U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, SUPPLEMENT NUMBER 7, AUGUST 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

BREAKTHROUGHTS IN THE JORDAN-ISRAEL NEGOTIATIONS AND 
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS

ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

     Jordan-Israel Breakthroughs
1.  President Clinton Hosts King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin Meeting in Washington, DC 
2.  U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee 
Meeting at the Dead Sea 
3.  Inauguration of the Jordan-Israel Border 
Crossing 

     Other Bilateral Negotiations
4.  Developments in Other Bilateral Negotiations 

     Multilateral Negotiations
5.  The Multilateral Peace Negotiations

     Background Information
6.  Fact Sheet:  Middle East Peace Process
7.  Fact Sheet:  Middle East Peace Process:  
Meetings Following the Madrid Conference
8.  Country Profile:  Jordan
9.  Country Profile:  Syria
10.  Country Profile:  Lebanon
11.  Country Profile:  Israel




ARTICLE 1:

President Clinton Hosts King Hussein And Prime 
Minister Rabin Meeting  In Washington, DC
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, Prime 
Minister Rabin, King Hussein, Text of Washington 
Declaration

President Clinton

Remarks announcing the July 25 Israeli-Jordanian 
meeting at the White House, Washington, DC, July 15, 
1994

Good morning ladies and gentlemen.  I am pleased to 
announce today that King Hussein of Jordan and Prime 
Minister Rabin of Israel have agreed to my 
invitation to meet at the White House on July 25.

I am also pleased that Speaker Foley, after 
discussions with Majority Leader Mitchell, has 
invited both leaders to address a joint meeting of 
Congress.  And Hillary and I are delighted that both 
of them have agreed to join us at a dinner at the 
White House on that day.

This historic meeting is another step forward toward 
achievement of a comprehensive and lasting peace in 
the Middle East.  The meeting will build on the 
dramatic progress made in the trilateral U.S.-
Jordan-Israel meetings here in Washington last month 
and King Hussein's recent declaration in Parliament 
that he was prepared to meet with Prime Minister 
Rabin.  It reflects the courageous leadership and 
the bold vision which both King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin have displayed as they work together 
to create a new future for their people and for all 
the region.

On behalf of all Americans, I salute their 
commitment to peace.  I have pledged my personal 
dedication to the goal of a comprehensive settlement 
in the Middle East.  Accordingly, Secretary 
Christopher will be traveling to the region next 
week.  I want to compliment him on his tireless 
efforts to achieve peace in the region and the 
contribution he has made to the announcement today.

He will continue our efforts to achieve progress in 
the Israel-Syria negotiations.  That also is a very, 
very important thing for us.  I am committed to 
working to achieve a breakthrough on those talks as 
soon as possible so that we can make the dream of a 
lasting peace of the brave a reality.

Secretary Christopher will follow up on the 
discussions that the President and King Hussein have 
had on this initiative, and he will proceed and 
participate in the U.S.-Jordan-Israel discussions.  
He will also meet with Chairman Arafat to review 
progress in implementing the Declaration of 
Principles on Palestinian self-rule.

The Middle East is entering a new era.  I will do 
everything I can to make certain that all the 
peoples of the region realize the blessings of peace 
that have been denied too long to them.  This 
meeting on July 25 will be another important step on 
that long road.1


Secretary Christopher

Opening remarks at a press briefing following the 
President's announcement, Washington, DC, July 15, 
1994.

Good morning.  As the President said, I'll be 
following up on his important announcement when I 
travel to the Middle East starting Monday.  Our goal 
remains the achievement of a lasting, comprehensive 
peace between Israel and its neighbors.

On this trip that starts on Sunday, I will be 
focusing on three main areas:

First, on the Jordanian track, I will be 
participating in a meeting--a trilateral meeting 
between the United States and Israeli and Jordanian 
officials who form the economic committee.  For the 
first time, ministers from Jordan and Israel will be 
meeting publicly in Jordan, where they will set the 
stage for the summit meeting here in Washington on 
July 25.

All of this, of course, is a powerful reminder that 
changes are taking place which are transforming the 
landscape in the Middle East.  This promises to 
produce concrete results for the people that they 
can feel and see on the ground.

The second part of my trip is on the Palestinian 
track, with Chairman Arafat's return to Gaza.  The 
first stage of implementing the Declaration of 
Principles has been completed.  Not unexpectedly, 
there have been problems along the way.  But, on the 
whole, I would certainly agree with Prime Minister 
Rabin that the process has far exceeded 
expectations.

Now the challenge for the Palestinians is to govern 
wisely and well.  I plan to meet with Chairman 
Arafat and to review with him the steps that we in 
the international community are taking to ensure 
that the Palestinians have the support they need.  I 
do want to underscore that I will also be pointing 
out to him the steps that I feel he must undertake 
to establish the accountability necessary to 
reassure the donor community.

Finally, on the Syrian track, I will continue my 
talks with Prime Minister Rabin and President Asad.  
The intense negotiations between them, with our 
participation, have entered a new and important 
phase.  Both sides have conveyed to us important 
ideas on the difficult issues that they confront.  
It is now important--it is essential--that they move 
forward in these discussions, and I am prepared to 
engage intensively with them.  In the end, peace 
must come from direct negotiations between the 
parties, but we are certainly prepared to do our 
part.

I want to add that just before coming in here that, 
as a courtesy, President Clinton called President 
Asad to tell him of the announcement that he was 
making today to make sure that he found out about it 
first from us.


Jordan and Israel:  A Day of Commitment, Hope, and 
Vision

Remarks at White House welcoming ceremony, 
Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.

President Clinton.  History is made when brave 
leaders find the power to escape the past and to 
create a new future.  Today, two such leaders come 
together--as we welcome King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin to the White House on this 
extraordinary occasion.

On this morning of promise, these visionary 
statesmen from ancient lands have chosen to heal the 
rift that for too long has divided their people.  
They have seen the outlines of a better day where 
others have seen darkness.  They have sought peace 
in place of violence.  On both sides of the River 
Jordan there have lived generations of people who 
thought this day would never come.  King Hussein and 
Prime Minister Rabin have reached out to each other 
across the river--to build a future where hatred 
gives way to hope. The Koran instructs us, "Requite 
evil with good, and he who is your enemy will become 
your dearest friend."  And the Talmud teaches, "That 
man is a hero that can make a friend out of a foe."  
Before us today stand friends and heroes.

King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin:  All Americans 
welcome your presence here today.  You give us great 
hope that this house--our people's house--will be a 
constant witness to a lasting peace that spreads 
forth to embrace your region.

King Hussein.  Mr. President, Prime Minister Yitzhak 
Rabin, ladies and gentlemen:  Out of all the days of 
my life, I do not believe that there is one such as 
this in terms of the feelings, the emotions relating 
to a long, long struggle--the memory of those who 
passed away; the memories of the victims of war--
feelings toward the present and the future; feelings 
of responsibilities toward generations to come--and 
Israel and Jordan, the whole Arab world, and our 
entire region.

For many, many years, and with every prayer, I have 
asked God, the Almighty, to help me be a part of 
forging peace between the children of Abraham, as 
Muslims, for the word Islam means submitting to the 
one God.

This is a dream that those before me had--my dead 
grandfather, and now I.  And to feel that we are 
close to fulfilling that dream and presenting future 
generations in our region with a legacy of hope and 
openness where normality is that which replaces the 
abnormal in our lives--which, unfortunately, over 
the years, has become normal--where neighbors meet; 
where people meet; where human relations thrive; 
where all seek with their tremendous talents a 
better future and a better tomorrow.

This day is a day of commitment, and this day is a 
day of hope and vision. We must admit--Prime 
Minister and for myself--that we owe President 
Clinton and our American friends much in having made 
this possible.  You are our partners as we seek to 
construct and build a new future in our region for 
all our peoples and for all mankind. Thank you very 
much, indeed, for your courtesy and kindness and the 
warmth of your reception.  We are proud to be here 
with you today, sir.  Thank you.

Prime Minister Rabin.  President of the United 
States; King Hussein, the King of Jordan:  They say 
that the ancient custom of shaking hands developed 
out of the need to prove that neither person was 
holding a weapon.  The first public handshake 
between His Majesty, the King of Jordan, and myself 
a minute ago symbolizes much more than that two 
people will no longer take up arms against one 
another.

Honorable Mr. President, Your Majesty the King:  
What is actually described here--hundreds of 
millions of people around the world shake hands many 
times each day.  It is perhaps the most routine 
action, done almost automatically, without thinking.  
And it is actually a greeting of peace that unites 
almost all of the peoples of the world.

And, here, the handshake and excitement, the many 
photographers, the live broadcast of television to 
all corners of the globe--I share this excitement 
and know that at this moment in Jerusalem and Amman, 
perhaps all over the Middle East, a new era is 
dawning.

What I do wish, Your Majesty, is that there will be 
another day of excitement--and another--and that 
finally no one will photograph our handshakes.  It 
will have become part of the routine of our lives, a 
custom among all people, the behavior of every human 
being.  And meanwhile, Your Majesty, the entire 
state of Israel is shaking your hand.  Thank you. 


Signing of the Washington  Declaration:  A New 
Chapter

Remarks during signing ceremony at the White House, 
Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.

President Clinton.  Your Majesties, Prime Minister 
and Mrs. Rabin, distinguished guests:  Today, we 
gather to bear witness to history.  As this century 
draws to a close, a new era of peace opens before us 
in ancient lands as brave men choose reconciliation 
over conflict.  Today, our faith is renewed.  

As we write a new chapter in the march of hope over 
despair on these grounds and at this historic table, 
we remember the courage of Anwar Sadat and Menachem 
Begin, and the leadership of President Carter at 
Camp David 15 years ago; the efforts of President 
Bush to bring Israel and her neighbors together in 
Madrid two years ago; and that shining September day 
last year when Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman 
Arafat declared that their two peoples would fight 
no more.

Today, in that same spirit, King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin will sign the Washington Declaration.  
After generations of hostility, blood, and tears, 
the leaders of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and 
the State of Israel will solemnly declare, with the 
world as their witness, that they have ended the 
state of belligerency between them.  From this day 
forward, they pledge to settle their differences by 
peaceful means.  Both countries will refrain from 
actions that may adversely affect the security of 
the other and will thwart all those who would use 
terrorism to threaten either side.  

The Washington Declaration is the product of much 
hard work.  Less than a year ago, Crown Prince 
Hassan of Jordan and Foreign Minister Peres of 
Israel met here publicly for the first time.  
Together--with the wise counsel and persistent 
energy of Secretary of State Warren Christopher--
Israel and Jordan have pursued peace.  And we are 
all in their debt.

It takes but a minute or two to cross the River 
Jordan, but for as long as most of us can remember, 
the distance has seemed immense.  The awful power of 
ancient arguments and the raw wounds of recent wars 
have left generations of Israelis, Jordanians, and 
Palestinians unable to imagine-- much less build--a 
life of peace and security.  Today, King Hussein and 
Prime Minister Rabin give their people a new 
currency of hope and the chance to prosper in a 
region of peace.

Under the Washington Declaration, Jordan and Israel 
have agreed to continue vigorous negotiations to 
produce a treaty of peace based on Security Council 
Resolutions 242 and 338.  King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin will meet as often as necessary to 
shepherd and personally direct those negotiations.  
Their objective is a just, lasting, and 
comprehensive peace between Israel and all its 
neighbors; a peace in which each acknowledges and 
respects the territorial integrity and political 
independence of all others, and their right to live 
in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.

In the meantime, Jordan and Israel have decided to 
take immediate steps to normalize relations and 
resolve disputes in areas of common concern.  They 
have agreed to survey the international border based 
on the work of their boundary subcommission.  They 
have resolved that negotiations on water resources 
should aim to establish the rightful allocation 
between the two sides of the waters of the Jordan 
and Yarmouk Rivers.  They have determined that their 
police forces will cooperate in combating crime, 
with a special emphasis on drug smuggling.  They 
have set up as their joint purpose the abolition of 
all economic boycotts and the establishment of a 
bilateral economic cooperation.  

And as of today, Jordan and Israel have agreed to 
take the first practical steps to draw their people 
together and to let the peoples of the world share 
in the wonders of their lands.  They will establish 
direct telephone links; connect their two nations' 
electricity grids; open two border crossings between 
their nations, including one at Aqaba and Eilat and 
another in the north; accelerate the negotiations 
aimed at opening an international air corridor 
between the two countries; and give free access to 
third-country tourists traveling between their two 
nations.  These are the building blocks of a modern 
peace and ancient holy lands.  

Your Majesty, after our first meeting, you wrote me 
a heartfelt letter in which you referred to your 
revered grandfather, King Abdullah.  You told me 
that his untimely assassination at the entrance to 
Jerusalem Al Aqsa Mosque had come at a time when he 
was intent on making peace with Israel.  Had he 
completed his mission, you said to me, your region 
would have been spared four decades of war.  Today, 
43 years later, Abdullah's grandson has fulfilled 
his legacy.  

And in the declaration you will sign, your role as 
guardian of Jerusalem's Muslim holy sites, Al Aqsa 
among them, has been preserved.  And Israel has 
agreed to accord a high priority to Jordan's 
historic role regarding these holy sites in final 
status negotiations.  

Mr. Prime Minister, when you first visited me in the 
White House, you spoke eloquently of your soldiers' 
life, defending and guiding your nation through four 
bloody decades of struggling to survive.  You told 
me your people had had enough bloodshed, that this 
was the time to make peace.  Ten months ago, you 
stood on this same lawn and shook the hand of Yasir 
Arafat, the leader of the Palestinian people.  
Today, you stand together with King Hussein, 
descendent of the Prophet Mohammed, to declare that 
Jordan and Israel have ended their conflict.  In 
holding out to your people the hope of a normal, 
secure life, you, sir, have fulfilled the mission of 
your life and of all those who have fought by your 
side for so long. 

Now as we go forward, we must guard against 
illusions.  Dark forces of hatred and violence still 
stalk your lands.  We must not let them succeed.  

King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin:  As you and your 
people embark on this journey of peace, we know the 
road will not be easy.  Just as we have supported 
you in coming this far, the United States will walk 
the final miles with you.  We must all go on until 
we ensure that the peace you are seeking prevails in 
the Holy Land and extends to all Israel's Arab 
neighbors.  Our common objective of a comprehensive 
peace must be achieved.  

Now as we witness the signing of this declaration 
and applaud the bravery of these men, let us 
remember that peace is much more than a pledge to 
abide by words on a page; it is a bold attempt to 
write a new history.  Guided by the blessings of 
God, let us now go forward and give life to this 
declaration.  For if we follow its course, we will 
truly achieve a peace of the generations.  Thank you 
very much.  

[The declaration is signed.]


King Hussein.  President Clinton, Prime Minister 
Yitzhak Rabin, ladies and gentlemen:  And so it is 
that on this day, at this house of the great 
American people, we have been able to take a 
historic step which we hope and pray will be to the 
benefit of our peoples within our entire region--
Jordanians, Israelis, and others.  This is the 
moment of a commitment and of a vision.  Not all of 
what is possible is within the document we have just 
ratified, but it is a modest, determined beginning 
to bring to our region and our peoples the security 
from fear, which, I must admit, has prevailed over 
all the years of our lives; the uncertainty of every 
day as to how it might end; the suspicion, the 
bitterness, the lack of human contact.  We are on 
our way now, truly, toward what is normal in 
relations between our peoples and ourselves, and 
what is worthy.  We will meet as often as we are 
able to and is required, with pleasure, to shepherd 
this process on in the times ahead.  

At this moment, I would like to share with you all 
the pride I have in my people--the people of Jordan-
-in their maturity; in their courage; in what I have 
been blessed with, their trust and confidence; and, 
I believe, in the commitment of the overwhelming 
majority to the cause of peace.  

The term used in international documents as have 
affected us so far is "the state of belligerency" 
and the "end of the state of belligerency."  I think 
both in Arabic and in Hebrew, our people do not have 
such a term.  What we have accomplished and what we 
are committed to is the end of the state of war 
between Jordan and Israel.  

Thank you so very much, indeed, Mr. President, for 
all your kindness.  Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister.  
Thank you, all our dear friends.  A warm thanks to 
the American people--our partners in the past, in 
the present, and in the future.  And bless you and 
bless our march for the future and toward the future 
of peace in our region.

Prime Minister Rabin.  The President of the United 
States, His Majesty King Hussein of the Kingdom of 
Jordan, friends, ladies and gentlemen:  I start with 
the Hebrew word, shalom.  

A million eyes all over the world are watching us 
now with great relief and great joy.  Yet another 
nightmare of war may be over.  At the same time, a 
million eyes in the Middle East are looking at us 
now with great heartfelt hope that our children and 
grandchildren will know no more war.  

Ladies and gentlemen:  Today, we submit to our 
respective people a wonderful present.  The 
declaration we have signed just now here in 
Washington is the closest thing to a treaty of 
peace.  We have come a long way toward a full treaty 
of peace.  And even though our work has not yet 
ended, it is my hope and belief that not long from 
today we shall return to sign a final and a 
permanent treaty of peace.  

Mr. President, Your Majesty:  It is dusk at our 
homes in the Middle East.  Soon, darkness will 
prevail, but the citizens of Israel and Jordan will 
see a great light.  We have today taken a major step 
on the road to peace.  We and Jordan have chosen to 
speak to each other rather than to continue the 
state of war.  From here in the distance of 
thousands of miles from home, I would like to 
congratulate today the inhabitants of Israel and of 
Jordan, to remember the fallen in the wars on both 
sides, and to tell children on both sides of the 
border we hope and pray that your life will be 
different from ours.  

I believe that we are a small country with a big 
heart.  We are aware of world agonies and suffering 
of human beings anywhere.  At this hour, when we are 
celebrating here in Washington, Israeli defense 
soldiers and medical units are trying to save the 
lives of thousands, if not more, of people on the 
verge of death in Rwanda.  But at the very same 
time, Israeli soldiers, a rescue team in Buenos 
Aires, on the invitation of the Argentinian 
Government, are endeavoring to rescue the lives or 
bodies of those who were attacked, killed, and 
disappeared--bodies of their own brothers, as well 
as of the other human beings, from buildings 
destroyed by vicious terrorists.  This terrible 
crime was committed against Jews just because they 
were Jews.  The Israeli rescue soldiers in Rwanda, 
as well as those in Argentina, together with their 
comrades in arms defending us at home, are on the 
same side of the same coin.

Mr. President, Your Majesty, there is much more in 
the Washington Declaration than parties were 
planning when they decided to prepare this 
declaration 10 days ago.  It bears witness to our 
ability in Israel and Jordan to accelerate our 
efforts toward peace, to overcome obstacles, to 
achieve a breakthrough, and to put an end to 46 
years of hostility.

Mr. President, thank you--thank you for all you have 
done for us and for what you will do.  We embark on 
a road which must still be completed.  And I am 
appealing to the United States--the leader of peace 
efforts in the Middle East--to assist those 
countries, those peoples who demonstrate courage and 
who take risks--risks for peace--because it is a 
worthwhile goal.

The political achievements presented today to the 
public here in Washington are part of a whole agenda 
that must still be clarified in serious 
deliberations ahead of us--from the difficult 
subjects of boundaries and water, to trade and 
economic relations on which peace in our region will 
be based, and, of course, security and diplomatic 
relations.  Our duty, starting today, is to turn the 
articles written on the paper into a living reality.

This fine job could not have been completed without 
your leadership and determination in the Middle East 
peace-making.  You have already established your 
place in our history, an honorable place.  And thank 
you.    

Our heartfelt gratitude goes also to Secretary of 
State Warren Christopher and his peace team, who 
devotedly seek peace, and to generations of former 
U.S. administration members who have, for years, 
searched for a bridge between Israel, Jordan, and 
the other Arab peoples.  

Your Excellency, the President of the United States; 
Your Majesty, the King of Jordan; let me say a few 
words in Hebrew to the citizens of Israel who are 
watching us now:  [Words spoken in Hebrew].  Thank 
you very much.


A Milestone in the Transformation Of the Middle East

Opening remarks by Secretary Christopher at a press 
briefing, Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.

Good afternoon.  Before taking your questions I want 
to step back and give a little perspective on 
today's historic events.

The summit meeting today between King Hussein and 
Prime Minister Rabin is really a milestone in the 
transformation of the Middle East.  It foreshadows 
an end to one of the world's most intractable 
conflicts.  The dreams of past generations are 
becoming today's diplomatic realities.  An era of 
war is coming to an end.  Lasting peace in the 
Middle East finally seems to be within grasp.

Of course, to achieve a comprehensive settlement, 
which is our goal, much hard work remains.  
Fundamental issues must be resolved, not only on the 
Syrian track but on the other tracks as well.  And 
as we continue this work, obviously, we must prevent 
the opponents of peace from overcoming the strenuous 
efforts of the parties.

Nevertheless, there is now set in motion a process 
which I hope and believe to be irreversible.  The 
ice is breaking.  We have created a structure for 
negotiations that can endure in the future and carry 
us across the finish line.  Negotiations between the 
Israelis, Palestinians, and Jordanians are now more 
firmly rooted than they have been at any time in the 
past.  In the multilateral talks, as well, Arabs and 
Israelis are meeting not only around the world, but 
now in the region.  And we are developing 
cooperative projects that show the face of peace to 
the people of the region.

That is the structure for the future.  Today's 
summit meeting represents, I think, something far 
more than just a symbol.  As reflected in the 
Washington Declaration, it has also produced 
dramatic results.  Most important, the state of 
belligerence, the state of war between Israel and 
Jordan, has finally come to an end after 46 years.  
Both sides have agreed to accelerate their 
negotiations toward a full peace between the 
parties.  The Washington Declaration unlocks the 
enormous potential for economic cooperation between 
the two countries, so as to make possible the 
benefits of a warm peace even before the peace is 
formalized.  

I also feel that today's summit improves the 
environment for a comprehensive and lasting peace in 
the region.  The President and I will make every 
effort to work toward that end with Israel, Syria, 
and Lebanon, and with all of the countries of the 
region.  We will continue to support agreements that 
have already been reached, to support the parties 
who have reached them, and to help achieve new 
breakthroughs. 

It is absolutely essential that we demonstrate to 
the friends and enemies of peace--to demonstrate to 
both of them that negotiations do work.  To the 
Arabs and the Israelis who take risks for peace, I 
want them to know--the President wants them to know-
-that America's voice will continue to be strong and 
resolute; that we will support them and will do what 
is necessary in common with their efforts to achieve 
peace in the Middle East.

Before I conclude, I would like to pay tribute to 
the American peace team, both those from here in the 
United States--from the White House and the State 
Department--as well as the ambassadors in the 
region.  They have operated with a high degree of 
professionalism and skill.  These are men and women 
who have devoted their professional lives to this 
effort.  And, of course, today is a remarkable day 
for them and a day for the history books.  


The Washington Declaration

Text released by the White House, Washington, DC, 
July 25, 1994.

A.  After generations of hostility, blood, and tears 
and in the wake of years of pain and wars, His 
Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak 
Rabin are determined to bring an end to bloodshed 
and sorrow.  It is in this spirit that His Majesty 
King Hussein of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and 
Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, Mr. Yitzhak 
Rabin of Israel, met in Washington today at the 
invitation of President William J. Clinton of the 
United States of America.  This initiative of 
President William J. Clinton constitutes an historic 
landmark in the United States' untiring efforts in 
promoting peace and stability in the Middle East.  
The personal involvement of the President has made 
it possible to realise agreement on the content of 
this historic declaration.  The signing of this 
declaration bears testimony to the President's 
vision and devotion to the cause of peace.

B.  In their meeting, His Majesty King Hussein and 
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin have jointly reaffirmed 
the five underlying principles of their 
understanding on an Agreed Common Agenda designed to 
reach the goal of a just, lasting, and comprehensive 
peace between the Arab States and the Palestinians 
with Israel.

1.  Jordan and Israel aim at the achievement of 
just, lasting, and comprehensive peace between 
Israel and its neighbours and at the conclusion of a 
Treaty of Peace between both countries.

2.  The two countries will vigorously continue their 
negotiations to arrive at a state of peace, based on 
Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 in all 
their aspects, and founded on freedom, equality, and 
justice.

3.  Israel respects the present special role of the 
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Muslim Holy shrines 
in Jerusalem.  When negotiations on the permanent 
status will take place, Israel will give high 
priority to the Jordanian historic role in these 
shrines.  In addition the two sides have agreed to 
act together to promote interfaith relations among 
the three monotheistic religions.

4.  The two countries recognise their right and 
obligation to live in peace with each other as well 
as with all states within secure and recognised 
boundaries.  The two states affirmed their respect 
for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, 
territorial integrity, and political independence of 
every state in the area.

5.  The two countries desire to develop good 
neighbourly relations of co-operation between them 
to ensure lasting security and to avoid threats and 
the use of force between them.

C.  The long conflict between the two states is now 
coming to an end.  In this spirit the state of 
belligerency between Jordan and Israel has been 
terminated.

D.  Following this declaration and in keeping with 
the Agreed Common Agenda both countries will refrain 
from actions or activities by either side that may 
adversely affect the security of the other or may 
prejudice the final outcome of negotiations.  
Neither side will threaten the other by use of 
force, weapons, or any other means, against each 
other and both sides will thwart threats to security 
resulting from all kinds of terrorism.

E.  His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister 
Yitzhak Rabin took note of the progress made in the 
bilateral negotiations within the Jordan-Israel 
track last week on the steps decided to implement 
the sub-agendas on borders, territorial matters, 
security, water, energy, environment, and the Jordan 
Rift Valley.

In this framework, mindful of items of the Agreed 
Common Agenda (borders and territorial matters) they 
noted that the boundary sub-commission has reached 
agreement in July 1994 in fulfillment of part of the 
role entrusted to it in the sub-agenda.  They also 
noted that the sub-commission for water, 
environment, and energy agreed to mutually 
recognise, as a result of their negotiations, the 
rightful allocations of the two sides in Jordan 
River and Yarmouk River waters and to fully respect 
and comply with the negotiated rightful allocations, 
in accordance with agreed acceptable principles with 
mutually acceptable quality.

Similarly, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Yitzhak Rabin expressed their deep 
satisfaction and pride in the work of the trilateral 
commission in its meeting held in Jordan on 
Wednesday, July 20th, 1994, hosted by the Jordanian 
Prime Minister, Dr. Abdessalam al-Majali, and 
attended by Secretary of State Warren Christopher 
and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres.  They voiced 
their pleasure at the association and commitment of 
the United States in this endeavour.

F.  His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister 
Yitzhak Rabin believe that steps must be taken both 
to overcome psychological barriers and to break with 
the legacy of war.  By working with optimism towards 
the dividends of peace for all the people in the 
region, Jordan and Israel are determined to shoulder 
their responsibilities towards the human dimension 
of peace making.  They recognise imbalances and 
disparities are a root cause of extremism which 
thrives on poverty and unemployment and the 
degradation of human dignity.  In this spirit His 
Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak 
Rabin have today approved a series of steps to 
symbolise the new era which is now at hand:

1.  Direct telephone links will be opened between 
Jordan and Israel.

2.  The electricity grids of Jordan and Israel will 
be linked as part of a regional concept.

3.  Two new border crossings will be opened between 
Jordan and Israel--one at the southern tip of Aqaba-
Eilat and the other at a mutually agreed point in 
the north.

