more energy and fresh water, new efforts to extract
minerals from the Dead Sea, and exciting plans to encourage visitors to
share the wonders of your lands--all these are being brought to life.
Making these dreams real, of course, will require new investment and new
capital. To that end, the United States supports the creation of a
Middle East Bank for Cooperation and Development. And we will take the
lead in consultations with governments within and beyond the region to
ensure that the bank is properly structured. Our government's Overseas
Private Investment Corporation is establishing a $75-million regional
investment fund to encourage American investment in projects like those
in the Rift Valley.
The United States will actively pursue practical means of expanding
trade and investment opportunities with Jordan. We will consider a wide
array of measures, including a bilateral investment treaty, other trade
arrangements, and other initiatives that will lessen barriers to trade
and increase prosperity in your area. These critical steps and others
to provide your citizens with the economic opportunities they deserve
are vital to building peace in Jordan and throughout the Middle East.
If people do not feel these benefits, if poverty persists in breeding
despair and killing hope, then the purveyors of fear will find fertile
ground. Our goal must be to spread prosperity and security to all.
After all, the chance to live in harmony with our neighbors and to build
a better life for our children is the hope that links us all together.
Whether we worship in a mosque in Irbid, a Baptist church, like my own,
in Little Rock, Arkansas, or a synagogue in Haifa, we are bound together
in that hope.
Yet, though we know in every corner of the world people share that hope,
there are those who insist that between America and the Middle East,
there are impassable religious and other obstacles to harmony; that our
beliefs and our cultures must somehow inevitably clash. I believe they
are wrong. America refuses to accept that our civilizations must
collide. We respect Islam. Every day in our own land, millions of our
own citizens answer the Moslem call to prayer, and we know the
traditional values of Islam--devotion to faith and good works, to family
and society--are in harmony with the best of American ideals.
Therefore, we know our people, our faiths, and our cultures can live in
harmony with each other.
But in the Middle East, as elsewhere across the world, the United States
does see a contest--a contest between forces that transcend
civilization; a contest between tyranny and freedom, terror and
security, bigotry and tolerance, isolation and openness. It is the age-
old struggle between fear and hope.
This is the conflict that grips the Middle East today. On one side
stand the forces of terror and extremism that cloak themselves in the
rhetoric of religion and nationalism but behave in ways that contradict
the very teachings of their faith and mock their patriotism. These
forces of reaction feed on disillusionment, on poverty, on despair.
They stoke the fires of violence. They seek to destroy the progress of
this peace. To them, I say: You cannot succeed, for you are the past--
not the future.
The people of Jordan and all those throughout the Arab world who are
working for peace are choosing progress over decline; choosing reason,
not ruin; choosing to build up, not tear down; choosing tomorrow, not
yesterday. The people of Jordan on this day, through King Hussein, have
pledged themselves to a treaty based on a fundamental law of humanity--
that what we have in common is more important than our differences.
This was the message of Moses' farewell address to the children of
Israel as they gathered to cross the River Jordan when he said, "I have
set before you life and death, blessings and curses. Choose life so
that you and your descendants may live." And it is the message the
prophet Mohammed brought to the peoples of other faiths when he said,
"There is no argument between us and you. God shall bring us together,
and unto him is the homecoming."
Today, the people of Jordan and the people of Israel have reached
across the Jordan River. They have chosen life. They have made a
homecoming. And tonight we say, thanks be to God, Al-Hamdulillah.
ITEM 7:
Progress Toward Achieving A Common Goal of Peace in the Middle East
Opening remarks by President Clinton and Syrian President Asad at a
press conference held at the Great Hall, Presidential Palace, Damascus,
Syria, October 27, 1994.
President Asad. President Clinton, ladies and gentlemen: I am pleased
to welcome President Clinton in Damascus, the oldest continuously
inhabited city in the world, in the heart of the region which witnessed
the dawn of human civilizations and the cradle of divine religions.
This region whose peoples have long suffered--especially throughout the
century, through the horrors of wars, the bitterness of conflict and
bloodshed--hopes at last to enjoy peace and stability.
The visit of President Clinton at the head of the high-level American
delegation to our country, and the positive and fruitful talks we had
today, constitute an important step toward the realization of this noble
objective to which the people of the region and the world at large
aspire.