4.  In principle free access will be given to third 
country tourists traveling between Jordan and 
Israel.

5.  Negotiations will be accelerated on opening an 
international air corridor between both countries.

6.  The police forces of Jordan and Israel will co-
operate in combating crime with emphasis on 
smuggling and particularly drug smuggling.  The 
United States will be invited to participate in this 
joint endeavour.

7.  Negotiations on economic matters will continue 
in order to prepare for future bilateral co-
operation including the abolition of all economic 
boycotts.

All these steps are being implemented within the 
framework of regional infrastructural development 
plans and in conjunction with the Jordan-Israel 
bilaterals on boundaries, security, water, and 
related issues and without prejudice to the final 
outcome of the negotiations on the items included in 
the Agreed Common Agenda between Jordan and Israel.

G.  His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister 
Yitzhak Rabin have agreed to meet periodically or 
whenever they feel necessary to review the progress 
of the negotiations and express their firm intention 
to shepherd and direct the process in its entirety.

H.  In conclusion, His Majesty King Hussein and 
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin wish to express once 
again their profound thanks and appreciation to 
President William J. Clinton and his Administration 
for their untiring efforts in furthering the cause 
of peace, justice, and prosperity for all the 
peoples of the region.  They wish to thank the 
President personally for his warm welcome and 
hospitality.  In recognition of their appreciation 
to the President, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Yitzhak Rabin have asked President William 
J. Clinton to sign this document as a witness and as 
a host to their meeting.

His Majesty King Hussein

Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin

President William J. Clinton


Shaping a Better Future For the Middle East

Remarks in exchange of toasts at a White House state 
dinner, Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.

President Clinton.  Your Majesties, Prime Minister 
and Mrs. Rabin, all our distinguished guests:  
Welcome to the White House.  Today we have seen 
history in the making.  And tonight we celebrate 
this marvelous occasion with King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin and all of you who for so long have 
supported their efforts for peace.It is a special 
pleasure for Hillary and for me to welcome Queen 
Noor and Mrs. Rabin, who, in their devotion to the 
health and well-being of the children of their 
nations, prove that the quest for peace is not the 
only cause that knows no borders.

Today's signing of the Washington Declaration is the 
handiwork of many.  But it is safe to say we would 
not be here tonight were it not for the persistent 
and farsighted efforts of Crown Prince Hassan, 
Foreign Minister Peres, and our Secretary of State, 
Warren Christopher.  I want to express my special 
gratitude to Secretary Christopher, who has brought 
such great energy and devotion to this task, and to 
applaud all three gentlemen for their efforts.

The Washington Declaration is a blueprint, both 
inspiring and practical; a foundation for lasting 
peace between two peoples who have been divided for 
too long.  It is also clearly a personal tribute to 
two brave leaders, both called upon at a young age 
to shoulder enormous responsibilities--one, to be a 
king, the other a defender of his people--brought 
together now at long last in the common cause of 
peace.

King Hussein, tonight we recall again the legacy of 
your grandfather and mentor, King Abdullah, a man 
who dreamed that one day on both sides of the River 
Jordan, Arabs and Jews could live together in peace-
-and who lost his life for that dream of peace.  At 
the age of 17, when most of us were still in school, 
you were left to shoulder the great weight of 
leading your people.

In the 42 years that have passed, you have led your 
kingdom through the stormy waters of the Middle 
East.  You have improved the lives of your people 
and endowed your nation with a spirit of tolerance, 
civility, and compromise.  You have built bridges 
between the Arab world and the United States through 
your actions as an advocate for stability and 
through your marriage to the Queen, herself a 
daughter of Americans who came from the Arab world.  
For that, we, sir, are in your debt.

Today, you have moved to erase the divisions between 
the people of the two sides of the River Jordan.  
Tonight, it can truly be said that you have 
fulfilled the legacy of King Abdullah.

Mr. Prime Minister, tonight we honor you, a son of 
the land of Israel.  Your parents, Nehemya and Rosa, 
were among the first pioneers who came to Palestine.  
Like so many others of their generation, they 
devoted their lives to building a national home for 
the Jewish people.

Schooled in the science of agriculture, you once 
planned to devote your life to making the fields and 
deserts of Israel come alive.  But at the age of 19, 
you answered the call to join the Palmach, destined 
to spend your life fighting to establish and defend 
the nation of Israel.  Now, after a life consumed by 
war, you have become the architect of a great peace, 
building a homeland your parents could only imagine:  
a peaceful, prosperous land at harmony with its 
neighbors, a land where a new generation will be 
free to cast aside its weapons and fulfill your 
dream to make the valleys and deserts bloom.  
Tonight, we honor you and the fulfillment of your 
legacy, sir.

These two men have crossed much hostile territory so 
that their children and their children's children 
need fight no more.  They have earned this peace, 
and we are all in their debt.  And so, ladies and 
gentlemen, I ask you to rise and join me in a toast 
to these men of courage, to their fine families, to 
the peoples of Jordan and Israel, and to the promise 
of peace.  [A toast is offered.]


King Hussein.  President Clinton, Prime Minister 
Rabin:  Sir, your words have touched us deeply.  And 
today has been, indeed, a unique day--for myself, 
for the people of Jordan, for the Prime Minister and 
the people of Israel--for all those who have yearned 
for the breaking of a new dawn in our region where 
energies and resources and talents can together have 
an opportunity to flourish, can together build a 
better future which is the right of all.  The 
reports from Jordan are what I had expected them to 
be--those of joy and hope for the overwhelming 
majority of our people.  I understand in Israel it 
is the same.

To a very large extent, sir, none of this would have 
been possible without your help, without the help of 
our friends in the United States.  And I speak of 
friendship that has grown over many, many years--a 
friendship of which we are proud--and a partnership 
between us all in the cause of peace and a better 
future for our people, for our region, and for the 
world.

I have felt over the recent past that many of us in 
our part of the world--both in Israel and in Jordan-
-had to begin the inevitable readjustment, 
psychologically, after so many years of denial of 
our right to live normally together, to build, and 
to move ahead.  And as I have said before, 
unfortunately, the abnormal became normal, which is, 
indeed, a tragic state of affairs.

I hope that in signing the Washington Declaration, 
the Prime Minister and I can help shepherd the 
process ahead to not only achieve peace between our 
two countries and our two peoples, but to create the 
rebirth of hope and confidence in our people in 
terms of our credibility and our commitment.  Ours 
is total before you all, and I believe that why it 
will succeed in Jordan is not because of our own 
feelings alone but because, as in Israel, we have a 
democracy in Jordan.  We have a people who share 
with us in shaping our future.  Democracy, 
pluralism, respect for human rights is a path that 
we have taken, and we hope that we will influence 
others by example through our continuing along this 
road.  So it's not a case of an individual or a 
small group of people.  What we have achieved today, 
sir, is something that we leave for all our people 
to protect and to cherish in the times ahead.

For Noor and me, and for all my colleagues from 
Jordan, we thank you, Mr. President, Mrs. Hillary 
Clinton, and our dear friends for the warmth of your 
welcome, for your support, and for your friendship.  
We need you with us in the times ahead.  We need you 
with us not only as old friends, but as partners in 
shaping a better future for our entire region.

Prime Minister, it has been a great pleasure, and 
I'm sure that--tired as you might be after years and 
years of a search for this day, this beginning--
we'll go back to our region with renewed vigor and 
energy and determination to achieve beyond this 
point all the dreams and hopes of our people.

Thank you very, very much, indeed.  And, please, 
join me in a toast to the President of the United 
States, to peace and friendship between us for all 
times.  [A toast is offered.]

Prime Minister Rabin.  The President of the United 
States, Your Majesty, distinguished guests--the 
American side, the Jordanian side, the Israeli side:  
When I had to think of what I will toast after such 
a moving, exciting day, many memories came up in my 
mind.

For me, Mr. President, Your Majesty, the Washington 
Declaration between Jordan and Israel symbolizes to 
me much more than the overall Arab-Israeli conflict.  
It's true that for a long time we had to face 
uncertain areas--we continue to face the rejection, 
the objection to the existence of Israel as a 
Jewish, viable, independent state.  And we have 
seen--all through our efforts to bring about peace, 
to find a solution--two main obstacles.  One of them 
is the psychological obstacle:  the walls which are 
built of prejudices on both sides, animosity, and 
bloodshed, on many occasions without any 
justification.  The practical issues have been 
magnified--have been seen by both sides as much more 
complicated, bigger, more difficult--because of the 
psychological walls.

The first and the foremost responsibility of the 
leaders of the countries of the region in their 
aspiration to solve the conflict, to build 
structures of peace, to create cooperation and 
understanding--the main and the foremost 
responsibility is to tackle, to bring down, the 
walls of psychology that put apart, put aside, and 
create barriers between peoples, because leaders can 
bring peoples and countries to sign peace, but the 
real peace is between peoples on both sides.

The only peace that I will consider to be a peace is 
the peace that the average citizen in the street 
will sense and will realize that something has been 
changed, that there are different 
interrelationships, that there is no more fear and 
no more threat of use of violence in whatever form.  
Coping with these psychological walls is the most 
important task of whoever tries to bring about a 
solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its 
sectors.

For me, today was a unique day, and I'll be frank.  
I started a war of independence in Jerusalem against 
the Jordanians.  It was the first war that I waged, 
that I was engaged in.  I always respected Jordan 
and the King of Jordan, King Hussein, as the most 
noble, reasonable, unique personality-- even when we 
were not at peace, even when we were engaged in 
conflict.

I don't believe that there is in the Arab world 
another leader that, in his long term of being the 
leader of his country, has shaped and changed the 
situation and brought to his people and to his 
government and in each way of life the values, the 
way of life, and the behavior of the average 
citizen.  Therefore, on many occasions in the past, 
I dreamt, I believed, that a peace with Jordan would 
be the first.

I will not disclose secrets of 20, 21 years ago.  I 
believe that His Majesty understands what I mean.  
But today, when we stood together on your 
invitation, Mr. President of the United States, and 
we shook hands and signed a declaration--in a way to 
me, personally--a circle of my life reached a 
certain point.  I was born in Jerusalem.  I am the 
first and only Prime Minister of Israel that was 
born there.  I had to fight for Jerusalem.  But I 
believe that the values of Jerusalem--for Jews, for 
Muslims, for Christians--carry with them certain 
responsibilities that Your Majesty and I have to 
carry and to shoulder upon ourselves.

I remember the end of the 1948-49 war.  We believed, 
then, in peace.  We hoped that that war would end 
it.  It took too long.  I believe the two of us have 
seen hopes that faded, tragedy that took place.  Now 
we are on the verge of opening a new chapter, I 
believe, not only to the Jordanian people and to the 
Israeli people.  I believe that the relations 
between Jordan and Israel can serve as a symbol and 
as an example to others.

I would like, Mr. President, to thank you for your 
efforts, for the efforts of your Administration and 
the Secretary of State working with our Foreign 
Minister.  Because I believe, as you once said, Mr. 
President--you said it vis-a-vis Israel; I believe 
it has to be said to every country in the Middle 
East--that without taking risks, without making 
compromises, we will not achieve peace.

But you have to bear in mind, Mr. President, as you 
know, that the results of any agreement, when it is 
signed, have to be translated to the life of the 
peoples and the countries that signed it.  They have 
to realize that a change has taken place, that lives 
are safer, that their life is improved 
educationally, economically, socially.  The United 
States has played in modern history a unique role, 
since the end of the Second World War, in 
encouraging peace and stability in the world.  You 
have played the same role in every agreement that 
was reached between an Arab country, Arab people, 
and Israel.  And, believe me, Mr. President and my 
other American friends, by beautiful words alone, 
realities are not changed.

The dream, the desire, the courage to carry them out 
are important.  But sometimes they have to be 
nourished, assisted in a way so that the countries 
and the peoples will realize the reason and meaning 
of peace not by the beautiful words, but by the 
change of their lives--that peace brought something 
new to them.

We, today, made another major step toward peace.  I 
always admired and trusted His Majesty King Hussein, 
and I believe his signature; when he signs, he means 
it.  Together, Jordan, Israel, and the United 
States--under your leadership and during your term, 
Mr. President--are here the second time to pay our 
respects to efforts that brought a change in the 
Middle East.

If we continue to work together, I believe that we 
will see more steps in your term and in my term 
which, by the way, have to be ended for both of us 
if we are not reelected and, hopefully, we will be 
in November 1996.  It's a lot of time.  Much can be 
done.  And if I raise my toast, I will raise it for 
those who have the courage to change axioms, to 
overcome prejudices, to change realities, and who 
make it possible.  To them; to you, Your Majesty; to 
you, President Clinton; to all those who believe and 
support and are ready to assist the continuation of 
peace in the region:  l'chaim.  [A toast is 
offered.] 

Jordan and Israel:   A Journey Toward Peace 
Address to a joint meeting of Congress, Washington, 
DC, July 26, 1994.

King Hussein.  Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, honored 
guests, Members 
of Congress, ladies and gentlemen:  It is an honor 
for me to stand before you--the representatives of 
the great American nation--on this historic 
occasion.

We have now become partners in shaping the future of 
all our people.  We seek for them a future of peace, 
stability, and security--the prospects for which are 
growing before our eyes.  It is a heart-warming 
sight for those of us who have continuously pursued 
this goal throughout our lives.

We in Jordan have always sought a bold peace.  We 
have been conscious of our responsibilities toward 
the coming generations--to ensure that they will 
have the certainty of leading a dignified and 
fulfilled life.  We have sought a peace that can 
harness their creative energies, to allow them to 
realize their true potential, and to build their 
future with confidence--devoid of fear and 
uncertainty.  None of this can be achieved without 
establishing a direct dialogue at the highest level 
of leadership.

This meeting in Washington, at the invitation of 
President Clinton, represents the beginning of a new 
phase in our common journey toward peace between 
Jordan and Israel.  It is a milestone on the road 
toward comprehensive peace in our region.

This meeting was preceded by a trilateral Jordanian-
American-Israeli meeting at which my brother, Crown 
Prince Hassan, represented myself and the Hashemite 
Kingdom of Jordan, and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres 
represented Israel.  The trilateral working group 
was established under an agreement completed at that 
meeting hosted by President Clinton at the White 
House in October 1993.

Following my recent visit to the United States, in 
light of the status of negotiations, I decided to 
share with my people the realities affecting our 
search for peace.  In a meeting with members of our 
Parliament, I addressed the entire Jordanian nation.  
I have been rewarded by their approval and support.  
Their expression of confidence has always been the 
foremost consideration in my life.  All of Jordan is 
here with me today.

We also remember, today, the three generations of 
gallant Jordanians and so many others who sacrificed 
themselves for the cause of Palestine.  Every 
household in Jordan has sent a son to answer the 
Arab call.  Many have not returned.  Their sacrifice 
has made it possible for me to be here today.  My 
family has also paid a heavy price.  My great 
grandfather, the leader of the great Arab revolt for 
freedom, independence, and unity, lies buried next 
to the blessed Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.  I was 
by the side of my grandfather, King Abdullah, at the 
doors of Al Aqsa Mosque when he was martyred.  He 
was a man of peace who gave his life for this ideal.  
I have pledged my life to fulfilling his dream.  He, 
too, is here today.

Mr. Speaker, in our meeting today, I hope you will 
find a clear message to the American nation and to 
the world.  We are, together, committed to work 
tirelessly to banish forever the abnormal conditions 
which have dominated our people's lives.  We want 
normality and humanity to become the prevailing 
order.

Although we have labored for so long under 
conditions of hostility, I am certain that we can 
see these conditions for what they are--emblems of 
an unnatural and sinister state.  We have all known 
the portents of this state--the fear of death, the 
silence of isolation--and we have all felt the fear 
that has mesmerized us, preventing us from moving 
forward to create, together, a bright future for the 
coming generations.  What we are witnessing today, 
God willing, is a progression from a state of war to 
a state of peace.  These unique circumstances allow 
us to take bold steps.

Our meeting now represents a revolt against all that 
is unnatural.  It is unnatural not to have direct 
and open meetings between our respective officials 
and their leaders in order to grapple with all 
aspects of the conflict, and, God willing, to 
resolve them.  It is unnatural not to wish to bridge 
this gulf, across which we have all paid a 
shattering toll in blood and tears--the waste of our 
youth and the grief of our forefathers.  We have 
suffered this loss together, and it will leave its 
impact on all of us far into the future.

The two Semitic peoples--the Arabs and the Jews--
have endured bitter trials and tribulations during 
the journey of history.  Let us resolve to end this 
suffering forever and to fulfill our 
responsibilities as leaders of our peoples and our 
duty as human beings toward mankind.

I come before you today fully conscious of the need 
to secure a peace for all the children of Abraham.  
Our land is the birthplace of the divine faiths and 
the cradle of the heavenly messages to all humanity.  
I also come before you today as a soldier who seeks 
to bear arms solely in the defense of his homeland; 
a man who understands the fears of his neighbors and 
who wishes only to live in peace with them; a man 
who wishes to secure democracy, political pluralism, 
and human rights for his nation.

I come before you today encouraged in the knowledge 
that the Prime Minister of Israel and his government 
have responded to the call for peace.  They have 
recognized the Palestinian  people and their rights 
and are negotiating with their chosen leadership in 
accordance with UNSCRs 242 and 338.

For our part, we will never forget Palestine--not 
for a moment.  We in Jordan were the first to 
shoulder our responsibility, and we were the most 
adversely affected by the legacy of the Palestinian 
tragedy.  And still our people in Jordan remain one 
united family--irrespective of their origins--
sharing equally, free to choose their political 
future and destiny.

My religious faith demands that sovereignty over the 
holy places in Jerusalem reside with God and God 
alone.  Dialogue between the faiths should be 
strengthened; religious sovereignty should be 
accorded to all believers of the three Abrahamic 
faiths, in accordance with their religions.  In this 
way, Jerusalem will become the symbol of peace and 
its embodiment, as it must be for both Palestinians 
and Israelis when their negotiations determine the 
final status of Arab East Jerusalem.  I come before 
you today fully confident that progress will be made 
on the Syrian-Israeli and Lebanese-Israeli tracks of 
the peace process and toward the achievement of 
comprehensive peace.

Mr. Speaker, the state of war between Israel and 
Jordan is over.  We have accepted UNSCR 338 which 
calls for negotiations between the parties 
concerned--under appropriate auspices--to establish 
a just and durable peace in the Middle East.  We 
have accepted UNSCR 242, which sought acknowledgment 
of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and 
political independence of every state in the area, 
and their right to live in peace within secure and 
recognized boundaries, free from threats or acts of 
force.

I want to reaffirm, without any reservation, that 
we, together with the other parties concerned, have 
exercised our sovereign right to make peace.  We are 
moving forward and tackling, one by one, all the 
problems listed in our common agenda.  We have great 
faith in our joint progress toward the ultimate 
goal--the culmination of all our efforts--a 
Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty.

In this, we take courage from the words of God, in 
His holy book, The Koran:

Then if they should be inclined to make peace, do 
thou incline towards it also, and put thy trust in 
Allah.  Surely, it is he who is all-hearing, all-
knowing.  

(The Koran, Chapter 8, Verse 61)


Mr. Speaker, I value the long friendship between 
Jordan and the United States, inherited from the era   
of my grandfather.  I have sought over 34 years, 
since the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower, to ensure 
that it be honest and true.  It has been a 
friendship built of mutual respect and common 
interests.  I am proud to remind you how we stood 
shoulder to shoulder during the long years of the 
Cold War.  And now, together, we share a great hope-
-to establish a lasting peace in the Middle East.  
We believe that an enduring partnership for 
cooperation and development between Jordan and the 
United States is essential to the realization of 
this dream.

We aim to build a better future under peace; to 
change the pattern of life for our people from 
despair and hopelessness to honor and dignity.  We 
want to fashion a new commonwealth of hope on our 
ancient soil.  We want all voices to be heard in 
shaping a new regional order.

If we are to achieve our aims, all of us must be 
given the opportunity and the tools to play our part 
in this historic endeavor.  The creative drive of 
our region has been crippled by the conflict; the 
healing hand of the international community is now 
essential.

It should never be forgotten that peace resides, 
ultimately, not in the hands of governments, but in 
the hands of the people.  For unless peace can be 
made real to the men, women, and children of the 
Middle East, the best efforts of negotiators will 
come to nought.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President:  I have come before you 
today to demonstrate that we are ready to open a new 
era in our relations with Israel.  With the help and 
cooperation of this august body, the peace we all 
want can be achieved.  With your help, I am certain 
that the imbalances between our societies can be 
remedied and that the sources of frustration and 
enmity can be eradicated.  It is in this spirit and 
with these hopes that I share this platform with 
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.

To all of you and to the American people, I offer my 
thanks for your kindness, hospitality, and for all 
your support.  May God bless you all.  Wa Assalamu 
Alaykum Wa Rahmatullahi Wa Barakatuhu.

Prime Minister Rabin.  Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, 
distinguished Members of the Congress, His Majesty 
the King of Jordan:  I start with the Jewish word 
shalom.

Each year on memorial day for the fallen of the 
Israeli-Israel's walls--I go to the cemetery of Mt. 
Herzl in Jerusalem.  Facing me are the graves, the 
headstones, the colorful flowers blooming on them, 
and thousands of pairs of weeping eyes.  I stand 
there in front of that large, silent crowd and read 
in their eyes the words of the young, dead soldiers.  
As the famous American poet, Archibald MacLeish, 
entitled--the poem from which I take these lines.  I 
quote:  "They say, whether our lives and our death 
were for peace and a new hope or for nothing, we 
cannot say.  It is you who must say this."

Mr. Speaker, we have come from Jerusalem to 
Washington because it is we who must say--and we are 
here to say--peace is our goal.  It is peace we 
desire.

With me here in this house today are my partners in 
this great doing.  Allow me to refer to some 
Israelis that are with me--here with you.  Amiram 
Kaplan, whose first brother was killed in an 
accident, whose second brother was killed in a 
pursuit of terrorists, whose third brother was 
killed in war, and whose parents died of heartbreak.  
And today he is a seeker of peace.    Moshe Sasson, 
who, together with his father was an emissary to the 
talks with King Abdullah and to other missions of 
peace:  Today, he is also an emissary of peace.

With me, a classmate of mine from the elementary 
school, Chana Rivlin, of Kibbutz Gesher, which faces 
Jordan--who endured bitter fighting and lost a son 
in war.  Today, she looks out of her window, onto 
Jordan, and wants the dream of peace to come, too.  
Avraham Daskal, almost 90 years old, who worked for 
the electric company in Trans-Jordan and was 
privileged to attend the celebrations marking King 
Hussein's birth, is hoping for peace in his 
lifetime.  Dani Matt, who fought against Jordan in 
the war of independence, was taken prisoner of war 
and devoted his life to the security of the state of 
Israel.  He hopes that his grandchildren will never 
know war.  And Mrs. Penina Herzog, whose husband 
wove the first threads of political ties with Jordan 
with us here in this [inaudible].  The mayor of 
Eilat, Mr. Gabi Kadosh, which touches the frontier 
with Jordan and will be a focus of common tourism; 
Mr. Shimon Cahaner, who fought against the 
Jordanians, memorializes his fallen comrades and 
hopes that they will have been the last to fall; Mr. 
Talal al-Krienawi, the mayor of a Bedouin town in 
Israel, who looks forward to renewing the friendship 
with their brothers in Jordan; Mr. David Coren, a 
member of  a kibbutz which was captured by the 
Jordanians in 1948, who awaits the day when the 
borders will be open; Dr. Asher Susser, a scholar 
who has done research throughout his adult life; and 
Dr. Sharon Regev, whose father was killed while 
pursuing terrorists in the Jordan Valley, and who 
yearns for peace with all his heart:  Here they are 
before you.

All of them wanted to come.  Here they are--people 
who never rejoice in the victories of war but whose 
hearts are now filled with the joy of peace.  I've 
come here from Jerusalem on behalf of those 
thousands of bereaved families, though I haven't 
asked their permission.  I stand here on behalf of 
the parents who have buried their children, of the 
children who have no fathers, and of the sons and 
daughters who are gone but return to us in our 
dreams.  I stand here today on behalf of  those 
youngsters who wanted to live, to love, to build a 
home.  I've come from Jerusalem in the name of our 
children who began their lives with great hope and 
are now names, graves, and memorial stones, old 
pictures in albums, fading clothes in the closets;  
whose lips are chanting Kaddish, the Jewish memorial 
prayer, ringing in my ears the words of the same 
famous Archibald MacLeish, who echoes the plea of 
the young, dead soldiers who say, "relieve you our 
death, give them their meaning."  Let us give them 
meaning.  Let us make an end to the bloodshed.  Let 
us make true peace.  Let us today be victorious in 
ending war.

Mr. Speaker, the debate goes on.  Who shapes the 
face of history-- leaders or circumstances?  My 
answer to you is we all shape the face of history; 
we the people--the farmers behind our plows, the 
teachers in our classrooms, the doctors saving 
lives, the scientists at our computers, the workers 
on the assembly line, the builders on our scaffolds; 
we, the mothers blinking back tears as our sons are 
drafted into the army; we, the fathers who stay 
awake at night worried and anxious for our 
children's safety; we Jews and Arabs; we Israelis 
and Jordanians; we, the people--we shape the face of 
history.

And we, the leaders, hear the voices and sense the 
deepest emotions and feelings of thousands and 
millions and translate them into reality.  If my 
people did not desire peace so strongly,  I would 
not be standing here today.  And I am sure that if 
the children of Amman and the soldiers of Irbid and 
the women of Es Salt and the citizens of Aqaba did 
not seek peace, our partner in this great quest, the 
King of Jordan would not be here now, shaking hands, 
calling for peace.  We bear the responsibility.  We 
have the power to decide, and we dare not miss this 
great opportunity, for it is the duty of the leaders 
to bring peace and well-being to their peoples.  We 
are graced with the privilege of fulfilling the duty 
for our people.  This is our responsibility.

The complex relations between Israel and Jordan have 
continued for a generation.  Today, so many years 
later, we carry with us good memories of the special 
ties between your country--Your Majesty--and mine, 
and we carry with us the grim reminders of the times 
we found ourselves at war.  We remember the days of 
your grandfather, King Abdullah, who sought avenues 
of peace with the heads of the Jewish people and the 
leaders of the young State of Israel.

There is much work before us.  We face psychological 
barriers.  We face genuine practical problems.  
Walls of hostilities have been built on the River 
Jordan which runs between us.  You in Amman and we 
in Jerusalem must bring down those barriers and 
walls--must solve those concrete problems.  And I am 
sure that we'll do it.  Yesterday, we took a giant 
step toward peace which will embrace it all--borders 
and water, security and economics, trade boycotts, 
tourism and environment, and diplomatic relations.  
We want peace between countries, but above all, 
between human beings.