Our talks today have focused on the different aspects of the peace
process and its developments. In this regard, I would like to express
my deep satisfaction with the fact that our views were identical
regarding the importance of achieving a comprehensive peace on the basis
of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and the principle of land
for peace, and that the solution we seek has to be just in order to be
stable and lasting.
I have reaffirmed to President Clinton the continued commitment of
Syria to the peace process and its serious pursuit of a comprehensive
and just peace as a strategic choice that secures Arab rights; ends the
Israeli occupation of the Arab land in conformity of the Security
Council Resolutions 242, 338, and 425; and enables all peoples of the
region to live in peace, security, and dignity.
I also stressed to President Clinton--emanating from the principle--full
withdrawal for full peace. I stressed to President Clinton the
readiness of Syria to commit itself to the objective requirements of
peace through the establishment of peaceful, normal relations with
Israel in return for Israel's full withdrawal from the Golan to the line
of June 4, 1967, and from the south of Lebanon.
In this context, the statement of President Clinton on the eve of his
trip to the region asserting that no comprehensive peace can be achieved
in the region without Syria is a realistic expression that reflects an
international consensus regarding this fact. Our nation has sacrificed
hundreds of thousands of martyrs, not out of love for war or fighting,
but in defense of its rights, dignity, and land. That's why we aspire
today to transform the region from a state of war to a state of peace--a
peace that genders to each party its rights, ends occupation, saves the
blood of the innocent, and preserves man's dignity; a peace that
prevails throughout the region and enables its peoples--both Arabs and
Israelis--to live in security, stability, and prosperity.
Finally, I would like to convey greetings to the American people through
President Clinton, and to thank President Clinton for his personal
efforts and the efforts of his aides. I would like to express my
readiness to work with him for achieving a real, comprehensive, and just
peace in the region. Thank you.
President Clinton. I am glad to have had the opportunity to stop in
Syria to meet with President Asad. After yesterday's signing of the
peace treaty between Israel and Jordan, I came to Damascus today to
continue working for our common goal of peace in the Middle East.
During our meeting this morning, President Asad and I affirmed our
common commitment to that goal and want to accelerate progress toward
our objective. Yesterday's signing represents an important step
forward. But our job will not be done and we will not rest until peace
agreements between Israel and Syria and Israel and Lebanon are achieved.
A Syrian-Israeli agreement is key to achieving a comprehensive peace.
Given Syria's important regional role, it will inevitably broaden the
circle of Arab states willing to embrace peace. And it will build
confidence throughout the area that peace will endure.
My talks here with President Asad are a sign of our mutual determination
to achieve a peace of the brave as quickly as possible. The United
States will do everything possible to help make that a reality.
For peace to endure, it must also be just. Peace between Israel and
Syria must be based on United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242
and 338 and the principle of land for peace. Peace must also be real--
more than mere words on paper; more than just the absence of war.
Nations must establish normal peaceful relations.
Peace must also be secure for both sides. Security for one side should
not come at the expense of the other's security. Peace must guarantee
security against surprise attack by any side. And peace must enable the
parties to invest in economic development, rather than military might.
All sides must enjoy stability and tranquility; violence must cease.
Borders must no longer be subject to aggression, terrorist infiltration,
violent acts, or bombardment. The murderous acts of terror that we have
witnessed over the past weeks have two targets: first, innocent people
who have been killed and wounded; and second, the very peace that
President Asad supports. All who work for peace must condemn these
terrorist acts. President Asad and I agree that the peace process
allows no place for the killing of innocent civilians.
I also told President Asad of my desire to see the relations between our
two nations improve. In an era of peace, improved relations would
benefit both countries and improve regional stability and security.
Finally, I want to tell the Syrian people how very glad I am to have the
opportunity to visit your country, if only briefly. Like your neighbors
in Israel, you have waited too long and have suffered too much to be
further denied the hope for a new and better future. On behalf of the
American people, I pledge that I will work with President Asad to do
everything possible to make real this new and peaceful future.
ITEM 8:
Realizing the Blessings of Peace in the Middle East
Remarks by President Clinton to the Israeli Knesset, Jerusalem, October
27, 1994.
Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Netanyahu, ladies
and gentlemen of the Knesset: Let me begin by thanking the Prime
Minister and the people of Israel for welcoming me to your wonderful
country and thanking all of you for giving me the opportunity to address
this great democratic body where, clearly, people of all different views
are welcome to express their convictions. I feel right at home.
Yesterday, Israel took a great stride toward fulfilling the ancient
dream of the Jewish people--the patriarch's dream of a strong and
plentiful people living freely in their own land, enjoying the fruits of
peace with their neighbors--nearly 17 years after President Sadat came
to this chamber to seek peace and Prime Minister Begin reached out in
reconciliation. And just over a year after Israel and the PLO declared
a pathway to peace on the South Lawn of the White House, Israel and
Jordan have now written a new chapter.
Tonight, we praise the courage of the leaders who have given life to
this treaty--Prime Minister Rabin and Foreign Minister Peres. They have
shown the vision and the tenacity of other leaders of Israel's past
whose names will be remembered always for their devotion to your cause
and your people--Ben Gurion, Maier, and Begin.
In your life Prime Minister, we see the life of your country. As a
youth, you wished to fulfill the commandment to farm the land of Israel,
but, instead, you had to answer the call to defend the people of Israel.
You have devoted your life to cultivating strength so that others could
till the soil in safety. You have fought many battles and won many
victories in war. Now, in strength, you are fighting and winning
battles for peace. Indeed, you have shown your people that they can
free themselves from siege; that for the first time, they can make real
a peace for the generations.
For the American people, too, this peace is a blessing. For decades, as
Israel has struggled to survive, we have rejoiced in your triumphs and
shared in your agonies. In the years since Israel was founded,
Americans of every faith have admired and supported you. Like your
country, ours is a land that welcomes exiles--a nation of hope; a nation
of refuge. From the Orient and Europe, and now from the former Soviet
Union, your people have come--Ashkenazim and Sephardim, Yemenites and
Ethiopians--all of you committed to living free, to building a common
home.
One out of nearly four citizens of this country is an Arab, something
very few people know beyond your borders. Even without the blessings of
secure borders, you have secured for your own people the blessings of
democracy. With all of its turmoil and debate, it is still the best of
all systems.
In times of war and times of peace, every President of the United States
since Harry Truman--and every Congress--has understood the importance of
Israel. The survival of Israel is important not only to our interests,
but to every single value we hold dear as a people. Our role in war has
been to help you defend yourself by yourself. That is what you have
asked. Now that you are taking risks for peace, our role is to help you
to minimize the risks of peace.
I am committed to working with our Congress to maintain the current
levels of military and economic assistance. We have taken concrete
steps to strengthen Israel's qualitative edge. The U.S.-Israel Science
and Technology Commission, unprecedented Israeli access to the U.S.
high-technology market, and acquisition of advanced computers--all these
keep Israel in the forefront of global advances and competitive and
global markets.
I have also taken steps to enhance Israel's military and your capacity
to address possible threats not only to yourselves, but to the region.
F-15 aircraft are being provided and F-16s transferred out of U.S.
stocks. We work closely with you to develop the Arrow missile, to
protect against the threat of ballistic missiles.
As we help to overcome the risks of peace, we also are helping to build
a peace that will bring with it the safety and security Israel deserves.
That peace must be real, based on treaty commitments arrived at directly
by the parties, not imposed from outside. It must be secure. Israel
must always be able to defend itself by itself. And it must be
comprehensive. We have worked hard to end the Arab boycott, and we've
had some success. But we will not stop until it is completely lifted.
There is a treaty with Jordan and an agreement with the PLO, but we must
keep going until Syria and Lebanon close the circle of states entering
into peace and the other nations of the Arab world normalize their
relations with Israel.
This morning in Damascus, I discussed peace with President Asad. He
repeated at our press conference what he had earlier said to his own
parliament: Syria has made a strategic choice for peace with Israel.
He also explained that Syria is ready to commit itself to the
requirements of peace through the establishment of normal peaceful
relations with Israel. His hope, as he articulated it, is to transform
the region from a state of war to a state of peace that enables both
Arabs and Israelis to live in security, stability, and prosperity.
We have been urging President Asad to speak to you in a language of
peace that you can understand. Today, be began to do so.
Of course, it would take more than words--much more than words. Yet I
believe something is changing in Syria. Its leaders understand that it
is time to make peace. There will still be a good deal of hard
bargaining before a breakthrough, but they are serious about proceeding.
Just as we have worked with you from Camp David to Wadi Araba to bring
peace with security to your people, so, too, we will walk with you on
the road to Damascus for peace with security.
There are those who see peace still as all-too distant. Surely, they
include the families of those burned in the rubble of the community
center in Buenos Aires; those in the basement of New York's World Trade
Center; the loved ones of the passengers on bus number 5; and, of
course, two people who, as has been noted, are in this chamber with us
tonight--and we honor them--the parents of Corp. Nachsan Waxman, a son
of your nation, and, I proudly say, a citizen of ours.
We grieve with the families of those who are lost and with all the
people of Israel. So long as Jews are murdered just because they are
Jews, or just because they are citizens of Israel, the plague of anti-
Semitism lives, and we must stand against it. We must stand against
terror as strongly as we stand for peace; for without an end to terror,
there can be no peace.
The forces of terror and extremism still threaten us all. Sometimes
they pretend to act in the name of God and country, but their deeds
violate their own religious faith and make a mockery of any notion of
honorable patriotism.
As I said last night to the parliament in Jordan, we respect Islam.
Millions of American citizens every day answer the Moslem call to
prayer. But we know that the real fight is not about religion or
culture. It is about a worldwide conflict between those who believe in
peace and those who believe in terror; those who believe in hope and
those who believe in fear.
Those who stoke the fires of violence and seek to destroy the peace--
make no mistake about it--have one great goal. Their goal is to make
the people of Israel, who have defeated all odds on the field of battle,
give up inside on the peace by giving into the doubts that terror brings
to every one of us. But having come so far, you cannot give up or give
in. Your future must lie in the words of a survivor of the carnage of
bus number 5 who said, I want the peace process to continue; I want to
live in peace; I want my children to live in peace.
So let us say to the merchants of terror once again, you cannot succeed;
you must not succeed; you will not succeed. You are the past, not the
future; the peacemakers are the future.
I say to you, my friends, in spite of all the dangers and difficulties
that still surround you, the circle of your enemies is shrinking. Their
time has passed. Their increasing isolation is reflected in the
desperation of their disgusting deeds.
Once in this area, you were shunned. Now, more and more, you are
embraced. As you share the waters of the River Jordan and work with
your neighbors, new crops will emerge where the soil is now barren. As
you join together to mine the Dead Sea for its minerals, you will bring
prosperity to all your people. As you roll up the barbed wire and cross
the desert of Araba, the sands will yield new life to you. As you dock
in each other's ports along the Gulf of Aqaba, more and more people will
have the chance to experience the wonders of both your lands, and more
and more children will share the joys of youth, not the dread of war.
This is the great promise of peace. It is the promise of making sure
that all those who have sacrificed their lives did not die in vain; the
promise of a Sabbath afternoon, not violated by gunfire; a drive across
the plains to the mountains of Moab where Moses died and Ruth was born;
a Yom Kippur of pure prayer without the rumble of tanks, voices of fear,
or rumors of war. After all the bloodshed and all your tears, you are
now far closer to the day when the clash of arms is heard no more and
all the children of Abraham, the children of Isaac, and the children of
Israel will live side by side in peace.
This was, after all, the message the prophet Mohammed himself brought to
peoples of other faiths when he said, "There is no argument between us
and you. God will bring us together, and unto Him is the homecoming."
And this was the message Moses spoke to the children of Israel when, for
the last time, he spoke to them as they gathered across the River Jordan
into the Promised Land and said, "I have set before you life and death,
blessings and curses. Choose life so that you and your descendants may
live."
This week, once again, the people of Israel made a homecoming. Once
again, you chose life. Once again, America was proud to walk with you.
The Prime Minister mentioned a story in his remarks that he never asked
me about. Wouldn't it be embarrassing if it weren't true? The truth is
that the only time my wife and I ever came to Israel before today was 13
years ago with my pastor on a religious mission. I was then out of
office. I was the youngest former governor in the history of the United
States. No one thought I would ever be here--perhaps, my mother; no one
else.