Beyond the ceremonies, after the festivities, we 
will move on to the negotiations.  They will not be 
easy, but when they are completed, a wonderful, 
common future awaits us.  The Middle East--the 
cradle of the great monotheistic civilization, 
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam--the Middle East 
that was a valley of the shadow of death will be a 
place where it is a pleasure to live.  We live on 
the same stretch of land:  The same rain nourishes 
our soil; the same hot wind parches our fields.  We 
find shade under the same fig tree.  We savor the 
fruit of the same green vine; we drink from the same 
well.  Only a 70-minute journey separates these 
cities--Jerusalem and Amman--and 46 years.  And just 
as we have been enemies, so can we be good and   
friendly neighbors.

Since it's unprecedented that in this joint meeting 
two speakers will be invited, allow me to turn to 
His Majesty.  Your Majesty, we have both seen a lot 
in our lifetime.  We have both seen too much 
suffering.  What will you leave to your children?  
What will I leave to my grandchildren?  I have only 
dreams to build a better world--a world of 
understanding and harmony, a world in which it is a 
joy to live.  This is not asking for too much.  The 
State of Israel thanks you--thanks you for accepting 
our hand in peace, for your political wisdom and 
courage, for  planting a new hope in our hearts and 
in the hearts of your subjects and the hearts of all 
peace-loving people.  And I know that you enjoy the 
highest esteem of the United States--this great 
America which is helping the bold to make a peace of 
the brave.

From this hall that represents freedom, liberty, and 
democracy, I would like to thank President Clinton, 
the former presidents of the United States, 
Secretary of State Christopher,  former secretaries 
of state, and former administrations.  To you--the 
Speaker and the Vice President, we are more than 
thankful to you--the distinguished Members of the 
Congress, representatives of the American people, 
and to you--the wonderful people of America.  I do 
so because no words can express our gratitude to you 
and to the American people for each of your generous 
support, understanding, and cooperation, which are 
beyond compare in modern history.  Thank you, 
America.  God bless America.

Tomorrow, I shall return to Jerusalem, the capital 
of the State of Israel and the heart of the Jewish 
people.  Lining the road to Jerusalem are rusting 
bulks of metal--burned-out, silent, cold.  They are 
the remains of convoys which brought food and 
medicine to the war-torn and besieged city of 
Jerusalem 46 years ago.  For many of Israel's 
citizens, their story is one of heroism--part of our 
national legend.  For me and for my comrades in 
arms, every scrap of cold metal lying there by the 
wayside is a bitter memory.  I remember--I remember 
it as though it was just yesterday.  I remember then 
I was their commander in war.  For them, this 
ceremony has come too late.  What endures are their 
children, their comrades.  It's their legacy.

Allow me to make a personal note.  I, military I.D. 
number 30743, retired general in the Israel Defense 
Forces in the past, consider myself to be a soldier 
in the army of peace today.  I, who served my 
country for 27 years as a soldier--I say to you, to 
Your Majesty: This is the only battle which is a 
pleasure to wage--the battle for peace.

Tomorrow, on the way up to Jerusalem, thousands of 
flowers will cover the remains of those rusting 
armored vehicles, the ones that never made it to the 
city.  Tomorrow, from those silent metal heaps, 
thousands of flowers will smile to us with the word 
peace--shalom.

In the Bible, our book of the books, peace is 
mentioned in its various idioms 237 times.  In the 
Bible--from which we draw our values and our 
strength--in the book of Jeremiah, we find a 
lamentation for Rachel, the matriarch.  It reads:  
"Refrain your voice from weeping and your eyes from 
tears,  for their works shall be rewarded, saith the 
Lord."

I will not refrain from weeping for those who are 
gone, but on this summer day in Washington, far from 
home, we sense that our work will be rewarded as the 
prophet foretold.

The Jewish tradition calls for a blessing on every 
new tree, every new fruit, on every new season.  Let 
me conclude with the ancient Jewish blessing that 
has been with us in exile and in Israel for 
thousands of years, and allow me to do it in Hebrew.  
Blessed are you, O Lord, who has preserved us and 
sustained us and enabled us to reach this time.

God bless the peace.  Thank you.  


Toward a Lasting Peace    Between Israel and Jordan

Opening remarks at a White House press conference, 
Washington, DC, July 26, 1994.

President Clinton.  Good afternoon.  I am happy to 
once again welcome King Hussein and Prime Minister 
Rabin.

In the last two days, history has been made in 
Washington, and a brighter future has been built--a 
future that offers more peace and security not only 
for the people of Israel and Jordan, but also for 
the people of the United States.  

With great courage and foresight, the King and the 
Prime Minister have united in their conviction that 
it is time to end more than four decades of 
bloodshed and loss.  They have demonstrated that 
contact can overcome conflict, that direct talks can 
produce peace.  They have declared an end to the 
state of war between their two countries and have 
determined to secure a lasting peace.  They have 
personally committed to making sure that a treaty is 
concluded as rapidly as possible.

When we met yesterday, the King, the Prime Minister, 
and I agreed to designate representatives to ensure 
that the provisions of the Washington Declaration 
are implemented quickly.  In a week of extraordinary 
sets of events, this morning we witnessed another, 
as the King and the Prime Minister appeared jointly 
before Congress.  Their eloquent remarks articulated 
a common vision of cooperation that will yield 
specific and concrete benefits for all peoples on 
both sides of the Jordan River.  The outpouring of 
support by Members of Congress for these two heroes 
of peace, I believe, clearly reflects the feelings 
of all the American people.

As I've made clear since my first meetings with the 
King and the Prime Minister, America will stand by 
those who take risks for peace.  We will support 
leaders whose boldness and wisdom are creating a new 
Middle East.  Today, I have reaffirmed to Prime 
Minister Rabin that as Israel moves forward in the 
peace process, the constant responsibility of the 
United States will be to help ensure its security.  
I also have reaffirmed to King Hussein my 
determination to assist Jordan in dealing with its 
burden of debt and its defense requirements.  I am 
working with Congress to achieve rapid action on 
both these matters.

The United States is committed to a comprehensive 
peace in the Middle East and an end to hostility 
between Israel and all her Arab neighbors.  I spoke 
yesterday with President Asad of Syria and 
reaffirmed my personal dedication to achieving a 
comprehensive peace.  Secretary Christopher has 
devoted a great deal of time and effort to the 
negotiations with Syria, and I have asked him to 
return to the region soon to continue that work.

In these two days, we have taken great strides on 
the road to peace.  But even as these two leaders 
have come together, the enemies of peace have not 
been silent.  In recent days, terrorists have struck 
in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and in London.  We will 
not, we must not, allow them to disrupt this peace 
process.

This week's events here in Washington and the 
bravery of King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin 
prove that a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace 
in the Middle East is within reach.  Inspired by the 
extraordinary events of the last two days, now we go 
forward with a new sense of determination and a new 
sense of confidence to take the next steps in the 
days and weeks ahead.

King Hussein.  Mr. President, Prime Minister Rabin, 
ladies and gentlemen:  These have been unique days 
in our lives--yesterday and today.  They have 
witnessed dreams, hopes, and prayers realized in 
terms of an end to the state of war between Jordan 
and Israel.  More important, in terms of our 
determination to move ahead in executing our duties 
toward our peoples-- toward our peoples in the 
entire region in the present and in the future--that 
they live secure in peace with the ability to come 
together, for the opportunity to give their talents 
a chance to make a difference, to create at the 
breaking dawn of peace in the Middle East what is 
worthy of them.

I would like, Mr. President, to thank you very, very 
much, indeed, sir, for your personal support and 
continued interest.  We are proud to have you as our 
partner.  We are proud and happy that these meetings 
between myself and Prime Minister Rabin have taken 
place here in Washington.  We are overwhelmed by all 
the warmth and support that we have seen during 
these last two days.  We recall and appreciate the 
efforts of the Secretary of State, the efforts of so 
many friends here that enabled us to get this far.

I hope, together, we will build from now on and will 
continue and succeed in giving all our peoples the 
chance to live under conditions that have been 
denied us, certainly, as far as I'm concerned, 
throughout my life.  And I am proud to say that the 
overwhelming majority of Jordanians rejoice with me, 
as I am sure is the case in Israel and here in the 
United States.  

Prime Minister Rabin.  Mr. President, Your Majesty 
King Hussein, ladies and gentlemen:  I believe that 
the last two days represent a landmark in the 
positive developments toward peace in the Middle 
East.  I believe to understand the meaning of what 
has been done by Jordan and Israel--with the 
assistance and support of the United States--it has 
to be looked at in proportion to what the trends are 
today in the Middle East.

We see two conflicting trends in the Middle East--
one, the rise of extreme, radical Islamic terrorist 
movements within the Palestinian side, within the 
Lebanese side, in other Arab countries, derived from 
a certain source that each purposely is undermining 
any possibility to achieve peace.  I believe that we 
see their fingers in the international terrorist 
acts that have taken place not so long ago--in 
Thailand, in Buenos Aires, in London--in addition to 
what goes on from Lebanon, and in the territories by 
the extreme, radical Islamic terrorist groups.  It's 
an all-out war waged by these elements against the 
possibility of the solution of the Arab-Israeli 
conflict in all its parts.  I believe that they have 
an infrastructure of terror all over the world.  We 
saw it lately in Argentina.  I don't want to talk 
about what's going on here, in Europe, in the Far 
East, in addition to the Middle East.

And, therefore, what we have done in the last two 
days is a major step of brave people on both sides 
to come up and to say we are making an important, 
important phase toward peace, because the Washington 
Declaration is, first and foremost, an end of a 
state of belligerency--or as the King declared, end 
of a state of war.  Believe me, today in the Middle 
East, to reach commitment by the countries of the 
region for nonbelligerency--no violence, no terror--
can be the greatest contribution to peace in the 
region and not only in the region.

Between Jordan and Israel, we have reached the end 
of the state of belligerency.  But there is a need 
beyond the end of war, threats of war, violence and 
terror to build a structure of peace--the relations 
of peace.  We lay the foundations to this world, to 
this work, to this place.  The test will be to what 
extent we will succeed in building this structure of 
peace--to reach the kind of relations between Jordan 
and Israel that the man in the street in Amman and 
in Tel Aviv will call peace.

Therefore, hard work is before us.  We are 
committed, I believe, on both sides, to do what is 
needed in addition to the elimination of war--to 
build the relations of peace.  We need your 
assistance, Mr. President, in doing so.

The first responsibility lies with the parties--with 
Jordan and Israel.  But without the United States--
the leader of peace in the region--and, hopefully, 
other countries and the European Union assisting 
those who take risks--calculated risks for peace--we 
will not achieve it in the way and the pace which it 
is needed.

We open a new chapter.  We created a new landmark.  
But the road is still, hopefully, not too long--but 
still work has to be done.  We will do it.  We need 
the participation of those who preach peace to 
translate their words to realities, to practical 
support of those who take the risk for peace. (###)




ARTICLE 2:

U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee 
Meeting at the Dead Sea

Text of Joint Communique, Secretary Christopher, 
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Al-Majali, 
Foreign Minister Peres, Department Statement


Joint Communique

Text of the joint communique of the U.S.-Jordan-
Israel Trilateral Economic Committee released by 
Secretary Christopher, Jordanian Prime Minister and 
Foreign Minister Al-Majali, and Israeli Foreign 
Minister Peres, Dead Sea, Jordan, July 20, 1994.

The U.S.-Israel-Jordan Trilateral Economic Committee 
held its fifth meeting on July 20, 1994, at the Dead 
Sea Spa Hotel in Jordan.  At this meeting, the 
American delegation was headed by Secretary of State 
Warren Christopher, the Jordanian delegation by 
Prime Minister Abd al-Salam Majali, and the Israeli 
delegation by Foreign Minister Shimon Peres.  The 
three parties expressed their sincere thanks and 
appreciation to the Government of Jordan for hosting 
this historic meeting.

The Trilateral Committee--established in October 
1993 under the auspices of President Clinton by His 
Royal Highness Crown Prince Hassan and Foreign 
Minister Peres--reviewed recent progress in the 
peace process.  The Committee noted favorably the 
Israeli-Jordanian bilateral negotiations held in the 
region on July 18-19, 1994, and the intention to 
continue these discussions next month.  The 
delegations reiterated their intention to energize 
efforts to promote further progress on the Israel-
Jordan track, looking forward to the meeting between 
His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin in 
Washington on July 25, 1994.

The Trilateral Committee also reviewed recent 
progress on its work and reached agreement on a 
number of future activities.  The delegations 
agreed, in preparation for the meeting in the White 
House next week, to work on a Master Plan for the 
Development of the Jordan Rift Valley.  Meetings of 
experts earlier today indicated a substantial 
convergence of views on such a scheme and a common 
approach on proceeding.  The experts will continue 
their meetings later today and tomorrow, and an 
intersessional meeting will be organized to unify 
the planning criteria and develop detailed terms of 
reference.  The United States agreed to facilitate 
further the continued work on the Master Plan.

The Trilateral Committee also agreed to continue 
work on trade/finance/banking, civil aviation, 
tourism, and establishing a road link between the 
two countries.  On trade, the parties agreed on the 
establishment of a set of principles concerning 
trade and commercial relationships between the two 
parties in the context of a peace treaty.  On civil 
aviation, the parties agreed to establish a joint 
team to explore aviation routes serving the 
interests of both countries and flight safety.  On 
tourism, the parties agreed to a travel and tourism 
arrangement and to establish a trilateral commission 
to facilitate cooperation in this area, specifically 
the opening of a crossing point in the Eilat-Aqaba 
area for tourists who are third country nationals.  
Finally, the parties agreed to conduct a preliminary 
site survey of a road linking Jordan, Israel and 
Egypt in the vicinity of Eilat and Aqaba.

The three ministers agreed to meet again 
periodically in the region, starting in the near 
future.  Intersessional meetings of experts will 
also be organized to continue work on specific 
projects.


Secretary Christopher and Jordanian King Hussein
Opening statements at a news conference, Amman, 
Jordan, July 20, 1994.

King Hussein.  I welcome you, once again, sir, to 
Jordan, with our dear friends and with colleagues at 
this very interesting moment in the life of this 
region.  As you know, we are moving with hope that 
we are close to fulfilling a very dear objective--
the establishment of a just, comprehensive, and 
durable peace in this region.

My meeting with the President during my last visit 
to Washington was a very important one in the sense 
that it convinced me of the need to address my 
people to move on a very dear issue and objective to 
all of us--that of establishing peace.  I did so, 
and I am proud of the reaction of the overwhelming 
majority of people in this country--their maturity 
and their trust.  As you know, we have, over the 
last two days, had meetings in the area of the 
border between us and Israel.  And today we will 
attend, as a partner, the trilateral meetings on the 
Dead Sea.  In the next few days, I will meet Prime 
Minister Rabin in Washington as guests of President 
Clinton and have the privilege of--sharing with him-
-addressing the joint Houses of Congress.

I hope that all this reemphasizes our total 
commitment to the course of peace and a better 
future for our people, for all people in this 
region--to move from what is abnormal toward what is 
normal in human relations.  Once the problems are 
resolved--we are at the beginning of serious 
negotiation, but we are encouraged by what we have 
seen already.  We are determined to move ahead.  And 
I believe that my meeting with the President and 
with Prime Minister Rabin will enable us to shepherd 
the process forward in the times ahead through our 
commitment, hopefully, to the same objective.

I welcome you, once again, to Jordan and to share 
the success of this visit to this region.  And I 
share with you the hope that we will be moving 
toward the breaking of a new dawn of peace in this 
region and a comprehensive peace.  Thank you very, 
very much.


Secretary Christopher.  Thank you, Your Majesty.  It 
is a great pleasure, as always, to be back here in 
Jordan and to be a guest of the King.  We thank the 
Jordanian people and him for the graciousness of 
their hospitality, which is always very apparent 
when we are here in Jordan.

The steps that the King has outlined, taken 
together, are genuinely transforming the landscape 
here in the Middle East.  Together they represent a 
milestone in the peace-making process.  I think the 
King deserves great credit for his courage in moving 
decisively ahead in this way.  Through his courage 
and his leadership, I think King Hussein has once 
again demonstrated what we have long known-- that he 
is a man of great vision dedicated to moving forward 
the interest of not only his own people, but the 
people of the region and, especially, the cause of 
peace.

I want him to know and I want the people of Jordan 
to know that America stands ready to do everything 
we can to assist in this process, which, of course, 
has to fundamentally rest on the shoulders of the 
parties.  But, nevertheless, we are prepared to take 
any step that we can to assist the parties in this 
historic pursuit of peace in this region.  So, thank 
you, Your Majesty, for your hospitality here.  I 
look forward to the remainder of my trip here to 
Jordan and then to being a couple of more days in 
the region.  Thank you, Your Majesty.


Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister 
Peres, and Jordanian Prime Minister and Foreign 
Minister Al-Majali
Addresses at the meeting of the U.S.-Jordan-Israel 
Trilateral Economic Committee, Dead Sea, Jordan, 
July 20, 1994.

Secretary Christopher.  Prime Minister Al-Majali, 
Foreign Minister Peres, members of the Israeli 
delegation, members of the Jordanian delegation, 
members of the United States delegation, ladies and 
gentlemen:  On behalf of the United States, I am 
greatly honored to participate in this historic 
occasion at this legendary spot.  For the first 
time, a Foreign Minister from the State of Israel 
has come openly to Jordan to meet with his 
counterpart in the name of peace between their two 
peoples.

Mr. Ministers, the distances you traveled here today 
were relatively small, but the history you make by 
your presence is great.  To a troubled world, you 
send forth a simple message that captures our vision 
and strengthens our faith that the scars of war can 
be healed, the divisions of memory can be overcome, 
peace between Arab and Jew can be achieved.

Today, Israel and Jordan are stepping from the old 
into the new.  An era of war is coming to a close.  
The cries of this ancient land for peace are finally 
being realized.

Today, you lead your nations away from the hatreds 
of the past--hatreds that have wasted the talents of 
your people and robbed the dreams of your children.  
As we meet here today, we can proclaim to the people 
of Israel and the people of Jordan, the people of 
the Middle East, and, indeed, the people of the 
world, the time of destroying life is past, the time 
of building peace has come.

For the U.S.-Jordan-Israel Economic Committee, 
today's historic meeting represents not simply a 
symbol of hope for a stricken land:  It is also a 
practical instrument by which Jordanians and 
Israelis can achieve genuine reconciliation.  Since 
President Clinton launched the trilateral talks last 
October at a meeting with Crown Prince Hassan and 
Foreign Minister Peres, we have made truly great 
strides.  At this, the committee's fifth session, we 
begin negotiating the details of concrete projects 
that will foster new patterns of trust and 
cooperation between Israel and Jordan.  These 
projects will serve as building blocks, the 
foundation upon which a lasting settlement can be 
based.  They will promote economic development and, 
most importantly, they will deliver real benefits to 
the people of Jordan, the people of Israel, and, in 
time, the people of this entire region.

These projects, in short, represent the face of 
peace.  During these two days, the committee has had 
the opportunity to once again advance our common 
agenda.  Perhaps no sector offers more immediate 
promise than tourism.  Today, Israel and Jordan 
contain some of the world's most treasured 
historical, cultural, and religious sites, 
including, of course, this very spot where we are 
sitting today--the Dead Sea.

Cooperative efforts to facilitate travel between the 
two countries could quickly result in a significant 
boost in tourism, and that would generate much-
needed jobs and revenue, attracting foreign 
investment.  Indeed, when one sees this place, it is 
really exciting to contemplate the burst of tourism, 
the burst of interchange that would be bound to 
follow the decrease in tensions.

We are, of course, encouraging rapid progress on 
other longer term projects as well.  We believe that 
early agreement should be reached on a start-up date 
for construction of a road linking Israel and Jordan 
in the vicinity of Eilat and Aqaba.  This project 
could, in turn, serve as the forerunner of a larger 
effort to develop an integrated regional 
transportation system, containing all the modes of 
transportation.  Our goal in this effort should be 
clear:  to put in place the infrastructure vital to 
a new era of regional cooperation and prosperity.

This is why we are also supporting the committee's 
efforts to devise a comprehensive plan for the 
Jordan Rift Valley, to work out bilateral trade and 
financial relations, to develop cooperation in civil 
aviation, and to establish a transborder national 
park.  Each of these projects can weave the bonds of 
mutual interest and human contact that are the 
critical reinforcements of peace.

Mr. Ministers, I need not remind you that our work 
here, and that being done in the bilateral talks 
between Jordan and Israel, takes on an even greater 
significance in light of recent events.  Only a few 
days from now, on July 25 in Washington, President 
Clinton, King Hussein, and Prime Minister Rabin will 
convene at the White House for a historic summit 
meeting.  By undertaking this unprecedented action, 
they, the leaders of our three nations, have 
signaled their determination to make every effort to 
reach a comprehensive and lasting peace.  We here 
today can do no less.  We must redouble our efforts 
to ensure that their efforts, that their leadership, 
will succeed.

President Clinton has vowed that the United States 
stands firmly with these countries that have shown 
the courage and the vision to undertake risks for 
peace.  As Jordan and Israel continue on the path of 
reconciliation, they should know that America, 
working with the entire community of the world, will 
do everything in its power to help ensure a new 
future of security and prosperity.

Mr. Ministers, the future beckons us.  Our 
responsibility is clear:  to join together in making 
for this great and holy land a new era of peace and 
hope--a peace that is enduring because it is 
comprehensive, a peace not just of treaties, but of 
commerce and human exchange, a peace that is just 
and secure for Israel and Jordan and the rest of 
their neighbors in this area.

So, here by the shores of the Dead Sea, let us 
rededicate ourselves to honoring life.  Here from 
the lowest point on earth, let us set our sights at 
scaling the heights of peace.  That is the course 
that our interests demand.  That is the future that 
our people and our children deserve.  Thank you very 
much, Mr. Minister and Mr. Minister.

Foreign Minister Peres.  Prime Minister Majali and 
the Jordanian delegation, Secretary of State Warren 
Christopher and the American delegation, my friends 
from the Israeli delegation, ladies and gentlemen:  
It took us 15 minutes to fly over to and it took us 
46 years to arrive at this time and this place of 
peace and promise.  Historically, we started at the 
same point.  Politically, we are now embarking upon 
the same destiny to bring an entirely new situation 
to our people.

It is time for peace.  The people desire it; the 
land needs it.  The Dead Sea, silent and deep, may 
become a symbol of new life.  The Ha'Aravah Desert, 
which like a knife cuts the valley in two, can 
become a unifying element, a domain of bloom between 
our two countries.

The meeting today must remind us of a place, of a 
date, of a destiny.  The place, not far from here, 
in Al-Quwayrah, north of Aqaba--that is where the 
younger brother of the late King Abdallah, Amir 
Faysal Bin al-Hussein, met with the leader of the 
Jewish people, Dr. Weizmann.  It was a first meeting 
of representatives of two national movements.  
Faysal summarized his views in a letter he sent to 
Justice Felix Frankfurter in March 1919, from which 
I quote:

"We feel that the Arabs and the Jews are cousins in 
race, having suffered similar oppressions at the 
hands of powers stronger than themselves.  We are 
working together for a reformed and revived Middle 
East, and our two movements complete one another.  
Indeed, I think that neither can be a real success 
without the other."

A promising voice in the prevailing wilderness.

The date is July 20.  The founder and the leader of 
the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, His Majesty King 
Abdallah, emerged as a man of farsighted vision and 
appropriate political judgment.  His kingdom was 
based on human and Arab values.  He introduced the 
policy that offered peace before war, peace instead 
of war, peace to end war.  He negotiated this policy 
with many of us.  Some of these negotiations bore 
fruit; others saved lives.  Yet, partly, they failed 
in the face of existing suspicions.  Nonetheless, 
they laid a foundation for a unique relationship, 
hidden and open, between Jordan and Israel.  We 
never forgot the need for peace even in the gloomy 
days of open warfare.

King Abdallah was assassinated in front of his young 
grandson, His Majesty King Hussein.  This occurred 
July 20, 1951, the very same day of our meeting now.  
He gave his life for the cause of peace.  Nothing 
can mark his life and death more than the arrival of 
peace on the very same date.  The destiny is peace.  
The silent pledge of the wise king became the 
destiny of his grandson, His Majesty King Hussein, 
and the expectations in disciples of the Israeli 
leaders who looked to every opportunity to bring an 
end to wars to create a new opening with our 
neighbors.  His Majesty King Hussein demonstrated 
stamina in the face of uninvited dangers, and he has 
shown courage in riding impending opportunities.

What is taking place today, Mr. Prime Minister and 
Mr. Secretary, may be the light at the end of the 
tunnel we have crossed, and may end the swing of the 
pendulum, which has swayed from the pole of blind 
hatred stemming from misunderstandings often created 
by neither of us to the pole of political trust 
serving permanently the needs common to us all.  
Time has arrived to disperse old shadows, to permit 
legitimate peace and promising economy to play their 
proper role in our destinies.  Time has come for our 
families, whose roots spring from the tents of 
Abraham to invite hospitality instead of 
perpetuating hostility.  No more hostage.  We can 
host each other gladly and easily.

The border between Jordan and Israel is the longest 
we have with any of our neighbors.  We can mark it 
now by mutual agreement in respecting the 
sovereignty and the integrity of each of us.

The border touches three triangles--a Jordanian-
Israeli-Palestinian one, a Jordanian-Israeli-
Egyptian one, a Jordanian-Israeli-Syrian one.  
Facilitated by our great friend, the United States 
of America, its President, and its Secretary, we 
brought reason and agreement to two of those 
triangles.  We do not intend to exclude the third 
one.  Negotiations between Jordan and Israel do not 
call for the postponement of the negotiations with 
Syria and Lebanon.  Our aim remains to reach a 
comprehensive peace in the Middle East, to build a 
new Middle East of peace.  Peace with Jordan is 
central to the construction of a new Middle East.  
The centrality of its location, its impressive, 
civilized, and tested tradition may provide a real 
advantage for a durable rapport for a framework of 
peace and security in the region.

We are now beginning to move and move openly.  Peace 
needs daylight.  The path ahead, the path we shall 
negotiate, may be full of hurdles and long in 
distance.  But I do not harbor the slightest doubt 
that we can overcome the hurdles, shorten the 
distance, and reap early benefits, both for our 
people and for the other people in the Middle East.

I am convinced that the construction of a new Middle 
East will attract investors from all over the world.  
This ancient land, which cannot be forgotten, may 
become the new opportunity which cannot be 
overlooked.  The peace process will not end with the 
signature of our political leaders.  Indeed, only 
then will it begin.

And our target should be that before the end of the 
20th century, we will face a new political and 
economic landscape:  a landscape where borders will 
be open; where Jordanians will not be stopped at 
Eilat and Israelis in Aqaba; where new sophisticated 
industries will offer job opportunities to the young 
generation; where waterways will cover the brown 
deserts; where seaports and airports will be 
combined to serve all tourists--to visit holy 
places, to be cured in hot springs, or to view 
beautiful antiquities; where the skies will be open 
to competitive aviation and land distances will be 
shortened by new railways and highways; where water 
and oil will be carried in pipelines laid to answer 
economic needs rather than strategic wars; and where 
the electricity systems will be connected to save 
billions of dollars.

Even before the sunset of the century, we can, 
together, reclaim land lost to desert.  We can 
reclaim sea water to irrigate new fields, new 
gardens, new cities.  We can change the face of the 
map and create a new structure of life.  We have 
prepared our view of how the future will look in a 
rather detailed manner, and I am sure, from what I 
know, that you are ready likewise.  We can transform 
a boundary of gloom into a valley of hope.  Farmers 
will then replace soldiers.  Greenhouses will come 
instead of barracks.   Dunes will submit to 
plantation.  Nature and reason have issued an 
invitation to this effect.  The minerals of the Dead 
Sea, the innocence of the landscape, the varying 
levels of the terrain, the fatigues of the war--all 
of them await a new soul and a new hand.

What was started on October 1 last year in the White 
House--the trilateral  agreement reached between the 
President of the United States, the Crown Prince of 
Jordan, and myself--and what is happening today will 
crown the summit meeting in Washington between 
President Clinton, His Majesty King Hussein, and the 
Prime Minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin.  It should 
become the start of a new era.  None of us can 
permit it to fail, and all of us must make a dual 
attempt to bring durable peace and promising economy 
to our needs.  We shall have to demonstrate that a 
geographic rift has been transformed into an 
economic backbone and a political divide has become 
a valley of wisdom.  To cherish the memory of our 
fallen youngsters is to build the correct future for 
the youngsters who follow in their ways.

This time, Mr. Prime Minister and Mr. Secretary, 
history is on our side.  We are offered a strong and 
fresh wind.  Our sails must be ready.  Thank you.


Prime Minister Al-Majali.  In the name of God, the 
merciful, the compassionate [preceding phrase in 
Arabic], Secretary of State of the United States of 
America Mr. Warren Christopher, Foreign Minister of 
Israel Mr. Shimon Peres, distinguished delegates, 
ladies and gentlemen:  Peace and God's blessings be 
upon you [preceding phrase in Arabic].

These are, indeed, vital and critical moments which 
historians shall cherish and poets shall relish.  
They will be recorded in the annals of history in 
block letters, for they separate at the edge between 
peace and war, construction and destruction, and 
even life and death.

Indeed, as you mentioned, Mr. Foreign Minister, 43 
years ago on the same day, the very date, the 
founder of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan paid with 
his life the price of his vision of peace in the 
holy city of Jerusalem at Al-Aqsa Mosque, at a time 
when emotions were running high and events were 
dictating violence and warfare.  The late King 
Abdallah was the voice of reason and the statesman 
who advocated wise judgment.  His deep sense of 
belonging to his Sharifian Al al-Bayt lineage and 
his strong attachment to this region account for his 
relentless efforts to achieve a just and honorable 
peace.  It is our duty here to cherish his memory by 
achieving the kind of peace and coexistence that he 
aspired and worked for.

Honorable guests, ladies and gentlemen:  The Jordan 
Valley where we stand right now is where history and 
geography marched hand in hand to shape the course 
of humanity.  In this very place near the Dead Sea, 
men of dedication and brave hearts took upon 
themselves to call for the worship of God to combat 
evil and preached justice, equality, and respect for 
human dignity.  The good men of God eventually won, 
and evil was buried under those heavy waters of the 
sea that we see.

Our meeting today is neither an accident nor a hasty 
last-minute get-together.  Men of good hearts have 
invested several lifetimes to make it possible.  We 
should dignify their toil with honorable peace that 
is just, permanent, and comprehensive.

This plenary session held in Jordan is the result of 
the meeting that was hosted by President Clinton in 
Washington, DC, between His Royal Highness Crown 
Prince Hassan Bin Talal and Mr. Shimon Peres on 
October 1, 1993.  At that event, Crown Prince Hassan 
presented a global vision of peace that would be 
based on the conceptual framework of cooperation 
rather than a mere listing of economic projects.

Indeed, the introduction of this concept, which has 
been absent from our vocabulary in this region for 
too long, serves to underline the nature of the 
solid peace that we seek.  Technicians can always 
draw projects where cooperation can take place.  It 
takes courage, creativity, and imagination, however, 
to lay the foundation for such cooperation.

Let us, then, contribute to the building of peace, 
which His Majesty King Hussein qualified as one 
which future generations can accept and build on.  
His Majesty's vision of peace is one where all 
parties gain.  It is not a zero sum effort.  It is a 
peace that honors man and woman to live in a secure 
world, free from poverty, hunger, and inequality.  
He has dedicated his life to pursue a defensible 
peace where rifts are bridged and cooperation is 
based on mutual respect.  Peace to His Majesty means 
building societies where democracy, freedom of 
expression, and pursuit of happiness are available 
to all without discrimination.

In less than a week, a major development that shall 
capture the fancy of the whole world is planned.  
President Bill Clinton and Mr. Thomas Foley will 
host His Majesty King Hussein and Mr. Yitzhak Rabin 
at the White House and at the United States 
Congress.  This truly historical moment should serve 
as the takeoff to a new era in the region, where 
peace and prosperity shall prevail.  Washington 
should also be appreciated and thanked for its 
positive and constructive role in advancing the 
cause of peace and accelerating our march toward it.

On September 14, 1993, both Jordan and Israel signed 
in Washington the Common Agenda.  That agenda still 
arouses the admiration of experts for its subtlety, 
balance, and comprehensiveness.  It reflected 
realism by addressing all issues of contention.  It 
embodied hope because it charted a transparent and 
tractable course of action, and it radiated optimism 
by focusing on human needs and aspirations.

The integrity and unity of that Common Agenda is the 
basic characteristic.  While we may apply a step-by- 
step approach to deal with its articles, it must be 
implemented in its entirety.  Building peace is like 
writing a book:  It is carefully crafted, chapter by 
chapter, but the book is never complete until all 
chapters are written and produced.  The successful 
bilateral meetings which occurred during the last 
two days in Wadi Araba stand as witness that our 
focus should be placed on the substantial issues.

The resolution of such issues is an essential part 
for the success of the peace process as a whole.  
The movement of negotiations to the region and in 
Jordan is a clear indication of the concurrence of 
both Israel and Jordan to go all the way to chart a 
future not just for themselves but for the whole 
region.

We in Jordan, under the wise Hashemite leadership of 
His Majesty King Hussein, have given a lot for the 
cause of peace.  This persistence on the path toward 
a better future entailed many sacrifices.  Every war 
caused us huge losses in human lives, mass movements 
of people into Jordan, and loss of territory.  We 
did more than our share in postwar stabilization at 
the expense of our limited resources.  We 
continuously had to go through very painful 
adjustments to cope with substantial changes in our 
demography and geography.  We fully realize the huge 
responsibility we have to shoulder in the 
maintenance of peace.  This undertaking can be 
performed but can only be borne by a strong and 
stable Jordan.

We in Jordan believe that comprehensive and just 
peace should have a human face.  The long suffering 
of the Palestinian people and refugees should be 
ended, and their rights must be acknowledged and 
fairly dealt with.  Security cannot be achieved 
while millions of Palestinians are denied their 
legitimate human rights.

The sons of Abraham, may peace be upon him, are the 
adherents to the three monotheistic religions.  They 
must resolve the issue of Jerusalem.  Sovereignty 
over the holy places of Jerusalem is only for God, 
and, in His name, we should respect and honor that 
right.

Mr. Christopher, Mr. Peres, ladies and gentlemen:  
Let us work for peace.  The road is long and 
arduous, but dedicated men always walk it to the end 
toward a new dawn.  Our trilateral meeting 
symbolizes the dedication of  these concerned 
parties to wage peace.  It also embodies the will of 
the world community, as represented by the United 
States of America, to make our region a valuable 
asset to the world.  Let us hope that the 
achievements we score here are replicated on other 
tracks of negotiations for the assurance of its 
continuity.

Foreign Minister Peres.  Let us take this 
opportunity of our presence at this historical site 
to appeal to both of our people to transcend the 
conflicts of today and defy the state of siege in 
order to embark upon thinking of the harmony of 
tomorrow.  From what I heard in your statement 
today, sir, it is clear to me that the creative 
thinking required to make real peace is there.  The 
vision is slowly but surely becoming a reality.  
With sincerity and good will, the people of our two 
countries, as part of this region so long denied 
justice and security, will begin to enjoy the fruits 
of peace.  We ask God, the omnipotent and the all 
merciful, to guide us on the rightful path for the 
good of all men and women of all ages.  Thank you, 
sir.  


U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman, 
Dead Sea, Jordan, July 20, 1994.

Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Jordanian 
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Abd al-Salam al-
Majali, and Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres 
presided over an unprecedented meeting at a 
Jordanian hotel on the shores of the Dead Sea July 
20.  In this historic meeting--the first gathering 
of the U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic 
Committee at the ministerial level in the region--
the three parties discussed numerous initiatives 
designed to address pressing regional problems faced 
by the Israelis and Jordanians.  The ministers also 
undertook preparations for the July 25 summit 
meeting between President Clinton, Prime Minister 
Rabin, and King Hussein in Washington.

The Trilateral Economic Committee was inaugurated by 
President Clinton in October 1993, when he met with 
Jordanian Crown Prince Hassan and Israeli Foreign 
Minister Peres at the White House.  The United 
States participates in this committee as a catalyst 
to help achieve agreements on concrete projects.  
Private sector involvement and investment also will 
be crucial to take advantage of the opportunities 
identified by the trilateral group.

Four previous sessions held in Washington and Europe 
resulted in adoption of a practical approach to 
addressing economic problems and proposals for a 
wide range of near- and long-term projects.  The 
cumulative effect of these meetings was to create a 
framework within which practical projects are now 
being developed.

In addition to a bilateral agreement on banking, the 
group has placed a special focus on tourism with 
concrete projects taking shape on joint tourism, 
marketing, a cooperative park project to promote 
tourism and protection of common marine resources in 
the Gulf of Aqaba.  Facilitation of travel to both 
countries by third-country visitors also is under 
study.

In the area of infrastructure, the Trilateral 
Committee is working toward construction of a road 
linking Jordan and Israel in the vicinity of Aqaba 
and Eilat.  Experts also are addressing practical 
cooperation in civil aviation matters.

Following the opening session today, experts from 
the three countries will continue to meet in Jordan 
through July 21. (###)




ARTICLE 3:

Inauguration of the Jordan-Israel Border Crossing
Prime Minister Rabin, Secretary Christopher, Crown 
Prince Hassan, King Hussein
Remarks at the inauguration of the Jordan-Israel 
border crossing at Aqaba, Jordan and Eilat, Israel, 
August 8, 1994.

Prime Minister Rabin.  Your Royal Highness, the 
Secretary of State of the United States, Prime 
Minister of Jordan, the Foreign Minister of Israel, 
ministers of the Governments of Jordan and Israel, 
ladies and gentlemen:  The stagemaster working in 
the service of history has done us a great favor 
today. He has chosen this site as the ideal backdrop 
for the new relationships being formed between 
Israel and Jordan.  We are, literally, seated at 
this time and this place, all of us--Israelis, 
Jordanians, and Americans--on the remains of the 
past.  We are sitting on an old minefield, which was 
cleared only three days ago.  This is what divided 
Israel and Jordan for decades. This is the field in 
which death and destruction was sowed.

We are sitting at this time and at this place, all 
of us--Israelis and Jordanians--before the future. 
To our right and to our left stand the new Israel-
Jordan border crossing terminals which sprang up 
overnight. In a short time, tourists and businessmen 
from all over the world will start to pass through 
here from Eilat to Aqaba, from Aqaba to Eilat, from 
Israel to Jordan, and from Jordan to Israel.  Three 
days ago, this was a wilderness--only sand and more 
sand. Today, this place teems with new life. Three 
weeks ago, the dream of peace was far away.  Today, 
it is materializing --telephone lines, tourism.  
Soon it will seem as though this is the way it has 
always been.

Ladies and gentlemen:  Friends say to us that the 
pace of events is too fast; we cannot keep up; wait 
a moment.  Your Royal Highness, our friends in the 
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan:  We have waited 46 
years.  We have gone through war, pain, and 
suffering to prevent further loss.  And so, we 
cannot wait even one day more.

It looks like the walls of hostility are tumbling 
down before our eyes, and all this would have been 
impossible had not the two peoples--the Jordanians 
and the Israelis and their leadership--wanted this 
to happen.  This is the first stop on a long 
journey.  There are still problems, difficulties, 
obstacles, and challenges ahead.  But the 
farsightedness which has characterized our contacts 
in the past and which has compelled us to take the 
first steps toward peace and the spirit of 
responsibility and pragmatism--that in the end we 
will reach comprehensive peace with the Kingdom of 
Jordan and with all our neighboring Arab countries.

Ladies and gentlemen:  In the Arava, of which Isaiah 
says in the Bible, "The wilderness and solitary 
place shall be glad, and the desert shall rejoice 
and blossom as the rose."

We hereby declare the Arava border crossing between 
Israel and Jordan now open.  Mazel tov. 
Congratulations.

Secretary Christopher.  Your Highness, Prime 
Minister Rabin, distinguished guests, ladies and 
gentlemen:  The great American author, William 
Faulkner, once proclaimed "man will not merely 
endure; he will prevail."  Today, again, your two 
countries fortify our faith in that basic 
proposition.  Through 46 years of pain and suffering 
and conflict, Israel and Jordan have endured.  Their 
war is over.  Now peace will prevail.

Today, Israel and Jordan are lifting the spirits of 
a wounded region by reminding it of the courage and 
honor, the compassion and sacrifice that two peoples 
can demonstrate in the search for peace.  From this 
ancient and sacred land a new message of hope and 
reconciliation, born of blood and tears, has gone 
out.  The longings and prayers of generations of 
Arabs and Jews are being fulfilled.

Just two weeks ago, King Hussein and Prime Minister 
Rabin came together at the White House to sign the 
Washington Declaration.  There, with the world as 
their witness, they declared an end to the conflict 
between their two nations.  There, they pledged to 
build the bonds of a real and lasting peace between 
their peoples.

Today, half a world away, that promise is being 
redeemed.  Here, in the land of miracles, the 
rhetoric of peace-making is being translated into 
reality.  With the eyes of the world once more upon 
them, Israel and Jordan have acted with boldness and 
courage.  A crossing point is opened, a wall torn 
down.  The burden formed by decades of fear and 
suspicion has been eased.

The area where we meet today is heavy with history 
and emotion.  It is a place of legendary achievement 
where, in 1917, the forces of Emir Hussein, great-
grandfather of Jordan's King and Crown Prince, won 
the battle for Aqaba.  It has been a place of 
tension, whose lands and nearby waterways have been 
the source of heated disputes and even war between 
Israel and its Arab neighbors.  And it has been a 
place of longing, where Israelis and Jordanians 
could stand on the beaches of Eilat and Aqaba and 
see each other but not know each other.

Today, that begins to change.  By bringing to life 
the promise of the Washington Declaration, we will 
weave together the fabric of human contact and 
mutual interest that is the foundation of genuine 
peace.  Through open borders and open phones, road 
links and air links, economic cooperation and 
security coordination, Jordan and Israel will, step 
by step, transform their relations as well as their 
region.

We know that there is yet much work to do.  We know 
that forces of hatred are using terror and violence 
to undermine our efforts.  They must not and shall 
not succeed.  We must continue to push ahead until 
our goal is achieved.  The only route home for all 
of us lies through the gates of a comprehensive and 
lasting peace between Israel and Jordan and between 
Israel and all her neighbors.  As President Clinton 
pledged last month in Washington, "Just as we have 
supported you in coming this far, the United States 
will walk the final miles with you."

Your Highness, Mr. Prime Minister:  For you and your 
peoples, history has come full circle.  From this 
place, at this time, the road of reconciliation 
between Arab and Jew has, literally, been opened 
again.  Now, we must take it.  The journey ahead 
remains long, but our step is ready.  Our vision is 
clear, and our destination lies plainly in sight.  
It is peace--full peace:  peace for Israel; peace 
for Jordan; peace for all the peoples of the Middle 
East.  Thank you.


Crown Prince Hassan.  Prime Minister Rabin, 
Secretary of State Christopher, Foreign Minister 
Peres, ladies and gentlemen, friends:  It gives me 
great pleasure to join you all today to inaugurate 
the Aqaba-Eilat border gate.  It is, indeed, a 
significant step toward the full implementation of 
the provisions of the Washington Declaration, signed 
at the White House by His Majesty King Hussein 
together with President Clinton and Prime Minister 
Rabin.  The Declaration comes after years of 
relentless efforts by His Majesty King Hussein to 
obtain a durable and comprehensive solution to the 
Arab-Israeli conflict.

Without prejudice to the outcome of the negotiations 
on the delineation and demarcation of our common 
boundaries, the opening of this border gate 
demonstrates our joint commitment to make a concrete 
contribution to peace-making.  Our presence here 
today signifies our determination to translate our 
intentions into tangible realities on the ground.  
Only in this way can we overcome the legacy of 
suffering and torment that dominates the daily life 
of our peoples and poisons the conduct of regional 
and international relations in this part of the 
world.

Jordan and Israel lie at the heart of the Middle 
East and constitute an important confluence between 
three continents--Europe, Asia, and Africa. It has 
always been our vision that, under conditions of 
peace, the Middle East would be marked by the free 
movement of persons, capital, and goods across 
national frontiers.  The Aqaba-Eilat border gate 
represents a physical demonstration of our desire to 
promote interregional transportation networks. Our 
region is the birthplace of civilization; it is the 
crossroads of different cultures where their 
interaction has produced the sophistication that has 
enthralled mankind throughout the ages.

Henceforth, third-country citizens will be able to 
marvel at this precious heritage.  It is only the 
first step in the long search to realize our vision 
of normal and harmonious good neighborliness.  Let 
this gateway be a token of our resolve that soon our 
peoples will be able to share, exchange, and marvel 
at their common legacy.

Allow me to reiterate--Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. 
Secretary--what I said when I met with President 
Clinton and Foreign Minister Peres at the White 
House last October.  The fundamental task of peace-
building is to alleviate the prevalent conditions of 
poverty and deprivation in many segments of our 
societies.  We agreed on the need to put an end to 
the politics of despair and dispossession.  Peace 
should relate directly to the basic interests of 
those who bore the brunt of war by building material 
interdependence in major economic spheres.  Let the 
opening of this border gate in this particular 
location mark the foundation stone on which we 
intend to build our common future.

[In Arabic; below is unofficial translation.]

To our great Jordanian people, who have always 
sought peace and justice, I say that this day that 
witnesses the inauguration of this border crossing 
must be viewed as a symbol of the passage of the 
just peace which we envision for our future 
generations. Indeed, the challenges of peace require 
further commitment, effort, and labor to translate 
the slogan of peace into realities of prosperity and 
progress on the ground.  Peace, it should be added, 
must spark our innovative abilities to turn this 
desert into a success story to be remembered by 
succeeding generations.

You have always stood firm and steadfast behind your 
Hashemite leadership--in peace as well as in war, 
and have unfailingly been the best of family in 
adversity.  God willing, you shall always remain--as 
His Majesty, the leader, has always known you to be-
-the best kinfolk when a new dawn breaks on this 
region which has long suffered agony and bitterness.

At this place, I cannot but recall the souls of our 
faithful martyrs--the martyrs of 1948 and 1967 and 
of all the long years of struggle.  These martyrs 
gave their blood in defense of the rights of their 
people and of their homeland to a secure and 
prosperous life.

Throughout history, Jordan has been a gateway 
through which civilizations have passed and a 
junction upon which various trends have converged, 
none of which has ever altered the true identity of 
this country.  We have always been a bridge to hope 
and good. I recall that Jordan was the gate to hope 
for scores of thousands of people who passed through 
this homeland during the Gulf crisis.  We shared 
with them what little water, food, and medicine we 
had.  Today, we open this crossing point to our 
guests from other countries to give them the 
opportunity to see the facts and our cultural 
heritage with their own eyes.  In turn, they may 
convey to their peoples and nations a humanitarian 
message about the region's dire need for development 
and all that development requires in terms of water, 
energy, and infrastructure which will contribute to 
the alleviation of the suffering of our Jordanian 
individuals.

This crossing point also stands as an assertion of 
our understanding of the concept of adaptation and 
communication with the world without forsaking our 
rights.  What we witness today is yet a further 
message to the world that the conflict in this 
region has gone on for too long and that we are 
determined that it go on no longer.

[End Arabic translation.]


Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Secretary of State, Foreign 
Minister Peres:  Let it be a testimony to our joint 
commitment to turn the Jordan Rift Valley into a 
valley of hope, development, and prosperity for all 
our peoples.  A durable peace must be underpinned by 
the will to do away with disparity and social 
injustice and build a commonwealth of shared human 
interest.  If I may quote the Bible--[quotation in 
Hebrew]--the English translation of which is 
"Turning the valley of trouble into a gate of hope."  
Thank you and salam alaykum.


Opening remarks at a press conference, Aqaba, 
Jordan, August 8, 1994.

King Hussein.  I wish to begin by expressing my 
warmest welcome to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, 
Secretary of State Warren Christopher, and to all 
our friends who join with us today in this meeting 
here in Aqaba, Jordan, and who have taken part in 
yet another step which was agreed upon--the 
inauguration of the road link between Aqaba and 
Eilat for tourists and visitors to use in the times 
to come.  We have had the chance to look at all the 
progress that has been achieved so far in terms of 
the Washington Declaration.  I have had an 
opportunity to express, once again, our appreciation 
for President Clinton's hospitality, for the warmth 
with which we were received--both Prime Minister 
Rabin and I--in Washington, and all the support that 
we received.  We feel, as we address you today, that 
we are friends and partners moving with 
determination, vision, and commitment toward 
building the foundations for a comprehensive peace 
in this region but, essentially, moving to address 
all the problems that need to be faced and 
addressed, adequately, to ensure that beyond words, 
deeds occur that can transform this region to what 
it should be.

I would like to seize the opportunity, on this 
occasion,  in addressing our Israeli viewers to say 
that I am very happy, indeed, to have this 
opportunity, once again, to reiterate what not only 
I feel, but that I am proud of how the overwhelming 
majority of the people of Jordan feel, in terms of a 
commitment to peace and to the future that is the 
right of generations to come to enjoy and protect 
and thrive under.  It is really hard at times to 
believe that so much has happened in a very short 
space of time.  Yesterday--today--I was recalling 
that it was only two weeks ago that the first 
meetings took place here at our common border.  And 
almost just about that since we received the kind 
invitation to visit Washington and our visit there.  
But we are determined, we are committed, and we are 
confident that, with God's blessings, we will 
fulfill our duties toward generations to come and 
live in peace.  The kind of peace that I have felt 
with myself is something I have never experienced 
over the many, many past years.  I hope it is 
something that we will leave for all peoples--for 
men, women, and children--to live with and enjoy in 
the future.  We remember those who have fallen, and, 
indeed, it was also a very moving experience for of 
us today to see their children come together and to 
see many within our military forces, who stood on 
different sides of an issue at a point in the past, 
meet in friendship and hope and optimism regarding 
the future.  Once again, Mr. Prime Minister, I 
welcome you very heartily and all your colleagues 
and also the Secretary.  Thank you so much.

Prime Minister Rabin.  Your Majesty, Your Highness, 
the Secretary of State:  First and foremost, I would 
like to thank you in the name of my colleague to the 
cabinet--the Foreign Minister of Israel--and my 
other colleagues for the most gracious and warm 
hospitality here in Aqaba.  I believe that on July 
25, when we met in Washington and we signed together 
the Washington Declaration, it was a landmark in the 
history of the Middle East, in the history of the 
relations between Jordan and Israel, and a landmark 
in the history of the road to peace.  It was not 
just a Declaration; we see that within two weeks we 
have started to implement it.  Yesterday, telephone 
connections were made between Jordan and Israel, 
between Israel and Jordan.  And Your Majesty had a 
telephone call from the President of Israel--
President Weizman.  Today, Your Highness, myself, 
the Secretary of State, and our colleagues opened a 
real opening of a border that was closed.  
Symbolically, this crossing--international crossing 
between Jordan to Israel, between Aqaba and Eilat--
is in a place that served as a mine field for many 
decades.  The mines were cleared; the road is free; 
the future is in pursuing what we have started now.

I don't believe that this could be achieved without 
your vision and courage, Your Majesty.  You led your 
people through difficult periods, and you make the 
right decision now--a very courageous decision--
that, no doubt, changes the face of the Middle East 
today.  I believe that what we have started will be 
continued, and we will find many issues on which we 
can cooperate.  You mentioned, Your Majesty, that we 
in a small group discussed the details of the 
negotiations, that tomorrow we will start in two 
places--in the tent in the Arava for the last time 
and in the Dead Sea Company Hotel on our side.  I am 
sure that, through intensive negotiations, we  will 
find ways to overcome obstacles and differences, as 
we have succeeded to do until today.  I believe that 
what has started in Washington by the Washington 
Declaration, no doubt, is a new chapter, not only in 
the relations between Jordan and Israel, I believe 
that it serves as an example of what can be achieved 
in the relations with Israel and the other Arab 
countries--between the other Arab countries and 
Israel--because, after all, our mutual purpose--
goal--is comprehensive peace to solve, once and 
forever, the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its 
entirety.

I would like also to thank the Secretary of State 
for the U.S. help--the personal involvement of 
President Clinton and you, Mr. Secretary, in 
bringing about and assisting so that these events--
historic events--will take place.  We rely on the 
continuation of the U.S. assistance and support to 
the development of the relations between Jordan and 
Israel--politically, economically, and otherwise.  
We believe that the United States has shown great 
leadership in helping--assisting the parties to the 
conflict to overcome it.  As you said, Your Majesty, 
in your famous speech on the lawn of the White 
House:  We achieved the end of war; we are in the 
process of building the structure of peace.  Thank 
you very much, Your Majesty, in the name of all of 
us here.

Secretary Christopher.  Your Majesty, Your Highness, 
Prime Minister Rabin, Prime Minister Majali, ladies 
and gentlemen:  Today is a reflection of a great 
deal of work that has been done by a number of 
people over many years.  Many of them are here in 
our presence.  Two are certainly here at the table.  
Your Majesty, when I reflect on the fact, I suppose 
it is accurate to say that it is almost 43 years 
that you have been pursuing the goal that comes 
about today.  It is a very good thing for the world 
to see this happening today with all of the 
intractable problems that face the world.  It is a 
tonic to know that some seemingly intractable 
problems do have their solutions.  It was entirely 
appropriate today that we focused primarily on the 
bilateral relationships between Jordan and Israel--
for those two countries now have an opportunity to 
demonstrate what the real benefits of peace are, to 
show the world what a warm peace is, to show the 
kinds of things that can emerge from the 
relationship that is being developed.

But in addition to that, we discussed some other 
matters that look to the future.  We discussed a 
meeting of the trilateral group--that is, the United 
States, Israel, and Jordan--which will take place 
sometime in September and will focus on regional 
development projects.  We also discussed the 
Casablanca conference on regional development, which 
will take place on October 31.  That is a great 
opportunity to unlock some of the resources of this 
region for the benefit of the people of the region.  
So, it is an extraordinary day, and I want--on 
behalf of the President and the American people--to 
congratulate both Israel and Jordan and their 
leaders and also to say that the United States will 
remain with you.  We will continue our economic and 
political support for this endeavor, inspired as we 
are by these recent events.  Thank you, Your 
Majesty.  (###)




ARTICLE 4

Developments in Other Bilateral Negotiations
Secretary Christopher, PLO Chairman Arafat, Prime 
Minister Rabin, Foreign Minister Peres, Text of 
Gaza-Jericho Agreement, National Security Adviser 
Lake

Secretary Christopher and PLO Chairman Arafat
Opening statements at a news conference, Gaza, July 
21, 1994.