We visited the holy sites. I relived the history of the Bible--of your
scriptures and mine. And I formed a bond with my pastor. Later, when
he became desperately ill, he said he thought I might one day become
President. And he said, more bluntly than the Prime Minister did, "If
you abandon Israel, God will never forgive you." He said it is God's
will that Israel--the biblical home of the people of Israel--continue
forever and ever.
So I say to you tonight, my friends, one of our Presidents, John
Kennedy, reminded us that here on earth, God's will must truly be our
own. It is for us to make the homecoming, for us to choose life, and
for us to work for peace. But until we achieve a comprehensive peace in
the Middle East, and then after we achieve a comprehensive peace in the
Middle East, know this: Your journey is our journey, and America will
stand with you now and always. Thank you, and God bless you.
ITEM 9:
Moving Toward Peace in the Middle East
Opening statements by President Clinton and Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
at a press conference in Jerusalem, October 27, 1994.
Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: I believe
that we experienced during the visit of President Clinton in the region
a real move toward peace. No doubt that the visit of President Clinton
was crowned yesterday by the second peace treaty between an Arab country
and Israel, the first one after the convening of the Madrid Peace
Conference.
We look, from Israel's point of view, to President Clinton as a friend
of Israel and a president that works very hard to bring about what we
dream for, aspire to--to achieve comprehensive peace; that is, to say,
peace with our four neighboring Arab countries. With two, it has been
accomplished. And no doubt, the visit of the President in Damascus, I
believe, will bring about certain changes: a movement toward better
negotiations; better possibilities to overcome the gaps between the
positions of Israel and Syria.
There is no doubt in my mind that during your term, Mr. President, as
the President of the United States, we have seen dramatic change in the
relations between those Arab partners with whom we negotiate. We signed
the Declaration of Principles between us and the PLO on the lawn of the
White House. It was followed by the negotiations to bring about the
first phase of its implementation in the Gaza-Jericho first.
We are engaged today in continuation of our negotiations with the
Palestinians about Arab empowerment, elections, and, no doubt,
yesterday, we signed a peace treaty that the President helped to bring
about and witnessed.
For two years, to reach two agreements--one, with the Palestinians with
which we have a long story of suspicion, hatred, prejudice, bloodshed;
the other with the Jordanians, where I remember over 46 years ago that,
in this city, I fought them, and they fought me--and we look forward to
make it possible to overcome yet the differences between Syria and
Lebanon and us.
It might take time. One has to be patient. One has to understand that
there are problems. I believe that it will not take long, and,
hopefully, we'll find ways and means by which to overcome these gaps.
I hope, Mr. President, that you will continue sending Secretary
Christopher, who worked very hard and tried, in your name, to move
between Damascus and Jerusalem with the purpose of finding ways to
overcome the differences.
Allow me also to add that the Government of Israel of today is
determined, on one hand, to continue all our efforts to bring about
comprehensive peace. But, at the same time, we are fully aware that
there are enemies of peace. For us, the enemies of peace are the
extreme Islamic radical terror movements. Among the Palestinians, they
are the Hamas and the Islamic Jihad. Ninety percent of the terror
activities against us are carried out by them.
And, there is a tendency for oversimplification: to identify those
parts of the Palestinians with whom we reach an agreement--and we try to
implement it--and extreme radical Islamic elements that are enemies of
peace and enemies of the Palestinians that reach agreement with us.
From Lebanon, Hezbollah is part of the ugly wave of Khomeinism without
Khomeini that is all over the Arab world and the Islamic world.
Whatever happens in Algeria is not related whatsoever to the Arab-
Israeli conflict--nor is Sudan; nor is fighting within Egypt. It's an
ugly wave that threatens not only the peace--they are the infrastructure
of the international terrorism. And behind it--to a certain extent--are
certain parties; to a larger extent, is Iran.
And, therefore, Mr. President, we support your policy of dual
containment. We believe it's vital to the peace in the Middle East, to
stability among the Arab and the Muslim world, and to prevent
international terrorism.
We thank you very much. You heard today in our Knesset that the
government and opposition together joined in the support of the peace
treaty with Jordan, in expressing thanks to you, Mr. President, for the
way that you have stood and stand in support of Israel's security while
trying your best to bring about advancement, which was successful so far
in bringing about peace to the region.
Therefore, today, here in Jerusalem--the united city, the capital of
Israel, and, no doubt, the heart of the Jewish people--we thank you.
Thank you very much.
President Clinton. Thank you, Prime Minister. Ladies and gentlemen,
because I had the opportunity to speak at length at the Knesset this
evening and to outline my position on a number of matters, I will be
very brief. I would like to make just a couple of points.
First of all, at my first meeting with Prime Minister Rabin shortly
after I became President, he told me he was prepared to take risks for
peace. And I told him that, that being the case, the job of the United
States was to minimize those risks. For 20 months now, we have both
done our best to do our jobs, and I think it's fair to say that we have
had a reasonable amount of success in which the people of Israel can be
proud, in which they can feel secure, and in which I hope the American
people take pride.
Secondly, I would like to congratulate him and the people of Israel
again on the peace treaty with Jordan. We have responsibilities there
that relate to the security of both Israel and Jordan, and I have been
working on that even since the peace treaty has been signed. I was in
conversations with the King well past midnight last night. We are
attempting to do our part to make sure this peace is as wildly
successful as everyone believes it can be.
Third, I thank the Prime Minister for his comments about terrorism and
his support for our policies; especially, I think I should mention
something I did not mention in my speech tonight, which is of the
steadfast support of Israel for our policies in the Gulf and for our
recent action in the Gulf. I will be going to Kuwait tomorrow to see
our troops and on to Saudi Arabia. I appreciate the support of Israel.
Finally, with regard to what the Prime Minister said about Syria and my
trip there today: I went there because I was convinced we needed to add
new energy to the talks. And I come away from Syria convinced that we
have--that some significant progress has been, at least, made possible,
and that there has been some change in positions that offer the hope of
more progress. And I have instructed the Secretary of State to return
to the region within a few weeks to continue. Meanwhile, other
discussions continue at other levels. And I am confident that we can be
successful by simply pushing ahead.
So on all these fronts, I feel better tonight than I did when I came
here. And, again, I thank the Prime Minister for this welcome and for
the opportunity to address the Knesset.
(###)
Recent Developments in U.S. Relations With Saudi Arabia and Kuwait
ITEM 10:
U.S.-Saudi Arabia Joint Communique
Joint Communique released by the White House, Office of the Press
Secretary, King Kahlid Military City, Saudi Arabia, October 28, 1994.
The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Fahad Bin Abdul-Aziz Al-
Saud, King of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia held a meeting with his
excellency President William Clinton, during his Excellency's current
visit to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, on Friday the 23rd of Jumda Al-
Awal, 1415, A.H., corresponding to the 28th of October, 1994.
In this meeting, the two leaders reviewed bilateral relations along with
regional and international issues of common interest. In this regard,
there was an expression of deep satisfaction at the level of bilateral
relations and a mutual readiness to promote and develop their relations
in a way that serves the common interests of the two countries and the
well-being of the two peoples as well as contribute to the security and
development of the whole region.
In addition, the two leaders discussed recent developments related to
the peace process in the Middle East. On this matter, the Custodian of
the Two Holy Mosques, with great satisfaction, noted the relentless
efforts of President Clinton and his government to move ahead the peace
process and emphasized support for all the agreements already reached.
On his part, President Clinton expressed his appreciation for King
Fahad's support for the Israel-PLO agreements and the Israel-Jordan
Peace Treaty and for his promotion and enhancement of the peace process.
In particular the President expressed appreciation to him and his
counterparts in the Gulf Cooperation Council for ending their
enforcement of the secondary and tertiary boycotts. Both leaders
emphasized their commitment to continue efforts to achieve concrete
progress in the Israeli-Syrian and Israeli-Lebanese track. The two
leaders took cognizance of the fact that a permanent and comprehensive
peace in the area must be based on the Security Council Resolutions 242,
338 as well as the Principle of Land for peace.