Chairman Arafat.  Your Excellency, first of all, I 
would like to say to you: Thank you very much for 
your coming here to visit us in the Gaza Strip.  You 
have done the first visit to Jericho, and now to 
Gaza.  And I have to thank His Excellency President 
Clinton for what he is doing and what he is 
offering--to push for the peace process by all 
means.  We can't forget your efforts, Your 
Excellency--from the beginning until we had achieved 
what we have achieved.  Again, I have to thank you 
from my heart, in the name of our cabinet, in the 
name of our masses, in the name of our people.

Still, if we have to speak frankly, we still are 
facing some troubles even there:  what had happened 
in Erez, the isolation of Jerusalem, the troubles 
which we are facing in Hebron.  But we are sure--
with your help, Your Excellency, with His Excellency 
President Clinton's help, and your government's 
help--we'll be able to overcome all the obstacles 
and to push forward so that there will be honest and 
accurate implementation of what had been agreed upon 
and signed.

We are still facing some troubles in the economic 
field, because--still--the promises which we had 
received from the donors have not been implemented 
yet.  I am sure that you will continue your support 
and your help until our people are able to touch the 
fruits of the peace.  Specially, we are facing a 
very dramatic economic situation, but I am sure that 
you are [inaudible] to what I had mentioned to His 
Excellency President Clinton in the White House in 
your presence, Your Excellency--that we had found a 
real friend in the White House, President Clinton, 
and we are sure that he will help us with all his 
efforts.  We can't forget his appeal.  After the 
appeal, we had the meeting of the donors, but we are 
still in need of his help to carry on in facing  
this dramatic situation, especially as  our 
infrastructure had been completely destroyed and we 
have to start from zero.  Again, thank you from our 
hearts, and I have to repeat again: Thank you, thank 
you, thank you.

Secretary Christopher.  Mr. Chairman:  Of course, 
it's very memorable to be here in Gaza and see the 
Chairman setting up his headquarters.  I 
congratulated him on his return here and taking the 
very important step of being here in Gaza.  The 
Chairman outlined to me the economic problems that 
they are facing, and I have a new appreciation of 
them. Clearly, the Palestinians still face a very 
difficult task here.  It will not be easy for them, 
but I urge them to work through it with 
determination.

We had a very sober and serious discussion of the 
needs for documentation for the donor community.  We 
talked about the donors, who are prepared to make 
available funds but require--according to their 
procedures--documentation, and we are very anxious 
to try to help understand the need for that 
documentation.  With me today is Under Secretary of 
State for Economic Affairs Joan Spero.  She has been 
working closely with the World Bank and other parts 
of the donor community to help make the funds 
available, and she will be staying on after I leave 
to meet with the Chairman and with his colleagues to 
try to assist in this process.  One of the points 
that I made with the Chairman was that we really 
need help from them in order to try to help them 
with the donor community.

We discussed a number of other important aspects of 
the new relationship here.  We discussed the early 
empowerment talks that are taking place in Cairo 
that Prime Minister Rabin talked to me about last 
night, and I think the Israelis are anxious to go 
forward with that.  We had a broad-ranging talk 
about a number of issues that face the Chairman and 
his colleagues as they make this historic 
transformation.  I told him, and I think he 
understands and agrees, that the United States feels 
a special responsibility to try to assist them, as 
reflected by the early funds that we made available 
for their police and as reflected by the USAID 
project that has been started for housing in this 
area.  Thank you, Mr. Chairman; it was a pleasure to 
be here.


Advancing the Cause of Comprehensive Peace in the 
Middle East
Opening remarks at a press conference following a 
meeting at the Prime Minister's office, Jerusalem, 
July 18, 1994.

Prime Minister Rabin.  Secretary Christopher, we 
welcome you again for another round of talks in the 
Middle East, with the purpose to advance the cause 
of a comprehensive peace between Israel and the 
three additional Arab neighboring countries, and 
continuation of the implementation of the 
Declaration of Principles that was signed with the 
Palestinians, represented by the PLO, in Washington.  
We believe that your visits and the efforts of the 
United States, Israel, the Palestinians, Jordan, 
and, hopefully, Lebanon and Syria will bring about 
more and other moves toward peace.

In the meantime, since your last visit, we have 
succeeded in implementing Gaza-Jericho first, 
relatively quickly.  There are still problems.  
Yesterday was a reminder of the dangers, but we 
believe that the prospects of achievement of our 
goals are greater than the dangers.  Through your 
efforts, we see a change in the mode of negotiations 
on the part of Jordan.

Today, the first bilateral meeting between Israeli 
and Jordanian delegations started in the Arava.  On 
Wednesday, there will be a trilateral meeting on the 
Jordanian side in which you, Mr. Secretary, the 
Prime Minister of Jordan, and the Foreign Minister 
of Israel will meet.  And next Monday in Washington, 
on the invitation of President Clinton, the King of 
Jordan, King Hussein, and myself will meet.  No 
doubt, it's a good beginning, and, no doubt, it 
opens doors for new and many opportunities.  I hope 
that in your visit to Damascus, we will also succeed 
to bring about new moves toward peace.  I would like 
in the name of the Government of Israel, myself, to 
thank you Mr. Secretary, for your efforts, and we 
look for a good week or two weeks that will open new 
roads and new doors.


Secretary Christopher.  Mr. Prime Minister, thank 
you for that warm welcome.  It's very good to be 
back in Israel and to be among good friends.  The 
Prime Minister has given you a characteristically 
succinct and correct statement of where the various 
matters stand and the purpose of my trip.  As the 
Prime Minister has said, there will be difficulties 
on the path ahead, but, nonetheless, we're 
proceeding to assist the parties, and they are 
proceeding with great determination.

The Arab-Israeli conflict, one of the most long-
standing and most intractable conflicts of this 
entire century, is drawing to an end.  It is the 
parties who have brought them to this point of real 
opportunity.  As the Prime Minister has said:  There 
are new opportunities on the Jordanian track that 
have been opened up by the attitudes of both the 
Prime Minister and the King of Jordan--meetings this 
week, culminating in next Monday's event in 
Washington, which give a new impetus on this track.

As the Prime Minister has said:  I am here, in part, 
in order to try to assist the parties on the Syrian 
track.  This is--as the Prime Minister and all the 
other parties have said over and over again--a 
situation in which the peace must be comprehensive 
to be fully satisfactory.  So we will be working on 
that track, and on the Lebanese track as well.  But 
there is new hope and new opportunities here.  The 
main message I have for the people of Israel is that 
with the leadership of the Prime Minister, the 
Foreign Minister, and their colleagues, peace is 
possible.  We must grasp that opportunity as firmly 
as we can. 


Opening remarks at a news conference following a 
meeting at the Foreign Ministry, Jerusalem, July 18, 
1994.

Foreign Minister Peres.  I would like to welcome 
Secretary of State Warren Christopher and his 
delegation upon this very important visit to our 
region and our country.  The agenda is rich and 
heavy and important.  In our talks at the beginning 
at the Prime Minister's place and now the Foreign 
Ministry, we covered four main subjects.  One is how 
to go ahead with the Palestinian negotiations.  We 
feel that in spite of the many troubles, it became a 
promising reality that should be carried on, and we 
are talking about the ways and means of  how to 
proceed with it.  The Secretary came with some 
ideas; we have introduced some of our own, and we 
think it is important to continue and work in that 
direction.  

The second very important issue is Jordan.  The 
Secretary brought us a message of introducing 
daylight in the peace process between Jordan and 
ourselves.  I do not believe that peace can be 
tackled underground.  It must be open--in the fresh 
air, in clear terms--and we feel that we are 
embarking upon an entirely new relationship between 
our two highly tied, very close countries, with a 
very important role that the United States, its 
President, and its Secretary are contributing to 
make and bring it to a new opening.  The third issue 
was how to proceed with other countries, including 
Syria, and the fourth point was the multilateral 
negotiations which, again, are contributing in their 
own way to the overall picture of peace-making in 
the Middle East.

Unfortunately, toward the end of our meeting we got 
very sad information about the bombing of the Jewish 
community center in a six-story building in Buenos 
Aires.  The whole building collapsed.  We don't have 
as yet any detailed information about possible 
casualties.  But it is a terrible shock to us, and 
we shall try and see what can be done in immediate 
terms to help those who need help and to look for 
the people who are responsible for this terrible 
crime.  Thank you.


Secretary Christopher.  Thank you, Mr. Minister.  
Let me first pay tribute to the leadership that 
Foreign Minister Shimon Peres has given all across 
the board on each of the items that he mentioned.  
We are headed into seven very important days for the 
peace process--between now and the ceremony in 
Washington--in which I will be working here with the 
Foreign Minister and Prime Minister to see how much 
progress we can make in these historic seven days.  
The events that he has spoken about in Buenos Aires 
are a reminder that, despite the glowing prospects, 
there are still enemies of peace around the world--
not only here in the Middle East--and I think the 
best antidote to that is to strive and work to 
remove the underlying problems that have given rise 
to these tensions historically.  So we will   
redouble our efforts while commiserating with all 
the Jewish people on that terrible episode in Buenos 
Aires.  Thank you very much.


Opening remarks at a news conference following a 
meeting at the Foreign Ministry, Jerusalem, August 
7, 1994.

Foreign Minister Peres.  Ladies and gentlemen:  We 
welcome Secretary of State Warren Christopher upon 
his visit now to our country and to the Middle East.  
May I say that we salute the energies of the 
Secretary not to let the momentum for peace subside.  
Whenever he comes, he forces us to put on dates and 
events that actually pave the way to further the 
peace process.

I think that in our own feelings, whatever happened 
over the last year exceeds the expectations of 
everybody in the Middle East.  For that reason these 
visits, in my judgment, are extremely positive and 
contribute greatly to the maintenance and 
continuation of the peace momentum.

We also understand perfectly well that peace is not 
just an opening occasion, it requires a great deal 
of maintenance.  And we are aware of the fact that 
we have to maintain very carefully and very 
respectfully our agreement with the Palestinian 
people--I am referring to the Gaza-Jericho 
agreement.  While there are a great deal of 
achievements, there are also some problems.  And we 
are not going to turn our backs on them.  Whatever 
is dependent upon us we shall try to settle it and 
meet it in the most responsive and positive manner.  
We think that the Palestinian Authority is trying to 
build a new situation that we support, that we are 
willing to support, and that we will continue to 
support in the future.  Then again, we would like to 
feel that the Jordanian-Israeli agreement--with 
American participation and with economic content, so 
people will see--not just the very wonderful 
appearances of the promise of peace, but also the 
hard evidence of economic improvement in the 
relations and in the situation of our two peoples--
as soon and as much as we can do in the future.

We also support the attempt, which is being today 
conducted by the Secretary, to have a breakthrough 
in our relations with the Syrians.  So we know it 
still requires a great deal of work and effort and 
understanding.  I would not like to describe it as 
though it happened yesterday or that it is going to 
happen tomorrow, but I would like to describe it as 
something that will and should happen--and the 
sooner, the better.

Then we had a look again at the Middle East as a 
region.  And the next important occasion will be 
October 31, when an economic conference will take 
place in Casablanca, Morocco, chaired by the King of 
Morocco, Hassan II, and supported by President 
Clinton and President Yeltsin, with the expected 
participation of many political leaders--maybe over 
100, and of many commercial enterprises.  We believe 
that quite an extensive number of groups and 
associations will come.  This will be the first time 
in the history of the Middle East that an organized 
economic effort--supported both by governments and 
private enterprises, market economy and political 
thinking--will come together to open a new situation 
in the Middle East.

Again, the Secretary of State and the American 
President and Administration are very supportive--as 
are the Europeans, the Japanese, and many other 
countries.  We do hope that this will add a new 
dimension--an additional dimension--to our 
diplomatic efforts to build a new Middle East for 
the benefit of all people.

While not ignoring the problems, may I say that we 
can permit ourselves to have an optimistic look at 
what has been achieved until now and for that reason 
to continue, optimistically, to go further and build 
an entirely new situation in this region.  It is 
because of that that I would like to thank the 
Secretary and the peace team for taking all the 
trouble to voyage here and there--uninterruptedly--
not considering the differences in time and the 
distance in territory.  And we are very glad that we 
have the opportunity to go further ahead.  Thank 
you. 

Secretary Christopher.  Thank you very much, Mr. 
Foreign Minister.  My visits here to Israel have 
become a  regular stop for me, and one of the high 
points is always my meetings with the Foreign 
Minister.  He has contributed so much to the 
progress that has been made in the course of the 
last year.  He was vitally involved, of course, in 
the Declaration of Principles--the Gaza-Jericho 
accord.  Once again in the progress, with respect to 
Jordan, he has brought his vision and good judgment 
to that.  So when I'm here, I find it very inspiring 
to be with him and to hear him talk about the future 
of the Middle East.

He has given you a good account of the subjects we 
discussed in our meeting this morning, which lasted 
for a little more than an hour.  I won't try to 
repeat them, except to say that he and I resolved 
that we would make certain to try to keep in our 
minds the economic aspect of these various 
relationships.  The political steps forward, of 
course, are crucial.  But the agreements will only 
be cemented--they only will be finally most 
effective --when they have an economic aspect as 
well.  The Foreign Minister's vision in terms of 
what can be done on that front, of course, is a key 
factor.  Thank you very much, Mr. Foreign Minister.  
I have enjoyed our conversation, and I look forward 
to seeing you again during the course of this visit.


Secretary Christopher
Opening remarks at a news conference following a 
meeting with Syrian President Asad, Damascus, Syria, 
August 7, 1994.

Good evening.  I just met for about five hours with 
President Asad and Foreign Minister Shara.  I 
believe that is the longest single meeting that I 
have had with him.  It was a constructive meeting.  
We are laying the basis for future progress.  You 
might ask, what took so long?  For one thing, I 
brought some thoughts from Prime Minister Rabin 
which I, of course, shared with the President in the 
normal way that we do.  Then we discussed, in some 
detail, all of the elements for possible solution to 
the problem; discussed the needs of the parties; and 
discussed, in some detail, the positions of the 
parties on the principle issues.  It was a 
constructive meeting, and it is safe to say that we 
are laying the basis for future progress.


Secretary Christopher
Excerpt from on-the-record briefing aboard the 
Secretary's aircraft en route Tel Aviv to Shannon, 
Ireland, August 9, 1994.

First, I wanted to work with the Egyptians to see if 
we could find ways and means to improve the delivery 
of the funds to the Palestinians and, hence, enhance 
the construction and reconstruction of Gaza and 
Jericho.  One of the outcomes of the meeting, of 
course, was that Chairman Arafat was there in Egypt.  
I had an opportunity to talk with him directly in 
the presence of President Mubarak, and it was quite 
a useful three-way meeting.  One of the products of 
that will be signature today by Palestinians of the 
OPIC agreement--Overseas Private Investment 
Corporation agreement--with the United States, which 
will encourage several of our companies and firms 
that have been awaiting that signature before 
launching their own projects in Gaza and, possibly, 
Jericho.

A second outcome is that Chairman Arafat committed 
himself to me to meet with the World Bank people to 
try to work through problems with the World Bank--to 
make his way through procedures and red tape of the 
World Bank.  They are meeting today to try to 
streamline and improve the procedures.

Finally, coming out of the trip and our extensive 
conversations both in Alexandria as well as 
conversations that have taken place on the 
telephone, we have some new ideas for streamlining 
the process to enable the funds to be delivered on a 
more timely basis to the Palestinians.  The 
backgrounder will give you more details on the 
subject.  Let me say that we continue to feel a 
responsibility to ensure that Arafat and the 
Palestinians have a full opportunity to achieve 
progress in building and rebuilding in Gaza and 
Jericho areas.  As I told the Chairman, his success 
is very important to the United States and the other 
nations that have been involved in this process.  
Despite the frustrations, we want to help in every 
way we can, and that has been our attitude.  I must 
say I believe that is the same attitude the Israelis 
and other parties involved have toward the matter.

The second objective I had for the trip was to try 
to move forward the implementation of the Washington 
Declaration.  Clearly, in those terms, it was a 
remarkable day yesterday.  The interaction between 
the Jordanians and Israelis I am sure all of you 
witnessed was an extraordinary thing to see.  There 
was a rapport that was really palpable.  You could 
see it in the stands as we waited for and had the 
statements there on the border.  You saw Jordanian 
and Israeli military men, who probably had never met 
each other, talking in a very animated way, 
discussing how they might work together in the 
future.

I think I have never seen King Hussein nor the Prime 
Minister in a better or more relaxed mood then they 
were in the two days I was  there.  They both had 
sort of a sense of relief that they had done the 
right thing--the sense that they had made a 
historically important move.  It has given them a 
new sense of confidence and reassurance to move 
ahead.  I was really struck with a comment that King 
Hussein made at the beginning, I think, of the press 
conference when he said:  "I am more at ease with 
myself than at anytime since I became King."

In my prepared remarks yesterday, I spoke of a 
longing on the part of both the Jordanians and the 
Israelis for peace and for rapprochement between 
them, and I think that captures the mood I found in 
both of them.  They see great prospects ahead.  
Certainly, they will both move conservatively and 
cautiously, but, nevertheless, there is a tremendous 
new opening which was reflected in what they said 
and even more so in the body language yesterday that 
you could visualize on the stage and which I saw up 
close as we took that usual trip on the King's yacht 
followed by and welcomed by the Israeli boats on the 
Eilat side and the Jordanian on the Aqaba side.

One of the other things that came out the meetings 
was the schedule for the trilateral meetings.   As I 
said yesterday, the focus was primarily on the 
bilateral aspect of it, but there was considerable 
discussion of how the trilateral meetings would fit 
into the overall picture--the importance of the 
trilateral meetings from the standpoint of regional 
development.

Finally, the third objective of the trip was to 
deepen the discussion on the Syrian track.  I felt 
that my last trip had removed some of the major 
psychological barriers.  There was less testing 
between the parties and down-to-earth discussions.  
I find that in this conversation was a very 
conscientious searching on the part of both of them 
as to the needs of the other party.  They were not 
utterly self-absorbed, but they were, rather, 
thinking about the needs of the other party and what 
might be done to achieve them.

As I have said before, the various aspects are very 
much intertwined--interrelated.  You could see that 
borne out in Prime Minister Rabin's comment 
yesterday when he said Syria wants peace.  And the 
issue now is timing and the price.  That indicated 
that he saw how interrelated each of these matters 
are.  So it will be difficult for us to portray 
progress on any one of many issues.  It may not in 
the long-run be significant unless there is progress 
on other issues.  I know that this is a time of some 
frustration for reporters.  I don't feel that I can 
report incremental progress on specific issues, but 
I can say, in an overall sense, that I feel the 
discussions are very meaningful to both parties.  
There is a good deal for them to think about and 
chew on as we leave the region.  As I said, the 
reason we are not going back to Damascus is that I 
felt the one long meeting I had with President Asad 
accomplished what could be accomplished at the 
present time.  There was no need for a second 
meeting.  I thought it might take two meetings to 
accomplish what we were able to achieve in the 
meeting that we had.

So the parties have got a lot to think about and 
chew on.  But I do think they are at a very 
meaningful level of discussion at the present time.  
That is where I see it in terms of the objectives I 
brought here.  


Agreement on the Gaza Strip And the Jericho Area

Following is the text of the agreement between the 
Government of the State of Israel and the Palestine 
Liberation Organization signed in Cairo, Egypt, on 
May 4, 1994.  Annexes, appendices, and maps, which 
constitute an integral part of the agreement, are 
not included here.

The Government of the State of Israel and the 
Palestine Liberation Organization (hereinafter "the 
PLO"), the representative of the Palestinian people;

PREAMBLE

Within the framework of the Middle East peace 
process initiated at Madrid in October 1991;

Reaffirming their determination to live in peaceful 
coexistence, mutual dignity and security, while 
recognizing their mutual legitimate and political 
rights;

Reaffirming their desire to achieve a just, lasting 
and comprehensive peace settlement through the 
agreed political process;

Reaffirming their adherence to the mutual 
recognition and commitments expressed in the letters 
dated September 9, 1993, signed by and exchanged 
between the Prime Minister of Israel and the 
Chairman of the PLO;

Reaffirming their understanding that the interim 
self-government arrangements, including the 
arrangements to apply in the Gaza Strip and the 
Jericho Area contained in this Agreement, are an 
integral part of the whole peace process and that 
negotiations on the permanent status will lead to 
the implementation of Security Council Resolutions 
242 and 338;

Desirous of putting into effect the Declaration of  
Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements 
signed at Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1993, 
and the Agreed Minutes thereto (hereinafter "the 
Declaration of Principles"), and in particular the 
Protocol on withdrawal of Israeli forces from the 
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area;

Hereby Agree to the following arrangements regarding 
the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area:

ARTICLE I

Definitions

For the purpose of this Agreement:

a.  the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area are 
delineated on map Nos. 1 and 2 attached to this 
Agreement;

b.  "the Settlements" means the Gush Katif and Erez 
settlement areas, as well as the other settlements 
in the Gaza Strip, as shown on map No. 1; 

c.  "the Military Installation Area" means the 
Israeli military installation area along the 
Egyptian border in the Gaza Strip, as shown on map 
No. 1; and

d.  the term "Israelis" shall also include Israeli 
statutory agencies and corporations registered in 
Israel.

ARTICLE II

Scheduled Withdrawal of Israeli Military Forces

1.  Israel shall implement an accelerated and 
scheduled withdrawal of Israeli military forces from 
the Gaza Strip and from the Jericho Area to begin 
immediately with the signing of this Agreement.  
Israel shall complete such withdrawal within three 
weeks from this date.

2.  Subject to the arrangements included in the 
Protocol Concerning  Withdrawal of Israeli Military 
Forces and Security Arrangements attached as Annex 
I, the Israeli withdrawal shall include evacuating 
all military bases and other fixed installations to 
be handed over to the Palestinian Police, to be 
established pursuant to Article IX below 
(hereinafter "the Palestinian Police").

3.  In order to carry out Israel's responsibility 
for external security and for internal security and 
public order of Settlements and Israelis, Israel 
shall, concurrently with the withdrawal, redeploy 
its remaining military forces to the Settlements and 
the Military Installation Area, in accordance with 
the provisions of this Agreement.  Subject to the 
provisions of this Agreement, this redeployment 
shall constitute full implementation of Article XIII 
of the Declaration of Principles with regard to the 
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area only.

4.  For the purposes of this Agreement, "Israeli 
military forces" may include Israeli police and 
other Israeli security forces.

5.  Israelis, including Israeli military forces, may 
continue to use roads freely within the Gaza Strip 
and the Jericho Area.  Palestinians may use public 
roads crossing the Settlements freely, as provided 
for in Annex I.

6.  The Palestinian Police shall be deployed and 
shall assume responsibility for public order and 
internal security of Palestinians in accordance with 
this Agreement and Annex I.

ARTICLE III

Transfer of Authority

1.  Israel shall transfer authority as specified in 
this Agreement from the Israeli military government 
and its Civil Administration to the Palestinian 
Authority, hereby established, in accordance with 
Article V of this Agreement, except for the 
authority that Israel shall continue to exercise as 
specified in this Agreement.

2.  As regards the transfer and assumption of 
authority in civil spheres, powers and 
responsibilities shall be transferred and assumed as 
set out in the Protocol Concerning Civil Affairs 
attached as Annex II.

3.  Arrangements for a smooth and peaceful transfer 
of the agreed powers and responsibilities are set 
out in Annex II.

4.  Upon the completion of the Israeli withdrawal 
and the transfer of powers and responsibilities as 
detailed in paragraphs 1 and 2 above and in Annex 
II, the Civil Administration in the Gaza Strip and 
the Jericho Area will be dissolved and the Israeli 
military government will be withdrawn.  The 
withdrawal of the military government shall not 
prevent it from continuing to exercise the powers 
and responsibilities specified in this Agreement.

5.  A Joint Civil Affairs Coordination and 
Cooperation Committee (hereinafter "the CAC") and 
two Joint Regional Civil Affairs Subcommittees for 
the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area respectively 
shall be established in order to provide for 
coordination and cooperation in civil affairs 
between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, as 
detailed in Annex II.

6.  The offices of the Palestinian Authority shall 
be located in the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area 
pending the inauguration of the Council to be 
elected pursuant to the Declaration of Principles.

ARTICLE IV

Structure and Composition of the Palestinian 
Authority

1.  The Palestinian Authority will consist of one 
body of 24 members which shall carry out and be 
responsible for all the legislative and executive 
powers and responsibilities transferred to it under 
this Agreement, in accordance with this Article, and 
shall be responsible for the exercise of judicial 
functions in accordance with Article VI, 
subparagraph 1.b. of this Agreement.

2.  The Palestinian Authority shall administer the 
departments transferred to it and may establish, 
within its jurisdiction, other departments and 
subordinate administrative units as necessary for 
the fulfillment of its responsibilities.  It shall 
determine its own internal procedures.

3.  The PLO shall inform the Government of Israel of 
the names of the members of the Palestinian 
Authority and any change of members.  Changes in the 
membership of the Palestinian Authority will take 
effect upon an exchange of letters between the PLO 
and the Government of Israel.

4.  Each member of the Palestinian Authority shall 
enter into office upon undertaking to act in 
accordance with this Agreement.

ARTICLE V

Jurisdiction 
1.  The authority of the Palestinian Authority 
encompasses all matters that fall within its 
territorial, functional and personal jurisdiction, 
as follows:

a.  The territorial jurisdiction covers the Gaza 
Strip and the Jericho Area territory, as defined in 
Article I, except for Settlements and the Military 
Installation Area.

Territorial jurisdiction shall include land, subsoil 
and territorial waters, in accordance with the 
provisions of this Agreement.

b.  The functional jurisdiction encompasses all 
powers and responsibilities as specified in this 
Agreement.  This jurisdiction does not include 
foreign relations, internal security and public 
order of Settlements and the Military Installation 
Area and Israelis, and external security.

c.  The personal jurisdiction extends to all persons 
within the territorial jurisdiction referred to 
above, except for Israelis, unless otherwise 
provided in this Agreement.

2.  The Palestinian Authority has, within its 
authority, legislative, executive and judicial 
powers and responsibilities, as provided for in this 
Agreement.

3.  a.  Israel has authority over the Settlements, 
the Military Installation Areas, Israelis, external 
security, internal security and public order of 
Settlements, the Military Installation Area and 
Israelis, and those agreed powers and 
responsibilities specified in this Agreement.

b.  Israel shall exercise its authority through its 
military government, which, for that end, shall 
continue to have the necessary legislative, judicial 
and executive powers and responsibilities, in 
accordance with international law.  This provision 
shall not derogate from Israel's applicable 
legislation over Israelis in personam.

4.  The exercise of authority with regard to the 
electromagnetic sphere and airspace shall be in 
accordance with the provisions of this Agreement.

5.  The provisions of this Article are subject to 
the specific legal arrangements detailed in the 
Protocol Concerning Legal Matters attached as Annex 
III.  Israel and the Palestinian Authority may 
negotiate further legal arrangements.