During the talks, the two leaders also examined current threats that
endanger regional peace and security, notably, the recent Iraqi
violation of Security Council Resolutions and confirm the ill intentions
of the Iraqi government and its continued aggressive policies that
threaten the security and stability of the Gulf area. They also noted
the provisions of Security Council Resolution number 949, underscoring
their firm resolve to prevent Saddam Hussein from again posing a threat
to Iraq's neighbors, particularly, the security of the State of Kuwait
and future stability of the region. The two leaders voiced their view
that any attempt to lift or alleviate the sanctions on Iraq will
continue to be premature as long as Iraq does not comply fully and
comprehensively with all the Security Council Resolutions that pertain
to its aggression on the State of Kuwait. Consequently, any other
efforts, inconsistent with the Security Council Resolutions, would only
result in encouraging the Iraqi regime to continue its aggressive
policies and to flout the will of the international community.
The two leaders emphasized that they had no quarrel with the Iraqi
people with whose plight they sympathize. They drew attention to the
humanitarian provisions of the UNSC resolutions which the Iraqi regime
has failed to take up. The responsibility for the hardship of the Iraqi
people lies entirely with the Iraqi regime.
The United States and Saudi Arabia condemn all terrorist activities. We
are united against all the enemies of peace, those who threaten
aggression and those who kill innocent people and whose real target is
peace itself. In this way, we will widen the circle of peacemakers and
promote reconciliation between them.
ITEM 11:
The U.S. and Kuwait: Partners Into the Future
Remarks by President Clinton and Kuwaiti Amir Jabir al-Sabah at the
presentation of the Mubarak Medal to President Clinton, Kuwait City,
Kuwait, October 28, 1994.
Kuwaiti Amir Jabir al-Sabah. Your excellency, Mr. President: I welcome
you on the soil of Kuwait in the name of the people of this land who are
delighted to welcome you and have the opportunity to express their
appreciation and gratitude to the friendly people of America and to you,
honorable person.
Your visit, short as it is, has a great significance. It's an
expression of your people's lofty ideals and their readiness to defend
them so that peace will prevail among the nations of this world.
Mr. President, the friendship that binds our two countries and peoples--
in spite of the disparity in size and geography--is irrefutable evidence
of our unity of purpose and our efforts to pursue the common welfare of
all the peoples of the world for humanitarian reasons.
We, Mr. President--together with those who share our beliefs in the
necessity of containment of aggression on the part of some and their
tendency to violate international law--are deeply appreciative of your
people's stances and their readiness to sacrifice in sending the men and
women of the American armed forces here to stand side by side with their
friends to defend these noble principles.
It seems that even these days some evil powers, threatened by consumed
lust to dominate and oppress, think that they can disregard problems and
values and commit aggression whenever they feel like it. Such an outlaw
mission can only be deferred by others in its power capable of reverting
it back to its senses and showing that there still are those who would
defend the law and the principles of peace and justice.
Mr. President, the people of Kuwait want to express to your excellency a
deep appreciation of your noble qualities--especially matching your
words with deeds with patience that does not lack resolve and compassion
that does not lack determination. We also want to convey to you, and
through you, our feelings toward the people of the United States who,
with full awareness and determination, take it upon themselves to defend
just causes wherever they are.
It is a source of great pleasure for me that--in the name of the people
of Kuwait and in the name of the noble friendship that binds our two
countries and peoples--I present you with our highest decoration, the
Necklace of Mubarak the Great, as a sign of our gratitude and the
sincere friendship between our two nations--unified not only by common
interests but also by high ideals. With my deepest affection and
highest regards.
President Clinton. First, let me thank you Your Royal Highness and the
people of Kuwait for this high honor. Mubarak the Great--your
grandfather and the modern-day founder of this proud nation--symbolizes
the determination to defend your independence against all aggression.
I accept your honor on behalf of all the American people and especially
the men and women of our armed forces. They are the strength behind our
commitment to Kuwait and to peace and security in the entire Gulf
region. They are the steel in our determination never again to allow
Iraq to threaten its neighbors. They have stood shoulder to shoulder
with your men in arms, and, once again, have said "no" to aggression and
"yes" to peace.