6.  Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall 
cooperate on matters of legal assistance in criminal 
and civil matters through the legal subcommittee of 
the CAC.

ARTICLE VI

Powers and Responsibilities of the Palestinian 
Authority

1.  Subject to the provisions of this Agreement, the 
Palestinian Authority, within its jurisdiction:

a.  has legislative powers as set out in Article VII 
of this Agreement, as well as executive powers;

b.  will administer justice through an independent 
judiciary;

c.  will have, inter alia, power to formulate 
policies, supervise their implementation, employ 
staff, establish departments, authorities and 
institutions, sue and be sued and conclude 
contracts; and

d.  will have, inter alia, the power to keep and 
administer registers and records of the population, 
and issue certificates, licenses and documents.

2.  a.  In accordance with the Declaration of 
Principles, the Palestinian Authority will not have 
powers and responsibilities in the sphere of foreign 
relations, which sphere includes the establishment 
abroad of embassies, consulates or other types of 
foreign missions and posts or permitting their 
establishment in the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area, 
the appointment of or admission of diplomatic and 
consular staff, and the exercise of diplomatic 
functions.

b.  Notwithstanding the provisions of this 
paragraph, the PLO may conduct negotiations and sign 
agreements with states or international 
organizations for the benefit of the Palestinian 
Authority in the following cases only:

(1)  economic agreements, as specifically provided 
in Annex IV of this Agreement;

(2)  agreements with donor countries for the purpose 
of implementing arrangements for the provision of 
assistance to the Palestinian Authority;

(3)  agreements for the purpose of implementing the 
regional development plans detailed in Annex IV of 
the Declaration of Principles or in agreements 
entered into in the framework of the multilateral 
negotiations; and 

(4)  cultural, scientific and educational 
agreements.

c.  Dealings between the Palestinian Authority and 
representatives of foreign states and international 
organizations, as well as the establishment in the 
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area of representative 
offices other  than those described in subparagraph 
2.a. above, for the purpose of implementing the 
agreements referred to in subparagraph 2.b. above, 
shall not be considered foreign relations.

ARTICLE VII

Legislative Powers Of the Palestinian Authority 

1.  The Palestinian Authority will have the power, 
within its jurisdiction, to promulgate legislation, 
including basic laws, laws, regulations and other 
legislative acts.

2.  Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian 
Authority shall be consistent with the provisions of 
this Agreement.

3.  Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian 
Authority shall be communicated to a legislation 
subcommittee to be established by the CAC 
(hereinafter "the Legislation Subcommittee").  
During a period of 30 days from the communication of 
the legislation, Israel may request that the 
Legislation Subcommittee decide whether such 
legislation exceeds the jurisdiction of the 
Palestinian Authority or is otherwise inconsistent 
with the provisions of this Agreement.

4.  Upon receipt of the Israeli request, the 
Legislation Subcommittee shall decide, as an initial 
matter, on the entry into force of the legislation 
pending its decision on the merits of the matter.

5.  If the Legislation Subcommittee is unable to 
reach a decision with regard to the entry into force 
of the legislation within 15 days, this issue will 
be referred to a board of review.  This board of 
review shall be comprised of two judges, retired 
judges or senior jurists (hereinafter "Judges"), one 
from each side, to be appointed from a compiled list 
of three Judges proposed by each.

In order to expedite the proceedings before this 
board of review, the two most senior Judges, one 
from each side, shall develop written informal rules 
of procedure.

6.  Legislation referred to the board of review 
shall enter into force only if the board of review 
decides that it does not deal with a security issue 
which falls under Israel's responsibility, that it 
does not seriously threaten other significant 
Israeli interests protected by this Agreement and 
that the entry into force of the legislation could 
not cause irreparable damage or harm.

7.  The Legislation Subcommittee shall attempt to 
reach a decision on the merits of the matter within 
30 days from the date of the Israeli request.  If 
this Subcommittee is unable to reach such a decision 
within this period of 30 days, the matter shall be 
referred to the Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison 
Committee referred to in Article XV below 
(hereinafter "the Liaison Committee").  This Liaison 
Committee will deal with the matter immediately and 
will attempt to settle it within 30 days.

8.  Where the legislation has not entered into force 
pursuant to paragraphs 5 or 7 above, this situation 
shall be maintained pending the decision of the 
Liaison Committee on the merits of the matter, 
unless it has decided otherwise.

9.  Laws and military orders in effect in the Gaza 
Strip or the Jericho Area prior to the signing of 
this Agreement shall remain in force, unless amended 
or abrogated in accordance with this Agreement.

ARTICLE VIII

Arrangements for Security And Public Order

1.  In order to guarantee public order and internal 
security for the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip and  
the Jericho Area, the Palestinian Authority shall 
establish a strong police force, as set out in 
Article IX below.  Israel shall continue to carry 
the responsibility for defense against external 
threats, including the responsibility for protecting 
the Egyptian border and the Jordanian line, and for 
defense against external threats from the sea and 
from the air, as well as the responsibility for 
overall security of Israelis and Settlements, for 
the purpose of safeguarding their internal security 
and public order, and will have all the powers to 
take the steps necessary to meet this 
responsibility.

2.  Agreed security arrangements and coordination 
mechanisms are specified in Annex I.

3.  A joint Coordination and Cooperation Committee 
for mutual security purposes (hereinafter "the 
JSC"), as well as three joint District Coordination 
and Cooperation Offices for the Gaza district, the 
Khan Yunis district and the Jericho district 
respectively (hereinafter "the DCOs") are hereby 
established as provided for in Annex I.

4.  The security arrangements provided for in this 
Agreement and in Annex I may be reviewed at the 
request of either Party and may be amended by mutual 
agreement of the Parties.  Specific review 
arrangements are included in Annex I.

ARTICLE IX

The Palestinian Directorate of Police Force 

1.  The Palestinian Authority shall establish a 
strong police force, the Palestinian Directorate of 
Police Force (hereinafter "the Palestinian Police").  
The duties, functions, structure, deployment and 
composition of the Palestinian Police, together with 
provisions regarding its equipment and operation, 
are set out in Annex I, Article III.  Rules of 
conduct governing the activities of the Palestinian 
Police are set out in Annex I, Article VIII.

2.  Except for the Palestinian Police referred to in 
this Article and the Israeli military forces, no 
other armed forces shall be established or operated 
in the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area.

3.  Except for the arms, ammunition and equipment of 
the Palestinian Police described in Annex I, Article 
III, and those of the Israel military forces, no 
organization or individual in the Gaza Strip and the 
Jericho Area shall manufacture, sell, acquire, 
possess, import or otherwise introduce into the Gaza 
Strip or the Jericho Area any firearms, ammunition, 
weapons, explosives, gunpowder or any related 
equipment, unless otherwise provided for in Annex I.

ARTICLE X 

Passages

Arrangements for coordination between Israel and the 
Palestinian Authority regarding the Gaza-Egypt and 
Jericho-Jordan passages, as well as any other agreed 
international crossings, are set out in Annex I, 
Article X.

ARTICLE XI

Safe Passage Between the Gaza Strip and the Jericho 
Area

Arrangements for safe passage of persons and 
transportation between the Gaza Strip and the 
Jericho Area are set out in Annex I, Article IX.

ARTICLE XII

Relations Between Israel and the Palestinian 
Authority

1.  Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall seek 
to foster mutual understanding and tolerance and 
shall accordingly abstain from incitement, including 
hostile propaganda, against each other and, without 
derogating from the principle of freedom of 
expression, shall take legal measures to prevent 
such incitement by any organizations, groups or 
individuals within their jurisdiction.

2.  Without derogating from the other provisions of 
this Agreement, Israel and the Palestinian Authority 
shall cooperate in combating criminal activity which 
may affect both sides, including offenses related to 
trafficking in illegal drugs and psychotropic 
substances, smuggling, and offenses against 
property, including offenses related to vehicles.

ARTICLE XIII

Economic Relations

The economic relations between the two sides are set 
out in the Protocol on Economic Relations signed in 
Paris on April 29, 1994 and the Appendices thereto, 
certified copies of which are attached as Annex IV, 
and will be governed by the relevant provisions of 
this Agreement and its Annexes.

ARTICLE XIV

Human Rights and the Rule of Law

Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall exercise 
their powers and responsibilities pursuant to this 
Agreement with due regard to internationally-
accepted norms and principles of human rights and 
the rule of law.

ARTICLE XV

The Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee

1.  The Liaison Committee established pursuant to 
Article X of the Declaration of Principles shall 
ensure the smooth implementation of this Agreement.  
It shall deal with issues requiring coordination, 
other issues of common interest and disputes.

2.  The Liaison Committee shall be composed of an 
equal number of members from each Party.  It may add 
other technicians and experts as necessary.

3.  The Liaison Committee shall adopt its rules of 
procedure, including the frequency and place or 
places of its meetings.

4.  The Liaison Committee shall reach its decisions 
by Agreement.

ARTICLE XVI

Liaison and Cooperation With Jordan and Egypt

1.  Pursuant to Article XII of the Declaration of 
Principles, the two Parties shall invite the 
Governments of Jordan and Egypt to participate in 
establishing further liaison and cooperation 
arrangements between the Government of Israel and 
the Palestinian representatives on the one hand, and 
the Governments of Jordan and Egypt on the other 
hand, to promote cooperation between them.  These 
arrangements shall include the constitution of a 
Continuing Committee.

2.  The Continuing Committee shall decide by 
agreement on the modalities of admission of persons 
displaced from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 
1967, together with necessary measures to prevent 
disruption and disorder.

3.  The Continuing Committee shall deal with other 
matters of common concern.

ARTICLE XVII

Settlement of Differences and Disputes

Any difference relating to the application of this 
Agreement shall be referred to the appropriate 
coordination and cooperation mechanism established 
under this Agreement.  The provisions of Article XV 
of the Declaration of Principles shall apply to any 
such difference which is not settled through the 
appropriate coordination and cooperation mechanism, 
namely:

1.  Disputes arising out of the application or 
interpretation of this Agreement or any subsequent 
agreements pertaining to the interim period shall be 
settled by negotiations through the Liaison 
Committee.

2.  Disputes which cannot be settled by negotiations 
may be settled by a mechanism of conciliation to be 
agreed between the Parties.

3.  The Parties may agree to submit to arbitration 
disputes relating to the interim period, which 
cannot be settled through conciliation.  To this 
end, upon the agreement of both Parties, the Parties 
will establish an Arbitration Committee.

ARTICLE XVIII

Prevention of Hostile Acts

Both sides shall take all measures necessary in 
order to prevent acts of terrorism, crime and 
hostilities directed against each other, against 
individuals falling under the other's authority and 
against their property, and shall take legal 
measures against offenders.  In addition, the 
Palestinian side shall take all measures necessary 
to prevent such hostile acts directed against the 
Settlements, the infrastructure serving them and the 
Military Installation Area, and the Israeli side 
shall take all measures necessary to prevent such 
hostile acts emanating from the Settlements and 
directed against Palestinians.

ARTICLE XIX

Missing Persons

The Palestinian Authority shall cooperate with 
Israel by providing  all necessary assistance in the 
conduct of searches by Israel within the Gaza Strip 
and the Jericho Area for missing Israelis, as well 
as by providing information about missing Israelis.  
Israel shall cooperate with the Palestinian 
Authority in searching for, and providing necessary 
information about, missing Palestinians.

ARTICLE XX

Confidence Building Measures

With a view to creating a positive and supportive 
public atmosphere to accompany the implementation of 
this Agreement, and to establish a solid basis of 
mutual trust and good faith, both Parties agree to 
carry out confidence building measures as detailed 
herewith:


1.  Upon the signing of this Agreement, Israel will 
release, or turn over, to the Palestinian Authority 
within a period of 5 weeks, about 5,000 Palestinian 
detainees and prisoners, residents of the West Bank 
and the Gaza Strip.  Those released will be free to 
return to their homes anywhere in the West Bank or 
the Gaza Strip.  Prisoners turned over to the 
Palestinian Authority shall be obliged to remain in 
the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area for the remainder 
of their sentence.

2.  After the signing of this Agreement, the two 
Parties shall continue to negotiate the release of  
additional Palestinian prisoners and detainees, 
building on agreed principles.

3.  The implementation of the above measures will be 
subject to the fulfillment of the procedures 
determined by Israeli law for the release and 
transfer of detainees and prisoners.

4.  With the assumption of Palestinian authority, 
the Palestinian side commits itself to solving the 
problem of those Palestinians who were in contact 
with the Israeli authorities.  Until an agreed 
solution is found, the Palestinian side undertakes 
not to prosecute these Palestinians or to harm them 
in any way.

5.  Palestinians from abroad whose entry into the 
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area is approved pursuant 
to this Agreement, and to whom the provisions of 
this Article are applicable, will not be prosecuted 
for offenses committed prior to September 13, 1993.

ARTICLE XXI

Temporary International Presence 

1.  The Parties agree to a temporary international 
or foreign presence in the Gaza Strip and the 
Jericho Area (hereinafter "the TIP"), in accordance 
with the provisions of this Article.

2.  The TIP shall consist of 400 qualified 
personnel, including observers, instructors and 
other experts, from 5 or 6 of the donor countries.

3.  The two Parties shall request the donor 
countries to establish a special fund to provide 
finance for the TIP.

4.  The TIP will function for a period of 6 months.  
The TIP may extend this period, or change the scope 
of its operation, with the agreement of the two 
Parties.

5.  The TIP shall be stationed and operate within 
the following cities and villages:  Gaza, Khan 
Yunis, Rafah, Deir El Ballah, Jabaliya, Absan, Beit 
Hanun and Jericho.

6.  Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall agree 
on a special Protocol to implement this Article, 
with the goal of concluding negotiations with the 
donor countries contributing personnel within two 
months.

ARTICLE XXII

Rights, Liabilities and Obligations

1.  a.  The transfer of all powers and 
responsibilities to the Palestinian Authority, as 
detailed in Annex II, includes all related rights, 
liabilities and obligations arising with regard to 
acts or omissions which occurred prior to the 
transfer.  Israel will cease to bear any financial 
responsibility regarding such acts or omissions and 
the Palestinian Authority will bear all financial 
responsibility for these and for its own 
functioning.

b.  Any financial claim made in this regard against 
Israel will be referred to the Palestinian 
Authority.

c.  Israel shall provide the Palestinian Authority 
with the information it has regarding pending and 
anticipated claims brought before any court or 
tribunal against Israel in this regard.

d.  Where legal proceedings are brought in respect 
of such a claim, Israel will notify the Palestinian 
Authority and enable it to participate in defending 
the claim and raise any arguments on its behalf.

e.  In the event that an award is made against 
Israel by any court or tribunal in respect of such a 
claim, the Palestinian Authority shall reimburse 
Israel the full amount of the award.

f.  Without prejudice to the above, where a court or 
tribunal hearing such a claim finds that liability 
rests solely with an employee or agent who acted 
beyond the scope of the powers assigned to him or 
her, unlawfully or with willful malfeasance, the 
Palestinian Authority shall not bear financial 
responsibility.

2.  The transfer of authority in itself shall not 
affect rights, liabilities and obligations of any 
person or legal entity, in existence at the date of 
signing of this Agreement.

ARTICLE XXIII

Final Clauses

1.  This Agreement shall enter into force on the 
date of its signing.

2.  The arrangements established by this Agreement 
shall remain in force until and to the extent 
superseded by the Interim Agreement referred to in 
the Declaration of Principles or any other agreement 
between the Parties.

3.  The five-year interim period referred to in the 
Declaration of Principles commences on the date of 
the signing of this Agreement.

4.  The Parties agree that, as long as this 
Agreement is in force, the security fence erected by 
Israel around the Gaza Strip shall remain in place 
and that the line demarcated by the fence, as shown 
on attached map No. 1, shall be authoritative only 
for the purpose of this Agreement.

5.  Nothing in this Agreement shall prejudice or 
preempt the outcome of the negotiations on the 
interim agreement or on the permanent status to be 
conducted pursuant to the Declaration of Principles.  
Neither Party shall be deemed, by virtue of having 
entered into this Agreement, to have renounced or 
waived any of its existing rights, claims or 
positions.

6.  The two Parties view the West Bank and the Gaza 
Strip as a single territorial unit, the integrity of 
which will be preserved during the interim period.

7.  The Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area shall 
continue to be an integral part of the West Bank and 
the Gaza Strip, and their status shall not be 
changed for the period of this Agreement.  Nothing 
in this Agreement shall be considered to change this 
status.

8.  The Preamble to this Agreement, and all Annexes, 
Appendices and maps attached hereto, shall 
constitute an integral part hereof.

DONE in Cairo this fourth day of May, 1994.

For the Government of the State of Israel
(Yitzhak Rabin)

For the PLO:
(Yasir Arafat)

Witnessed By:
The United States of America: (Warren Christopher)

The Russian Federation:
(Andrei Kozyrev)

The Arab Republic of Egypt:
(Hosni Mubarak)


Agreement on Preparatory Transfer of Powers and 
Responsibilities

Following is the text of the early empowerment 
agreement between the Government of the State of 
Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization,  
signed at the Erez checkpoint in Gaza, August 29, 
1994.  Annexes and appendices, which constitute an 
integral part of the agreement, are not included 
here. 

The Government of the State of Israel and the 
Palestine Liberation Organization (hereinafter "the 
PLO"), the representative of the Palestinian people; 

PREAMBLE

Within the framework of the Middle East peace 
process initiated at Madrid in October 1991;

Reaffirming their determination to live in peaceful 
coexistence, mutual dignity and security, while 
recognizing their mutual legitimate and political 
rights;

Reaffirming their desire to achieve a just, lasting 
and comprehensive peace settlement through the 
agreed political process;

Reaffirming their adherence to the mutual 
recognition and commitments expressed in the letters 
dated September 9, 1993, signed by and exchanged 
between the Prime Minister of Israel and the 
Chairman of the PLO;

Reaffirming their understanding that the interim 
self-government arrangements, including the 
preparatory arrangements to apply in the West Bank 
contained in this Agreement, are an integral part of 
the whole peace process and that the negotiations on 
the permanent status will lead to the implementation 
of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338;

Following the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the 
Jericho Area as signed at Cairo on May 4, 1994 
(hereinafter "the Gaza-Jericho Agreement");

Desirous of putting into effect the Declaration of 
Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements 
as signed at Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1993  
(hereinafter "the Declaration of Principles"), and 
in particular Article VI regarding preparatory 
transfer of powers and responsibilities and the 
Agreed Minutes thereto;

Hereby agree to the following arrangements regarding 
the preparatory transfer of powers and 
responsibilities in the West Bank:

ARTICLE I

Definitions

For the purpose of this Agreement, unless otherwise 
indicated in the attached Protocols:

a.  the term "the Palestinian Authority" means the 
Palestinian Authority established in accordance with 
the Gaza-Jericho Agreement;

b.  the term "Joint Liaison Committee" means the 
Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee 
established pursuant to Article X of the Declaration 
of Principles;

c.  the term "Interim Agreement" means the Interim 
Agreement referred to in Article VII of the 
Declaration of Principles; and 

d.  the term "Israelis" also includes Israeli 
statutory agencies and corporations registered in 
Israel.

ARTICLE II

Preparatory Transfer of Powers and Responsibilities

1.  Israel shall transfer and the Palestinian 
Authority shall assume powers and responsibilities 
from the Israeli military government and its Civil 
Administration in the West Bank in 
the following Spheres:  education and culture, 
health, social welfare, tourism, direct taxation and 
Value Added Tax on local production (hereinafter 
"VAT"), as specified in this Agreement (hereinafter 
"the Spheres").

2.  For the purposes of this Agreement, the 
Palestinian Authority shall constitute the 
authorized Palestinians referred to in Article VI of 
the Declaration of Principles.

3.  The Parties will explore the possible expansion 
of the transfer of powers and responsibilities to 
additional Spheres.

ARTICLE III

Scope of the Transferred Powers and Responsibilities

1.  The scope of the powers and responsibilities 
transferred in each Sphere, as well as specific 
arrangements regarding the exercise of such powers 
and responsibilities, are set out in the Protocols 
attached as Annexes I through VI.

2.  In accordance with the Declaration of 
Principles, the jurisdiction of the Palestinian 
Authority with regard to the powers and 
responsibilities transferred by this Agreement will 
not apply to Jerusalem, settlements, military 
locations and, unless otherwise provided for in this 
Agreement, Israelis.

3.  The transfer of powers and responsibilities 
under this Agreement does not include powers and 
responsibilities in the Sphere of foreign relations, 
except as indicated in Article VI(2)(b) of the Gaza-
Jericho Agreement.

ARTICLE IV

Modalities of Transfer

1.  The transfer of powers and responsibilities in 
the Sphere of education and culture pursuant to this 
Agreement will be implemented on August 29, 1994.  
The transfer of powers and responsibilities in the 
remaining Spheres will be implemented in accordance 
with Article XI below.

2.  The transfer of powers and responsibilities 
shall be coordinated through the Civil Affairs 
Coordination and Cooperation Committee referred to 
in Article X below and shall be implemented in 
accordance with the arrangements set out in this 
Agreement in a smooth, peaceful and orderly manner.

3.  Upon the signing of this Agreement, the Israeli 
side shall provide the Palestinian side with, or 
enable free access to, all information that is 
necessary for an effective and smooth transfer.

4.  On the date of the transfer of powers and 
responsibilities, Israel shall also transfer all 
movable and immovable property which exclusively 
serves the offices of the Civil Administration in 
the Spheres, including premises, whether government-
owned or rented, equipment, registers, files and 
computer programs.  The treatment of property which 
serves the offices transferred to the Palestinian 
Authority as well as offices which are not so 
transferred will be as mutually agreed between the 
two sides, such as on the basis of sharing or 
exchange.

5.  The coordination of the transfer of powers and 
responsibilities pursuant to this Article shall also 
include a joint review of the Civil Administration 
contracts the duration of which extend beyond the 
date of the transfer with a view to deciding which 
contracts will remain in force and which will be 
terminated.

ARTICLE V

Administration of the Transferred Offices

1.  The Palestinian Authority shall be fully 
responsible for the proper functioning of the 
offices included in the Spheres and for the 
management of their personnel in all aspects, 
including employment and placement of employees, 
payment of their salaries and pensions and ensuring 
other employee rights.

2.  The Palestinian Authority will continue to 
employ Palestinian Civil Administration employees 
currently employed in the offices included in each 
Sphere and shall maintain their rights.

3.  The main office of each of the Spheres will be 
situated in the Jericho Area or in the Gaza Strip.  
The Palestinian Authority will operate the existing 
subordinate offices in the West Bank.  The two sides 
may agree on the establishment of additional 
subordinate offices in the West Bank, if necessary, 
in such locations as mutually agreed.

4.  The Palestinian Authority has the right to 
coordinate its activities in each of the Spheres 
with other Spheres in which it is empowered.

ARTICLE VI

Relations Between the Two Sides

1.  With regard to each Sphere, the Palestinian 
Authority shall coordinate with the Civil 
Administration on issues relating to other Spheres 
in which the Palestinian Authority is not empowered.

2.  The military government and its Civil 
Administration shall assist and support the 
Palestinian Authority in promoting the effective 
exercise of its powers and responsibilities.  In 
addition, the military government and its Civil 
Administration shall, in exercising their own powers 
and responsibilities, take into account the 
interests of the Palestinian Authority and do their 
utmost to remove obstacles to the effective exercise 
of powers and responsibilities by the Palestinian 
Authority.

3.  The Palestinian Authority shall prevent any 
activities with a military orientation within each 
of the Spheres and will do its utmost to maintain 
decorum and discipline and to avoid disruption in 
the institutions under its responsibility.

4.  The Palestinian Authority will notify the 
military government and its Civil Administration and 
will coordinate with them regarding any planned 
public large-scale events and mass gatherings within 
the Spheres.

5.  Nothing in this Agreement shall affect the 
continued authority of the military government and 
its Civil Administration to exercise their powers 
and responsibilities with regard to security and 
public order, as well as with regard to other 
Spheres not transferred.

ARTICLE VII

Legislative Powers of the Palestinian Authority

1.  The Palestinian Authority may promulgate 
secondary legislation regarding the powers and 
responsibilities transferred to it.  Such 
legislation includes amendments and charges to the 
existing laws, regulations and military orders 
specified in Appendix A to each Annex.

2.  Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian 
Authority shall be consistent with the provisions of 
this Agreement.

3.  Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian 
Authority shall be communicated to Israel which may, 
within a period of thirty (30) days, notify the 
Palestinian Authority that it opposes such 
legislation for any of the following reasons:

(1)  it exceeds the powers and responsibilities 
transferred to the Palestinian Authority; 

(2)  it is inconsistent with the provisions of this 
Agreement; or

(3)  it otherwise affects legislation or powers and 
responsibilities which were not transferred to the 
Palestinian Authority.

4.  Where Israel opposes proposed legislation, it 
shall specify the reason for the opposition.

5.  If Israel has no reservations concerning the 
proposed legislation, it shall accordingly notify 
the Palestinian Authority at the earliest 
opportunity.  If at the end of the thirty-day period 
Israel has not communicated any opposition 
concerning the proposed legislation, such 
legislation shall enter into force.

6.  The Palestinian Authority may, in the event of 
opposition to the proposed draft legislation, submit 
a new draft or request a review by the Legislation 
Subcommittee established under the Gaza-Jericho 
Agreement.

7.  The Legislation Subcommittee shall attempt to 
reach a decision on the merits of the matter within 
thirty days.  If the Legislation Subcommittee is 
unable to reach a decision within this period, the 
Palestinian Authority shall be entitled to refer the 
matter to the Joint Liaison Committee.  The Joint 
Liaison Committee shall consider the matter 
immediately and will attempt to settle it within 
thirty days.

8.  Where, upon communicating to Israel proposed 
legislation consisting of detailed technical 
regulations, the Palestinian Authority states that 
such regulations fulfill the requirements of 
paragraph 3 above and requests a speedy review, 
Israel shall immediately respond to such a request.

9.  Legislation regarding the West Bank shall be 
published as a separate part of any publication of 
legislation regarding the Gaza Strip and the Jericho 
Area issued by the Jericho Area issued by the 
Palestinian Authority. 

ARTICLE VIII

Law Enforcement

1.  The Palestinian Authority may bring disciplinary 
proceedings concerning persons it employs in the 
West Bank before disciplinary tribunals operating in 
the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area.

2.  The Palestinian Authority may, within each of 
the Spheres, authorize employees to act as civilian 
inspectors to monitor compliance with laws and 
regulations in that Sphere, within the powers and 
responsibilities transferred to the Palestinian 
Authority.  Such inspectors shall operate in each 
Sphere separately and shall not be organized into a 
central unit.  These inspectors shall not wear 
uniforms or carry arms, and shall not in any other 
way have the nature of a police force.  They shall 
be required to carry the identification 
documentation referred to in paragraph 3 below.  The 
number of employees to be authorized as civilian 
inspectors shall be agreed upon by both sides.  The 
names of these employees shall be notified to Israel 
and, where these employees enjoy privileges pursuant 
to subparagraph 3 below, shall be agreed upon by 
both sides.