As the men and women of our armed forces work to make peace in the Gulf,
far-sighted leaders are making peace elsewhere in the Middle East. I am
encouraged by the effort of Arabs and Israelis to live together in
peace. As Jordan and Israel have demonstrated, a peace for the
generations is now before us.
I want to thank Kuwait especially for the important contribution you
have made to the peace process. By helping lead the way to end the
boycott of Israel, Kuwait is saying: Let us close the door on the past
and open a new page to the future--a future of peaceful co-existence and
prosperous commerce for all the people in this region.
Your Royal Highness, the United States stands with those who seek to
ensure the triumph of hope over fear. It was just a few years ago that
President Bush sent our troops here to defend your very existence.
Since that time our friendship has grown, and our military cooperation
has increased. Our determination is clear: Kuwait shall remain free,
and the United States and Kuwait will remain partners into the future.
ITEM 12:
U.S. Leadership Advances Peace in the Middle East and the World
Excerpt from radio address by President Clinton to the nation, Tactical
Assembly Area Liberty, outside Kuwait City, Kuwait,
October 29, 1994.
This week, I am speaking to you from Tactical Assembly Area Liberty in
the sands outside Kuwait City, Kuwait, in the Persian Gulf, where I am
visiting the brave men and women of our armed forces who are working
here to defend freedom.
Three weeks ago, I ordered them and other members of the military to
come here because Iraq was massing tens of thousands of troops on
Kuwait's border. Our soldiers, sailors, pilots, and Marines got here in
a hurry, and Iraq got the message in a hurry. Its forces stopped dead
in their tracks, and now they have withdrawn. On behalf of all
Americans, I came to Kuwait to tell our troops two simple but deeply
felt words: Thank you.
I can tell you the men and women of our armed forces are doing well.
They are working well with their coalition forces--the Kuwaitis, the
British, and the other allies who have come here to help defend this
country. Their morale is high; their commitment to their mission is
unquestioned. Of course, they'd rather be home with their loved ones,
and we'll do everything we can to get them back there soon. But they're
here to do their jobs, and nobody does it better. In places from Haiti
to Korea, our troops are the great source of our national strength.
As our military helps to secure peace in the Gulf, our diplomacy is also
helping to make peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. I wish all
Americans could have seen what I had the privilege to witness this week:
The leaders of Israel and Jordan--enemies for 47 years--found the
courage to put aside their past to come together in a moving ceremony in
the desert between their two countries. They made peace after a
generation of war so that this generation and the next generation of
their citizens could enjoy their lives, not live in dread.
I know you were moved, as I was, by what Jordan's King Hussein and
Israel's Prime Minister Rabin said about America. They said they could
not have made this peace without our support. One member of a
delegation of Americans who went with me put it best when he said, "It
made me so proud to know that my country was responsible for helping to
build this peace."
The United States, at this moment in history, is uniquely blessed. We
are blessed with great power and a heritage and commitment not to abuse
that power but, instead, to seek peace, freedom, and democracy as well
as our own security. We are using our role to do that in the Middle
East--to build a comprehensive peace.
A year ago, leaders of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization
came to the White House for another historic peace accord. This week, I
made it clear to them that the PLO must do everything it can to end
terrorism against Israel so that the peace process can create a better
future for this region. I met with President Asad of Syria to say it's
time he, too, follows the example and inspiration of Israel and Jordan.
We made progress on this trip, and we'll continue to do our part to
bring peace to this long-troubled part of the world.
All over the world, nations look to us for leadership--whether it's in
the peace process between Israel and its Arab neighbors, the South
Africans asking us to help them hold their first successful democratic
elections, leaders in Northern Ireland asking the United States to help
end their terrible conflict, or the folks in Haiti who, when President
Aristide and democracy returned, held up signs to our troops that said
simply, "Thank you, America."
And, of course, it's clear that when Saddam Hussein reared up his head
again in the Gulf, Kuwait and other countries looked to the United
States. They know that the good men and women I came to Kuwait to thank
are the strength behind our commitment to peace and to freedom. We must
maintain a strong defense so that we can protect our own security and
our own interests and so that we can make the world safer and more
prosperous for our children by advancing freedom, as we are doing here
in the Gulf today..
(###)
Casablanca Conference
ITEM 13:
Promoting Econom