3.  The Palestinian Authority shall issue the 
civilian inspectors in the West Bank with 
identification documentation specifying the office 
in which they are employed.  Such documentation 
shall be used for identification and will not grant 
privileges, except those agreed in the CAC, or 
immunities.  The CAC shall determine the format of 
the identification documentation.

4.  Except as specifically provided in this 
Agreement, all powers and responsibilities regarding 
law enforcement, including investigation, judicial 
proceedings and imprisonment, will  continue to be 
under the responsibility of the existing authorities 
in the West Bank.

ARTICLE IX

Rights, Liabilities and Obligations

1. a.  The transfer of powers and responsibilities 
to the Palestinian Authority under this Agreement 
will include all related rights, liabilities and 
obligations arising with regard to acts or omissions 
which occurred prior to the transfer.  Israel and 
the Civil Administration will cease to bear any 
financial responsibility regarding such acts or 
omissions and the Palestinian Authority will bear 
all financial responsibility for these and for its 
own functioning.

b.  Any financial claim made in this regard against 
Israel or the Civil Administration will be referred 
to the Palestinian Authority.

c.  Israel shall provide the Palestinian Authority 
with the information it has regarding pending and 
anticipated claims brought before any court or 
tribunal against Israel or the Civil Administration 
in this regard.

d.  Where legal proceedings are brought in respect 
of such a claim, Israel will notify the Palestinian 
Authority and enable it to participate in defending 
the claim and raise any arguments on its behalf.

e.  In the event that an award is made against 
Israel or the Civil Administration by any court or 
tribunal in respect of such a claim, the Palestinian 
Authority shall, once the award has been paid by 
Israel, reimburse Israel the full amount of the 
award.

f.  Without prejudice to the above, where a court or 
tribunal hearing such a claim finds that liability 
rests solely with an employee or agent who acted 
beyond the scope of the powers assigned to him or 
her, unlawfully or with willful malfeasance, the 
Palestinian Authority shall not bear financial 
responsibility.

g.  Notwithstanding subparagraphs 1.d through 1.f 
above, Israel may, pursuant to agreement within the 
Legal Subcommittee of the CAC established under the 
Gaza-Jericho Agreement, request an Israeli court or 
tribunal to dismiss a claim brought before it and, 
with regard to a pending claim, dismiss the claim 
and transfer the proceedings to a local court or 
tribunal.

h.  Where a claim has been so transferred or where a 
new claim has been brought in a local court or 
tribunal subsequent to the dismissal of the claim 
pursuant to subparagraph 1.g above, the Palestinian 
Authority shall defend it and, in accordance with 
subparagraph 1.a above, in the event that an award 
is made for the plaintiff, shall pay the amount of 
the award.

i.  The Legal Subcommittee referred to in 
subparagraph 1.g above shall agree on arrangements 
for the transfer of proceedings from Israeli courts 
or tribunals pursuant to subparagraph 1.g above and, 
where necessary, for the provision of legal 
assistance by Israel to the Palestinian Authority in 
defending claims.

2.  In accordance with paragraph 1 above:

a.  The Palestinian Authority may bring legal 
proceedings in respect of any acts or omissions 
relating to powers and responsibilities transferred 
under this Agreement which occurred prior to the 
date of the transfer.  Israel shall provide the 
Palestinian Authority with the legal assistance 
necessary to bring such  proceedings.

b.  The Palestinian Authority may collect any taxes 
due under Annexes V and VI on the date of the 
transfer of powers and responsibilities in respect 
of these taxes, and shall assume responsibility for 
the payment of any rebates or refunds.

3.  Subject to the provisions of this Article, the 
transfer of powers and responsibilities in itself 
shall not affect rights, liabilities and obligations 
of any person or legal entity, in existence at the 
date of signing of this Agreement.

ARTICLE X

Liaison and Coordination

1. The Joint Civil Affairs Coordination and 
Cooperation Committee established in accordance with 
the Gaza-Jericho Agreement (hereinafter "the CAC"), 
will deal with all issues of mutual concern 
regarding this Agreement.

2.  The operation of the CAC shall not impede daily 
contacts between representatives of the Civil 
Administration and the Palestinian Authority in all 
matters of mutual concern.

ARTICLE XI

Budgetary Issues

1.  The military government and its Civil 
Administration shall provide the Palestinian 
Authority with full information concerning the 
budget of each Sphere.

2.  The Palestinian Authority shall immediately 
employ personnel who will promptly begin the process 
of becoming acquainted with the current budget 
issues.  On the date of the transfer of powers and 
responsibilities in each of the Spheres, these 
personnel will assume responsibility for all 
accounts, assets and records on behalf of the 
Palestinian Authority.

3.  Israel shall continue to provide the services of 
Israeli experts currently employed in the fields of 
income tax and VAT to ensure a smooth transition and 
efficient establishment of the taxation system of 
the Palestinian Authority.  The terms of their 
employment shall be agreed upon by the two sides.

4.  The Palestinian Authority will do its utmost to 
establish its revenue collection system immediately 
with the intent of collecting direct taxes and VAT.

5.  The two sides will jointly approach the donor 
countries during the upcoming meetings of the 
Consultative Group and of the Ad Hoc Liaison 
Committee, scheduled for September 8 through 10, 
1994 in Paris, with a request to finance the 
shortfall that may be created in the collection of 
the direct taxes and the VAT during the initial 
period while the Palestinian Authority establishes 
its own revenue collection system .

6.  The two sides will meet no later than three days 
after the conclusion of these meetings in order to 
decide on the date of transfer of powers and 
responsibilities in the remaining Spheres, based, 
among other things, on the response of the donor 
countries to the joint request.

7.  The CAC will provide the donor countries, when 
necessary, with information to help adjust the 
allocation of contributions as a result of 
variations in tax collection.

8.  The Palestinian Authority shall also assume full 
responsibility for any additional expenditures 
beyond the agreed budget which is attached as 
Schedule 1, as well as for any shortfall in tax 
collection that is not actually covered by the donor 
countries.

9.  If actual revenues from the Spheres, including 
the donor contributions, exceed the budgeted 
revenues, the excess shall be applied to development 
of the Spheres.

10.  The inclusion of the Sphere of VAT in the 
Spheres to be transferred to the Palestinian 
Authority shall constitute the adjustment referred 
to in paragraph (3) of the Agreed Minute to Article 
VI (2) of the Declaration of Principles, and no 
further adjustment shall be required.

ARTICLE XII

Mutual Contribution to Peace and Reconciliation

With regard to each of the Spheres, Israel and the 
Palestinian Authority will ensure that their 
respective systems contribute to the peace between 
the Israeli and Palestinian peoples and to peace in 
the entire region, and will refrain from the 
introduction of any motifs that could adversely 
affect the process of reconciliation.

ARTICLE XIII

Final Clauses

1.  This Agreement shall enter into force on the 
date of its signing.  

2.  The arrangements established by this Agreement 
are preparatory measures and shall remain in force 
until and to the extent superseded by the Interim 
Agreement or by any other agreement between the 
Parties.

3.  Nothing in this Agreement shall prejudice or 
preempt the outcome of the negotiations on the 
Interim Agreement or on the permanent status to be 
conducted pursuant to the Declaration of Principles.  
Neither Party shall be deemed, by virtue of having 
entered into this Agreement to have renounced or 
waived any of its existing rights, claims or 
positions.

4.  The two Parties view the West Bank and the Gaza 
Strip as a single territorial unit, the integrity of 
which will be preserved during the interim period.

5.  The Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area shall 
continue to be an integral part of the West Bank and 
the Gaza Strip.  The status of the West Bank shall 
not be changed for the period of this Agreement.  
Nothing in this Agreement shall be considered to 
change this status.

6.  The Preamble to this Agreement and the Annexes, 
Appendices and Schedules attached hereto, shall 
constitute an integral part hereof.

DONE at Erez Checkpoint in Gaza this 29th day of 
August, 1994.

For the Government of the State of Israel:
(Dani Rothschild)

For the PLO:
(Nabil Sha'ath)


Building a New Middle East:  Challenges for U.S. 
Policy
Address by National Security Adviser Anthony Lake to 
the Soref Symposium of The Washington Institute, 
Washington, DC, May 17, 1994.

It is a real pleasure to be invited to address The 
Washington Institute's Soref Symposium.  I know from 
Martin that you are a serious audience with an 
interest in, and deep knowledge of, the Middle East.  
As the old story goes, I feel like the professor 
asked to lecture on the subject of floods, knowing 
full well that Noah is in the audience.

With Secretary Christopher in the midst of intensive 
talks, I will focus tonight not on the current state 
of negotiations, but on our conceptual approach to 
the Middle East.  For in many ways, the Middle East 
is a paradigm for our nation's approach to the post-
Cold War world.  And it is our challenge and 
responsibility to build a regional environment in 
which the promise of a future of peace and hope can 
be realized.

In essence, the Middle East is now faced with a 
choice between two futures.  One path leads to a 
future in which extremists, wielding weapons of mass 
destruction, hold sway over a region torn by inter-
communal and inter-state conflicts--a future which 
could pose an existential threat to Israel and our 
other friends in the region.  The other alternative 
yields democratic progress, the free movement of 
people and goods, and dialogue leading to regional 
security.  Violence or peace; regression or freedom; 
isolation or dialogue:  these are the choices.

On any particular day, we can witness examples of 
these futures. Consider events of recent days.  
Efforts to unify Yemen suffered a blow when 
northerners and southerners chose the battlefield 
over the negotiating table.  At the same time, in a 
step critical to ending a prolonged conflict, 
Israeli soldiers peacefully transferred authority in 
Gaza and Jericho to Palestinian authorities.

In the middle of this era of turmoil and hope, the 
United States cannot afford to be a bystander.  
Despite the end of the superpower rivalry, the 
region remains of vital interest to our nation.  The 
free flow of oil at reasonable prices from the Gulf; 
the security and well-being of Israel; a secure and 
lasting Arab-Israeli peace; the stability of 
friendly Arab countries; our need to contain Iraq, 
Iran, Libya, and Sudan--the reactionary "backlash 
states" of the region; and efforts to curb the 
spread of weapons of mass destruction:  All these 
reasons give our nation a very real stake in 
ensuring a more peaceful, prosperous, and democratic 
future.

We do not seek, however, to dominate the future of 
the Middle East.  Too much of the troubled history 
of the region has  been preoccupied with  a struggle 
for mastery; too little effort has been devoted to a 
cooperative effort to promote common interests and 
shared values in a better future for all the peoples 
of the region.

Nor do we see this battle for the future of the 
Middle East as a "clash of civilizations."  Let me 
emphasize this point.  Some suggested that in the 
post-Cold War world, there is a fundamental divide 
pitting Western liberal democratic traditions 
against ostensibly opposing "civilizations" based on 
Islam and other religious traditions.  These 
theorists believe there is no common ground for 
understanding between "the West and the rest"--only 
the prospect of confrontation and conflict.  They 
assert that the United States, as the sole remaining 
superpower in search of a new ideology to fight, 
should be bent on leading a new crusade against 
Islam.  In a quest for a new ideology to rally 
against, fundamentalism would replace communism as 
the West's designated threat.

We strongly disagree.  In the Middle East as 
throughout the world, there is, indeed, a 
fundamental divide.  But the fault line runs not 
between civilizations or religions; no, it runs 
instead between oppression and responsive 
government, between isolation and openness, and 
between moderation and extremism.  And it knows no 
distinction by race or creed.  In South Africa as in 
China, in Burma as in Russia, and in Gaza as in 
northern Iraq, the universal language of personal 
and political freedom is being spoken by brave men 
and women who are fighting for human rights and 
democracy.  And the dramatic global changes of the 
past four years have shown that it is a language 
capable of transcending the past and transforming 
the future.

This is as true in the Middle East and Muslim world 
as it is elsewhere.  Our foe is oppression and 
extremism, whether in religious or secular guise.  
We draw the line against those who seek to advance 
their agenda through terror, intolerance, or 
coercion.  And I can assure you that President 
Clinton will continue to steadfastly oppose acts of 
terrorism aimed at stopping the peace process or 
denying the people of the Middle East a future of 
hope.  The enemies of peace have not hesitated to 
use violence to advance their goal, but the 
President has affirmed that we will not allow them 
to succeed.

We also reject the notion that a renewed emphasis on 
traditional values in the Islamic world must 
inevitably conflict with the West or with democratic 
principles.  These values--of devotion to family and 
society, to faith and good works--are not alien to 
our own experience.  It should come as no surprise 
that citizens throughout the Middle East and North 
Africa are testing and debating the role of these 
values in society and government.  People in the 
region--as is the case around the world--are 
searching for ways to achieve responsive government, 
guarantee basic human rights, and guide their lives.  
That so many of them look to religion--to Islam--is 
neither unusual nor unique.  This is a universal 
quest.  Islam is not the issue.

Extremism Versus the Pursuit of Political Power 

Today, the real conflicts which offend the 
conscience of the world are manifestly not 
"conflicts of civilization."  In Bosnia, we are 
opposing hatred and the use of force.  Our enemy is 
bigotry and ruthless nationalism.  Serbian leaders 
may seek to legitimize their conquest with claims 
that they are holding off a Moslem threat to the 
West, but the world should not accept such patently 
false claims.  Certainly, we will not accept it.  We 
support a democratic Bosnian state in which Muslims 
and Christians live together in peace.  We believe 
that the West has an interest in demonstrating that 
such a state, in the heart of Europe, is welcome and 
can survive and prosper.

Saddam Hussein's explanation of his invasion of 
Kuwait--to defend Islam against a Western invader--
was as transparent as Slobodan Milosevic's claim of 
a civilizing battle is today.  No one was fooled.  
The Gulf war was seen for what it was--a bid for 
conquest and regional supremacy that a coalition of 
Islamic and non-Islamic nations faced down.

In the wake of that war, the United States has been 
forced to deal with two hostile regimes in the 
region--secular Iraq and fundamentalist Iran.  
Elsewhere in the region, we oppose the extremist 
policies of secular Libya and fundamentalist Sudan.  
And we watch carefully from Algeria to southern 
Lebanon, from the West Bank and Gaza to Egypt and 
Jordan, where extremists threaten to divert the 
region onto the old path of violence.

There should be no doubt.  Islamic extremism poses a 
threat to our nation's interests.  There are forces 
which use the cover of Islamic revival to suppress 
freedom, withdraw from the world, and justify 
hostilities.  These movements threaten the United 
States and the global community of nations because 
they speak in a powerful and all-too seductive 
language--the age-old cant of hatred, fear, and 
prejudice.  But above all, as we have learned, they 
threaten the future of the Middle East.

Although the circumstances vary, the phenomenon of 
extremism around the world flow from common sources:  
disillusionment, a failure to secure basic needs, 
dashed hopes for political participation, and social 
justice.  Wide- spread disenchantment breeds an 
extremism of hatred and violence--an extremism by no 
means unique to the Middle East or the Muslim world.  
What distinguishes Islamic extremism is that it uses 
religion to cover its real intentions--the naked 
pursuit of political power.

Actively Pursuing Peace:  Cornerstone of U.S. Policy 

In the midst of this challenge, the United States 
must join hands with willing nations and build 
regional bulwarks against extremism.  In Central 
Asia, we are cultivating relations with newly 
independent Islamic states like Kazakhstan.  
Elsewhere--from Turkey to Saudi Arabia, from 
Pakistan to Indonesia--we are maintaining long-
standing alliances and friendships with both secular 
and fundamentalist states with Muslim populations.  
Our task in the Middle East is the same.

In confronting the challenges ahead, we must 
energetically pursue Arab-Israeli peace; actively 
contain those states and organizations which promote 
or support religious or secular extremism; and help 
form a community of like-minded Middle Eastern 
states which share our goals of free markets, 
democratic enlargement, and controls on 
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and 
their delivery systems.

Each of these elements complements and reinforces 
the other.  Progress in Arab-Israeli peace-making 
helps place extremists on the defensive and 
increases their isolation.  In turn, undermining 
extremist forces makes it easier for peacemakers to 
proceed.  When peace-making and containment work, 
moderated governments find it easier to bolster 
their legitimacy and face down extremists within 
their midst.  And that moderation is mutually 
reinforcing, as relationships which hold the promise 
of greater regional stability are built.

Actively pursuing peace in the Middle East is one of 
the Clinton Administration's highest foreign policy 
priorities.  It is the cornerstone of our efforts to 
help transform the region.  If, after so much hatred 
and strife, Arab and Jew can live in peace in the 
Holy Land, they can harness their immense talents 
and resources to the tasks of progress.  And they 
can set an example --create a peace-making dynamic--
which can positively influence all the other 
conflicts in the region.

What happened in Gaza and Jericho last week is, 
therefore, both simple and profound.  In a literal 
sense, Palestinian police took over responsibility 
for maintaining order from the Israeli army.  But 
this simple transfer of authority also symbolized 
the trans-formation of relations between 
Palestinians and Israelis.  For the first time in 
their history, Palestinians have achieved the right-
-and responsibility--of governing themselves.  For 
the first time in the history of the Arab-Israeli 
conflict, Israelis and Palestinians have agreed in 
practical ways to pursue peaceful coexistence in the 
Holy Land.

We are all acutely conscious of the difficulties and 
dangers involved in this process.  Between the 
historic handshake on the White House lawn last 
September and the Cairo signing nine months later, 
we have been constantly reminded that the forces of 
extremism and reaction are determined to kill the 
hope of peace.  We cannot--and must not--allow them 
to succeed.

Some may question the wisdom and viability of the 
course that Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat have 
chosen.  But this is not the moment for second-
guessing.  Israelis and Palestinians have decided 
that the status quo is intolerable and that peaceful 
reconciliation is preferable to endless conflict and 
violence.  We owe them more than just the benefit of 
the doubt; we owe them our support and 
encouragement.  If they fail--if we allow them to 
fail--hopes for a peaceful Middle East will be 
dashed.  And who can say how many more lives will be 
lost, families torn apart, or battles will be fought 
before its courageous leaders can try to build peace 
again.

Nor can we afford to stand back and watch history 
unfold in Gaza and Jericho.  The complexities of 
peace-making are only beginning to be revealed.  The 
Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles calls 
for further extension of Palestinian self-government 
to the West Bank.  Elections in the West Bank and 
Gaza should take place this year.  And no later than 
two years from now, Israel and the PLO will begin 
final status negotiations.

Difficulties will arise at every step of the 
Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.  They involve 
making peace between a state and an organization 
composed of very diverse elements.  They include the 
most complicated conflicts to resolve and the 
easiest to disrupt.  A permanent regional peace 
cannot be constructed on this fragile foundation 
alone.

Some might question why, given these difficulties, 
we have decided to press ahead with our efforts to 
achieve a breakthrough to a comprehensive peace this 
year.  The answer is that a Syrian-Israel agreement 
would provide a decisive settlement between strong 
states entering together into a "peace of the 
brave."  It  would put an end to the conflict 
between Israel and the Arab states.  Jordan and 
Lebanon would be able to resolve their differences 
with Israel in short order.  Full normalization of 
relations between Israel and the Arab states of the 
Maghreb and the Gulf would quickly follow.  In 
short, the logjam would be broken.

An Israel-Syria peace would do more than just shore 
up the agreement between Israel and the PLO and 
ensure a transformation in relations between Israel 
and the Arab world.  It would also do much to 
advance our efforts to widen the circle of peace-
makers, bolster the network of Middle East 
moderation, and construct a bastion against the 
backlash states.

In the wider sweep of regional peace, Syria plays a 
critical role.  Historically, its alliance with Iran 
and its support for rejectionist groups have given 
the forces of extremism a vital base in the Middle 
East.  By invoking Arab nationalism, Syria has given 
these forces an important claim to legitimacy.  
Syria has used its particular influence for ill, 
when it rejected Sadat's peace with Israel but also 
for good, when Damascus joined the Gulf war 
coalition against Saddam Hussein--and, most 
importantly, when Syria entered into direct, 
bilateral negotiations with Israel.

Thus, when President Asad took the significant step 
of announcing in Geneva that Syria had made a 
strategic choice for peace with Israel, his nation's 
erstwhile extremist allies quickly grew nervous.  
Palestinian rejectionist leaders, fearful they would 
lose their bases in Lebanon and Syria, went off to 
Libya in search of new havens.  Hezbollah leaders 
argued how best to pursue an extremist agenda in an 
era of Israeli-Lebanese peace.  Iranian officials 
hurriedly visited Damascus, apparently leaving 
empty-handed; when they got home, the Iranian clergy 
began criticizing the leadership for failing to 
prevent the emerging isolation of their nations.

In spite of these encouraging signs, we do not 
underestimate the risks and costs involved in 
achieving an Israeli-Syrian peace.  As Prime 
Minister Rabin has noted, the wrenching internal 
debate in Israel will make the price of peace with 
Syria painful, indeed.  Although it will be hard for 
the United States to ease that pain, we can and 
will--as President Clinton has repeatedly made 
clear--we can and will help Israel minimize the 
risks at hand.

First, we will insist that the peace be a real 
peace--not the absence of war but a qualitative 
change in relations between Israel and Syria:  full 
diplomatic relations; an end to the boycott; open 
borders for people and trade; promotion of joint 
economic projects.  As President Clinton noted in 
Geneva, we already have good reason to believe that 
Syria is now committed to real peace in the way that 
Israel and others define it.

Second, we will insist that the peace be secure.  
The United States stands ready to participate in the 
security arrangements that the parties negotiate.  
Specific discussions on what form that participation 
may take have not yet begun, but our commitment is 
firm.  And just as we have acted this past year to 
fulfill the President's pledge to sustain and 
enhance Israel's qualitative edge, so we will act to 
bolster Israel's early-warning capability and 
ability to handle longer range threats to compensate 
for strategic advantages it may choose to give up 
for peace.

Finally, we will insist that the peace be 
comprehensive.  We will work hard with Jordan and 
Lebanon to ensure that their negotiations with 
Israel result in peace agreements.  And we will 
insist that the wider Arab and Muslim worlds end 
their boycott and fully normalize their relations 
with Israel.

Dual Containment

Imagine the strategic impact of such a peace on the 
wider Middle East.  We will dramatically reinforce 
our efforts to contain the threats from Iran and 
Iraq.  Iran would be denied the means to make 
trouble in the Middle East heartland.  Its message 
of hatred, its call for the destruction of the 
"Zionist entity," will appear before the world as an 
empty, anachronistic threat.  Similarly, Saddam 
Hussein's hopes  to mobilize the Arab world behind 
an anti-Israel banner will be dashed.  The coalition 
that fought and won the Gulf War also changed, 
through its very existence, the strategic 
environment for making peace between Israel and its 
neighbors.  Such a peace can, in turn, again change 
the strategic environment in favor of the 
containment of extremism.

We will be able to increasingly isolate these two 
backlash states and the groups they support.  
Through the peace process, a new regional 
environment will be created--even now, it is taking 
form--in which moderate Islamic states--from Turkey 
in the north to Saudi Arabia in the south, from 
Morocco in the west to Pakistan in the east--will 
constrain the capacity of these rogue states and 
organizations to extend their influence and message 
of hate and violence.  With Syria and all other 
states in this camp at peace with Israel, the Middle 
East balance of power will shift decisively in favor 
of moderation.  The extremists will be denied the 
claim that they are the wave of the future; they 
will have to confront the reality of failure.

This widening circle of peace will help governments 
find the strength to counter extremism at home as 
well as abroad.  Governments will have the 
opportunity to counter disillusionment with the 
demonstrated results of peace-making.  Resources 
will be freed to provide for the basic needs of the 
people, rather than the destructive requirements of 
wars.  Regional economic development, using 
technologies and capital previously denied because 
of boycotts and conflicts, will begin to offer the 
taste of a better life.  And once governments are 
able again to concentrate on the economic well-being 
of their people, they will feel more secure in 
meeting their citizens' demands for greater 
political participation and accountability.

We know that Middle Eastern realities will 
inevitably intrude to temper this vision.  We do not 
underestimate the difficulties involved in peace-
making or the resilience of the extremist forces 
that prey on the region.  But there is space in our 
memory for more than just the massacre at Hebron, 
the car bomb in Afula, the invasion of Kuwait, and 
the revolution in Iran.  We have already borne 
witness to two signing ceremonies on the South Lawn 
of the White House:  the Camp David accords as well 
as the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of 
Principles.  We now know that a peaceful and 
prosperous future for all the people of the Middle 
East is more than a mere mirage.

Let me conclude by invoking the ethics of the 
Father:

The day is short
The task is great
is not up to you
To finish the work
But you are not free
To desist from it.

The Clinton Administration is well aware of the 
daunting task involved in transforming the Middle 
East, but we will embrace this challenge.  And I 
know you will be with us as we do.  (###)




ARTICLE 5.  

The Multilateral Peace Negotiations
Assistant Secretary Pelletreau, Deputy Assistant 
Secretary Kurtzer

Progress in the Middle East Peace Process 
Multilateral Negotiations

Opening remarks by Assistant Secretary for Near 
Eastern Affairs Pelletreau at a news conference 
following a meeting of the Middle East Multilateral 
Steering Group, Tabarka, Tunisia, July 13, 1994. 

The Middle East Multilateral Steering Group met July 
12-13 in Tabarka, Tunisia.  The Steering Group--
which is composed of core parties from the Middle 
East; the United States and Russia, as co-sponsors 
of the peace process; and extraregional parties that 
have taken on responsibility for the multilateral 
working groups--monitors, evaluates, and guides the 
activities of all the working groups.

All the participants contributed to a serious and 
fruitful dialogue on important organizational and 
substantive issues.  They expressed their 
appreciation to the Government of Tunisia for its 
invaluable contribution to the success of the peace 
process and for its gracious hosting of this 
meeting.

The multilateral working groups continue to 
complement the bilateral negotiations and act as a 
catalyst for progress.  The Steering Group welcomed 
the progress achieved in the bilateral talks, 
including the conclusion of the May 4 Gaza-Jericho 
agreement, the establishment of the Palestinian 
Authority, and the Jordanian-Israeli agreement to 
intensify their bilateral negotiations in the 
region.

During this meeting, the Steering Group took note of 
the significant accomplishments in each working 
group since the Tokyo Steering Group meeting.

--  The Arms Control and Regional Security Working 
Group approved the establishment of an ACRS 
communication network, the holding of a search and 
rescue demonstration in the Mediterranean, and 
continuing the efforts to finalize a document on 
security relations.  The group also continued its 
discussions in such areas as verification and the 
concept of a conflict prevention-regional security 
center.

--  The Environment Working Group approved further 
work on an environmental code of conduct and 
projects on oil-spill contingencies in the upper 
Gulf of Aqaba, desertification, and wastewater 
treatment in small communities.

--  The Regional Economic Development Working Group 
drafted economic guidelines for regional 
cooperation, established a monitoring committee to 
monitor implementation of the Copenhagen Action 
Plan, and announced the establishment of a Peace 
Process Information Bank.

--  The Refugee Working Group developed projects to 
alleviate the plight of Palestinian refugees and 
promote self-sufficiency, including projects such as 
the construction or renovation of training centers, 
schools, and health clinics; plans to improve child 
welfare and public health; and ongoing support for 
the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics.  The group 
also encouraged progress in the area of family 
reunification.

--  The Water Resources Working Group approved an 
Omani proposal for a regional desalination research 
center, an Israeli proposal to rehabilitate 
municipal water supply systems, and a proposal for 
wastewater treatment and reuse facilities.

The Steering Group also had an extensive discussion 
on guidelines for regional development and a study 
on the future of the region.  Delegations provided 
extensive comments on both the substance and purpose 
of the documents and the method for completing them.  
The guidelines will serve as a framework of key 
elements for regional cooperation and will establish 
a common set of procedures for all the working 
groups.  The regional study will serve as vision of 
what the Middle East region will look like in 10 
years and will assist the parties in setting 
specific priorities for the working groups. 

The Steering Group approved the following venues for 
the next round of working groups, which will take 
place before the end of 1994.

--  Arms Control and Regional Security--Tunisia
--  Environment--Bahrain
--  Refugees--Turkey
--  Regional Economic Development--Germany
--  Water Resources--Greece
--  Steering Group--To be determined

Middle East Multilaterals

Opening remarks by Deputy Assistant Secretary for 
Near Eastern Affairs Kurtzer at an on-the-record 
press briefing, Jerusalem, July 18, 1994. 

Let me just put a couple of things in context.  
Since they were launched two and one-half years ago 
in Moscow, the multilaterals have been called the 
stealth peace process, because they have taken place 
way behind the headlines.  And while attention has 
been mostly focused on what happens in the bilateral 
tracks, the multilaterals have undergone a rather 
significant transformation and are in the process 
not only of having transformed themselves, but of 
transforming the region.  There are really three key 
elements to what is happening in the multilaterals 
now.

The first is perhaps the most important, and that is 
the breakdown of psychological barriers between the 
Arab and the Israeli participants.  In each of the 
five working groups that were established two and 
one-half years ago--refugees, environment, water, 
arms control and regional security, and economic 
development--10, 11, sometimes 12 Arab parties sit 
together with Israel and a host of extraregional 
parties to discuss functional, practical problems 
that have beset the region for many years but which 
were never addressed, because Arabs and Israelis 
didn't talk to each other.  This process has 
allowed--primarily because it has taken place away 
from the front pages--it has allowed Arab and 
Israeli experts to begin to look at some of these 
issues, to get to know each other, to socialize 
themselves to dealing with each other and with the 
problems.  It is no accident in that regard that the 
breakthroughs we have seen in the peace process have 
occurred with those Arab parties that have 
participated in the multilaterals with the 
Palestinians and Jordanians, together with the 
Israelis.

The second factor, I think, is equally salient.  It 
is represented on the sheets that were handed out, 
and that is that the process itself has begun to 
launch a number of concrete activities in each of 
the working groups that either are designed to do 
studies about projects that will await the 
comprehensive peace or, in some cases, are actually 
starting the work itself.  We have in each group a 
number of measures that different parties have 
decided to shepherd that are now taking place--
wastewater treatment facilities and water management 
in small communities.  We have declarations or 
statements of guidelines in three of the groups 
designed to take a look at what these groups 
represent for the region.  What this really means is 
that the multilaterals have moved from their initial 
phase of being kind of education and seminars to a 
point where people are looking at concrete 
activities.

There is no better place to look than the Regional 
Economic Development group, which last November 
developed what is called the Copenhagen Action Plan.  
It's got 60 or 70 projects, each of which has a 
sponsor, each of which is now looking for funding, 
and each of which will represent some form of 
cooperation between Israelis and Arabs in the period 
ahead.

The third feature that's important about this 
process:  In a sense one can look to the outcome of 
the Naples G-7 summit to see that what the Middle 
East is now becoming is a part of the world 
political and economic community.  You remember in 
the G-7 communique we talked about institution-
building as a means of driving the process of 
regional reconciliation and critical progress among 
conflicting parties.  That same process is underway 
through the multilaterals, both through the 
declarations or guidelines that are being formed, 
but also some of the groups have identified regional 
institutions which they understand will have to be 
formed in order for them to deal in a period of 
peace with each other.  For example, there is a 
consensus that at some time a regional environment 
body will have to be created to look at pressing 
problems both in the Mediterranean, in the Gulf of 
Aqaba, and in the Persian Gulf.  You have ideas 
afoot to create a regional water authority.  None of 
these has yet happened, but the idea is that 
institution-building, which has taken root elsewhere 
in the world, is now taking root as well in the 
Middle East, stimulated by the multilaterals.

Just to sum up this lengthy introduction, it's a 
process which may have started in the shadows but 
has now become a part of the reality of the 
interaction between Middle Eastern parties.  We just 
concluded, for example, the Steering Group of the 
multilateral process in Tunisia less than a week 
ago.  What the Steering Group found is that there 
was a consensus that the process should move a 
little bit faster.  It should be a little bit 
broader in scope, and we should really try to 
develop ideas that will challenge the parties to 
come to grips with the emerging peace process.  
(###)




ARTICLE 6:  

Fact Sheet:  The Middle East Peace Process

Overview

The current phase of the Middle East peace process 
was launched at the Madrid conference convened by 
the United States and the former Soviet Union 
October 30-November 1, 1991.  Former Secretary James 
A. Baker III  laid the groundwork for the conference 
in a series of trips to the region between March and 
October 1991.

The co-sponsors' letter of invitation to the 
conference laid out the framework for the 
negotiations, including:

--  A just, lasting, and comprehensive peace 
settlement based on UN Security Council Resolutions 
242 and 338.

--  Direct bilateral negotiations along two tracks, 
between Israel and the Arab states and between 
Israel and the Palestinians.

--  Multilateral negotiations on region-wide issues, 
such as arms control and regional security, water, 
refugees, environment, and economic development.  
These talks would complement the bilateral 
negotiations.

The bilateral negotiations are now conducted on four 
separate negotiating tracks:  Israel-Syria, Israel-
Lebanon, Israel-Jordan, and Israel-Palestinian.

The first major breakthrough in the negotiations 
occurred on the Israeli-Palestinian track.  Israel 
and the Palestine Liberation Organization conducted 
secret negotiations, in parallel with the Washington 
talks, which culminated in the signing of the 
Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles on Interim 
Self-Government in Washington, DC, on September 13, 
1993.

As part of the agreement, Israel recognized the PLO 
as the representative of the Palestinian people.  
For its part, the PLO recognized Israel's right to 
exist in peace and security, accepted UN Security 
Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and renounced use 
of terrorism and violence.

Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and PLO 
Executive committee member Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazin) 
signed the Declaration of Principles in a ceremony 
on the White House south lawn.  The signing was 
witnessed by Secretary Christopher and Russian 
Foreign Minister Kozyrev in the presence of 
President Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak 
Rabin, and PLO Chairman Yasir Arafat.

On October 13, 1993, the agreement entered into 
force, and negotiations on implementation began.  
Nearly seven months later, at a ceremony in Cairo on 
May 4, 1994, Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman 
Arafat signed an agreement on the Gaza Strip and the 
Jericho Area.  The new agreement set out terms for 
implementation of the Declaration of Principles and 
included annexes on withdrawal of Israeli military 
forces and security arrangements, civil affairs, 
legal matters, and economic relations.  The Cairo 
ceremony was hosted by Egyptian President Mubarak 
and formally witnessed by Secretary Christopher and 
Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev.  Yasir Arafat's 
early July visit to Gaza and Jericho, during which 
he swore in members of the Palestinian Authority, 
was one more step in the implementation process.  

The U.S. has pledged to support efforts to implement 
the Israel-PLO agreement.  "Not simply to give peace 
a chance, but to ensure that it will not fail"--in 
Secretary Christopher's words--the U.S. and Russia 
co-sponsored an international donors conference in 
Washington, DC, October 1, 1993.  "The Conference to 
Support Middle East Peace" mobilized international 
resources to produce tangible improvements in the 
daily lives of Palestinians in Gaza and the West 
Bank.

The conference was a tremendous success.  More than 
46 countries and international institutions 
participated, pledging more than $2 billion in aid 
to Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank for the 
next five years.  More than $600 million was pledged 
for the first year alone.  With Palestinians now in 
charge in Gaza and Jericho, it is important to 
expedite the aid promised at the Conference to 
Support Middle East Peace.  Recently, $42 million in 
pledges was reoriented to start-up costs for the 
Palestinian Authority.  Secretary Christopher 
traveled to Jericho in May and to Gaza in July to 
review the steps that the international community is 
taking to support implementation of the Gaza/Jericho 
agreement.

On August 20, 1994, Israel and the PLO signed the 
early empowerment agreement in a meeting at the Erez 
checkpoint in Gaza.  The expansion of Palestinian 
self-rule in the West Bank will begin with the 
transfer of authority over education in time for the 
new school year.  The agreement also calls for the 
transfer of authority in the areas of social 
welfare, health, tourism, and direct taxation.

Important progress also has been achieved on the 
Israel-Jordan track.  On September 14, 1993--just 
one day after the signing of the Israel-PLO 
agreement--Israel and Jordan signed a substantive 
Common Agenda mapping out their approach to 
achieving peace.

On October 1, 1993, Jordanian Crown Prince Hassan 
and Israeli Foreign Minister Peres met at the White 
House with President Clinton.  They agreed to set up 
two groups:  a bilateral economic committee and a 
U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee.  
There have been five meetings of the committee.  The 
most recent was held at the ministerial level at the 
Dead Sea Spa Hotel in Jordan on July 20, 1994.  At 
this meeting, the Trilateral Committee agreed to 
continue work on trade, finance, and banking; civil 
aviation; tourism; and establishing a road link 
between the two countries. 

On July 15, President Clinton announced that King 
Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin accepted his 
invitation to meet at the White House on July 25.  
This historic meeting culminated in the signing of 
the Washington Declaration which marked the end of 
the state of war between Israel and Jordan.  Both 
sides have agreed to accelerate their negotiations 
toward a full peace, and King Hussein and Prime 
Minister Rabin pledged to meet as often as necessary 
to personally direct these negotiations.

On August 8, 1994, Secretary Christopher, Israeli 
Prime Minister Rabin, and Jordanian Crown Prince 
Hassan participated in a ceremony marking the 
historic opening of the first border crossing 
between Jordan and Israel and Aqaba and Eilat.

In its role as full partner and active intermediary 
in the peace process and as part of its commitment 
to a comprehensive peace, the U.S. also continues to 
seek progress on the other two bilateral tracks, 
Israel-Syria and Israel-Lebanon.  The Israelis and 
Syrians face the challenge of overcoming differences 
about withdrawal, peace, and security.  The Israelis 
and Lebanese are attempting to make progress on 
arrangements for security talks and to address the 
broader political issues in their negotiation. 

Secretary of State Christopher has said:

The implementation of the Israeli-Palestinian 
agreement represents only part of a larger task in 
the Middle East.  We must nurture a comprehensive 
reconciliation between Israel and the rest of the 
Arab world.  We must achieve a peace between the 
people of Israel and the rest of the Arab world.  We 
must achieve a peace between the people of Israel 
and the peoples of Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. . . 
We will work tirelessly to ensure that all the 
children of the region can come to know, in 
President Clinton's words, "a season of peace."

On January 16, 1994, President Clinton met with 
President Asad of Syria in Geneva for talks on the 
peace process and bilateral relations.  President 
Asad stated his country's commitment to work 
together to "put an end to the Arab-Israeli 
conflict."  He called for ". . . a new era of 
security and stability in which normal, peaceful 
relations among all shall dawn anew."

During 1994, the Israelis and Syrians have deepened 
their engagement on the elements of peace.  Seeking 
to energize the Israel-Syria track and in 
fulfillment of the U.S. role as active intermediary, 
Secretary Christopher held detailed talks with Prime 
Minister Rabin and President Asad during visits to 
the region in the spring of 1994.  Based on his 
discussions in Syria and Israel, these negotiations 
entered a new, more substantive phase.  Concrete 
ideas have been conveyed on key issues, such as 
withdrawal, peace, security arrangements, timing, 
and phasing.  Real negotiations are underway, but 
they are in the early stages.

The Multilateral Talks

Thirty-six parties attended the Moscow 
organizational meeting in January 1992.  There was 
consensus to establish five working groups:  Arms 
Control and Regional Security, Environment, Regional 
Economic Development, Refugees, and Water Resources.

--  The Arms Control and Regional Security Working 
Group focuses on confidence-building measures as 
well as arms control issues, including information 
exchange, maritime measures, and verification.

--  The Regional Economic Development Working Group 
addresses infrastructure, training, and tourism 
development in the region, including the West Bank 
and Gaza.

--  The Environment Working Group enhances regional 
parties' abilities to deal with maritime pollution, 
wastewater treatment, environ- mental management, 
and desertification.

--  The Water Resources Working Group holds 
workshops and studies water conservation, water 
sector training needs, desalination, and enhancing 
water data availability.

--  The Refugee Working Group addresses family 
reunification, training and job creation, public 
health and child welfare, and social and economic 
infrastructure. 

The sixth round of working group plenaries began in 
mid-April 1994.  All five of the multilateral 
working groups have been making progress and moving 
from theoretical discussions to concrete projects 
which bear significantly on the long-term peace, 
stability, and prosperity of the region.  Examples 
are the communication network and other confidence-
building and regional security enhancing measures 
recently agreed to by the Arms Control and Regional 
Security Working Group at its meeting in Doha, 
Qatar.  Another example is the agreement to 
rehabilitate small community water systems reached 
by the Water Resources Working Group--the first 
Israeli proposal adopted in the multilaterals.  

Significantly, four of the five working groups, as 
well as the Steering Group, held plenaries in the 
Middle East.  Specifically, the Water Resources 
Working Group convened in Muscat, Oman, April 17-19, 
1994; the Arms Control and Regional Security Working 
Group in Doha, Qatar, May 3-5, 1994; the Refugees 
Working Group in Cairo, Egypt, May 10-12, 1994; the 
Regional Economic Development Working Group in 
Rabat, Morocco, June 15-16, 1994; and the Steering 
Group in Tabarka, Tunisia, July 12-13, 1994.

All plenaries were held outside the Middle East 
during the first four rounds.  The first time 
regional parties hosted working groups occurred last 
fall during the fifth round--specifically,  the 
Refugee Working Group in Tunis (October 12-14, 1993) 
and the Environment Working Group in Cairo (November 
15-16, 1993).  Holding the plenaries in regional 
sites fosters greater regional cooperation and 
underscores participants' commitment to the 
multilateral talks, the peace process, and the goal 
of regional cooperation.  Between plenary sessions, 
each of the working groups has sponsored several 
intersessional seminars and activities.

A number of concrete projects and useful studies 
have emerged from the multilateral process.  For 
example, a World Bank study of infrastructure needs 
in the West Bank and Gaza, commissioned by the 
Regional Economic Development Working Group, has 
been an invaluable tool for the international donors 
effort created by the Conference to Support Middle 
East Peace.   

The multilaterals are not a substitute for the 
bilateral negotiations.  They are designed to 
complement them and to enhance the possibility of 
progress in the bilateral tracks:  Syria and Lebanon 
have not yet agreed to join the multilateral 
process.   (###)




ARTICLE 7: 

Fact Sheet:  Middle East Peace Process--Meetings 
Following the Madrid Conference

Madrid Peace Conference
October 30-November 1, 1991

Bilateral Arab-Israeli Negotiations
Round 1      November 3, 1991, Madrid, Spain
Round 2      December 10-18, 1991, Washington, DC
Round 3      January 7-16, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 4      February 24-March 4, 1992, Washington, 
               DC
Round 5      April 27-30, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 6      Session I:  August 24-September 3, 1992
             Session II:  September 14-24, 1992, 
               Washington, DC
Round 7      Session I:  October 21-29, 1992
             Session II:  November 9-19, 1992, 
               Washington, DC
Round 8      December 7-17, 1992, Washington, DC
Resumption   April 27-May 13, 1993, Washington, DC
of Talks     June 15-July 1, 1993, Washington, DC
             August 31-September 14, 1993, 
               Washington, DC
             January 24-February 3, 1994, 
               Washington, DC
             February 15-25, 1994, Washington, DC

U.S.-Jordanian-Israeli Trilateral Economic Committee
1st Session         November 4, 1993, Paris, France
2nd Session         November 30-December 1, 1993, 
                      Washington, DC
3rd Session         February 16-17, 1994, 
                      Washington, DC
4th Session         June 6-7, 1994, Washington, DC
Ministerial Meeting July 20, 1994, Dead Sea, Jordan


Multilateral Working Groups

Multilateral Steering Group (U.S./Russia:  co-chair)
Round 1      January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2      May 27, 1992, Lisbon, Portugal
Round 3      December 3-4, 1992, London, U.K.
Round 4      July 7, 1993, Moscow, Russia
Round 5      December 15, 1993, Tokyo, Japan
Round 6      July 12-13, 1994, Tabarka, Tunisia
Next         Site to be determined

Arms Control and Regional Security (U.S./Russia:  
co-lead organizer)
Round 1      January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2      May 11-14, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 3      September 15-17, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 4      May 18-20, 1993, Washington, DC
Round 5      November 2-4, 1993, Moscow, Russia
Round 6      May 3-5, 1994, Doha, Qatar 
Next         Tunisia

Water Resources  (U.S.:  lead organizer; Japan and 
EU co-lead)
Round 1      January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2      May 14-15, 1992, Vienna, Austria
Round 3      September 16-17, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 4      April 27-29, 1993, Geneva, Switzerland
Round 5      October 26-28, 1993, Beijing, China
Round 6      April 17-19, 1994, Muscat, Oman
Next         Greece

Environment (Japan:  permanent gavel holder; EU co-
organizer)
Round 1      January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2      May 18-19, 1992, Tokyo, Japan
Round 3      September 26-27, 1992, The Hague, 
               Netherlands 
Round 4       May 24-25, 1993, Tokyo, Japan
Round 5       November 15-16, 1993, Cairo, Egypt
Round 6       April 6-7, 1994, The Hague, 
                Netherlands
Next          Bahrain

Economic Development (EU:  lead organizer; U.S. and 
Japan co-lead)
Round 1    January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2    May 11-12, 1992, Brussels, Belgium
Round 3    October 29-30, 1992, Paris, France
Round 4    May 4-5, 1993, Rome, Italy
Round 5    November 8-9, 1993, Copenhagen, Denmark
Round 6    June 15-16, 1994, Rabat, Morocco
Next       Germany

Refugees (Canada:  lead organizer)
Round 1      January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2      May 13-15, 1992, Ottawa, Canada
Round 3      November 11-12, 1992, Ottawa, Canada
Round 4      May 11-13, 1993, Oslo, Norway
Round 5      October 12-14, 1993, Tunis, Tunisia
Round 6      May 10-12, 1994, Cairo, Egypt
Next         Turkey  (###)




ARTICLE 8:  

Country Profile:  Jordan
Official Name:  Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

Geography*

Area:  89,544 sq. km. (34,573 sq. mi.). Cities:  
Capital--Amman (pop. 1 million).  Other cities--
Irbid (280,000), Az-Zarqa (420,000).

People

Nationality:  Noun and adjective--Jordanian(s). 
Population (1992 est.):  3.9 million. 
Religions:  Sunni Muslim 95%, Christian 5%. 
Languages:  Arabic (official), English. 
Education:  Literacy--82%. 
Health (1992):  Infant mortality rate--37/1,000.  
Life expectancy--69 yrs. 
Ethnic groups:  Mostly Arab, but small communities 
of Circassians, Armenians, and Kurds.  
Work force (750,000):  Government and services--47%.  
Manufacturing and mining--25%.  Trade--16%. 
Agriculture--12%. 

Government

Type:  Constitutional monarchy. 
Independence:  May 25, 1946. 
Constitution:  January 8, 1952.
Branches:  Executive--king (chief of state), prime 
minister (head of government), Council of Ministers 
(cabinet). Legislative--bicameral National Assembly 
(appointed Senate, elected Chamber of Deputies).  
Judicial--civil, religious, special courts. 
Political parties:  Wide spectrum of parties 
legalized in 1992.
Suffrage:  Universal at 19.
Administrative subdivisions:  Eight governorates--
Irbid, al-Mafraq, al-Zarqa, Amman, al-Balqa, al-
Karak, al-Tafilah, and Ma'an.
Flag:  Three horizontal bands of black, white, and 
green joined at the staff by a red triangle with a 
white star in the middle.

Economy

GDP (1993 est.):  $5.4 billion.  
Annual growth rate (1993):  6.2%. 
Per capita GNP (1992):  $1,150.
Natural resources:  Phosphate, potash.
Agriculture:  Products--fruits, vegetables, wheat, 
olive oil.  Land--10% arable. 
Industry (30% of GDP):  Types--phosphate mining, 
manufacturing, cement, and petroleum production.
Trade (1993 est.):  Exports--$1.2 billion:   
phosphates, fruits, vegetables.  Major markets--
Iraq, Saudi Arabia, U.S.  Imports--$3.4 billion:  
machinery, transportation equipment, cereals, 
petroleum products.  Major suppliers--U.S.,  Iraq,  
Japan, U.K., Syria. 

Principal Government Officials

Chief of State--King Hussein I
Prime Minister--Dr. Abd al-Salam Majali
Ambassador to the United States--Fayez Tarawnah 
Ambassador to the United Nations--Adnan Abu Odeh

=====
*  From 1949 to 1967, Jordan administered that part 
of former mandate Palestine west of the Jordan River 
known as the West Bank.  Since the 1967 war, when 
Israel took control of this territory, the United 
States has considered the West Bank to be territory 
occupied by Israel.  The United States believes that 
the final status of the West Bank can be determined 
only through negotiations among the parties 
concerned on the basis of Security Council 
Resolution 242 and 338.
=====
(###)




ARTICLE 9:  

Country Profile:  Syria
Official Name:  Syrian Arab Republic

Geography

Area:  185,180 sq. km. (71,500 sq. mi.), about the 
size of North Dakota.  
Cities:  Capital--Damascus (4 million).  Other 
cities--Aleppo (1.5 million), Homs (400,000).  
Terrain:  Coastal zone, mountains, deserts, and a 
large eastern plateau containing the Euphrates 
River.  
Climate:  Predominantly dry. 

People

Nationality:  Noun and adjective-- Syrian(s).
Population (1993):  14.3 million.  
Annual growth rate (1993):  3.8%. 
Ethnic groups:  Arab 90%; Kurds, Armenians, 
Circassians, Turks. 
Religions:  Sunni Muslims 74%, other Muslim sects 
16%, Christians 10%, small Jewish and Yazidi 
communities.  
Languages:  Arabic (official), English, French, 
Kurdish, Armenian.  
Education:  Years compulsory--primary 6 years.  
Attendance--94%.  Literacy--78%.
Health (1993):  Infant mortality rate--
44/1,000.  Life expectancy--65 yrs. male, 67 yrs. 
female.
Work force (1993 est., 3.7 million):  Services 
(including government)--36%.  Agriculture--32%.  
Industry and commerce--32%. 

Government

Type:  Republic, under Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party 
regimes, since March 1963.
Independence:  April 17, 1946.  
Constitution:  March 12, 1973.
Branches:  Executive--president 
(chief of state) and prime minister (head of 
government).  Legislative--People's Council.  
Judicial--Supreme Court.
Administrative subdivisions:  13 provinces and city 
of Damascus (administered as a separate unit). 
Political parties:  Arab Socialist Resurrection 
(Ba'ath) Party, Syrian Arab Socialist Party, Arab 
Socialist Union, Syrian Communist Party, Arab 
Socialist Unionist Movement, Democratic Socialist 
Union Party.  
Suffrage:  Universal at 18.
Flag:  A red band (top), white band with two green 
stars, black band.

Economy

GDP (1992 est.):  $22 billion.  
Real annual growth rate (1992 est.): 6.5%.  
Per capita GDP:  $2,200.
Natural resources:  Crude oil and natural gas, 
phosphates, asphalt, rock salt, marble, gypsum.
Agriculture (27% of GDP):  Products--cotton, wheat, 
barley, sugar beets, fruits, vegetables.  
Industry (22% of GDP):  Types--Mining, manufacturing 
(textiles, food processing), construction, 
petroleum.
Trade (1992):  Exports--$4 billion:  petroleum, 
textiles, phosphates, fruits and vegetables, cotton.  
Imports--$2.8 billion:  machinery and metal 
products, foodstuffs.

Principal Government Officials
President--Hafiz al-Asad
Prime Minister--Mahmud al-Zubi
Foreign Minister--Faruq al-Sharaa
Ambassador to the United States--Walid al-Moualem
Ambassador to the United Nations--Vacant

(###)




ARTICLE 10:  

Country Profile: Lebanon
Official Name:  Republic of Lebanon

Geography

Area:  10,452 sq. km. (4,015 sq. mi.); about half 
the size of New Jersey.
Cities:  Capital--Beirut (pop. 1 mil-lion).  Other 
cities--Tripoli (240,000), Sidon (110,000), Tyre 
(60,000), Zahleh (55,000).  
Terrain:  Narrow coastal plain backed by the Lebanon 
Mountains, the fertile Al Biqa' (Bekaa Valley), and 
the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, which extend to the 
Syrian border.   
Climate:  Typically Mediterranean, resembling that 
of southern California.  

People

Nationality:  Noun and adjective--Lebanese (sing. 
and pl.).  
Population (1993 est.):  3.6 million.
Annual growth rate (1993 est):  1.8%.
Ethnic groups:  Arab 95%, Armenian 4%, other 1%.
Religions:  Christian (Maronite, Greek Orthodox, 
Greek Catholic, Roman Catholic, Protestant, Armenian 
Apostolic, other), Muslim (Sunni, Shi'a, other), and 
Druze.  
Languages:  Arabic (official), French (official), 
English, Armenian.  
Education:  Years compulsory--5.  Attendance--93%.  
Literacy--80%.
Health (1993):  Infant mortality rate--41/1,000.  
Life expectancy--69 yrs. 
Work force (1993, 650,000):  Industry, commerce, and 
services--79%.  Agriculture--11%.  Government--10%.

Government

Type:  Parliamentary republic. 
Independence:  1943.  
Constitution:  May 26, 1926 (amended).
Branches:  Executive--president (chief of state, 
elected by simple majority of parliament for 6-year 
term), Council of Ministers (appointed).  
Legislative--unicameral parliament (108-member 
National Assembly elected for 4-year renewable 
terms; last parliamentary elections in 1992).  
Judicial--secular and religious courts; combination 
of Ottoman, civil, and canon law; no judicial review 
of legislative acts.
Administrative subdivisions:  Five provinces--
Beirut, North Lebanon, South Lebanon, Mount Lebanon, 
and Al Biqa' (Bekaa Valley)--each headed by a 
governor. 
Political parties:  Organized along sectarian lines 
around individuals whose followers are motivated by 
religious, clan, and ethnic considerations. 
Suffrage:  Universal at 21.
Flag:  Two horizontal red bands with white center 
band;  green and brown cedar tree is centered.

Economy (all figures based on recent economic 
performance; 1993 figures unavailable)

GDP (1992):  $4 billion.
Annual  growth rate (1992):  10%.
Natural resources:  Limestone.
Agriculture (7.2% of GDP in 1992): Products--citrus 
fruit, vegetables, olives, sugar beets, tobacco.  
Land--240,000 hectares under cultivation.
Industry (21% of GDP in 1992):  Types--cement 
production, ready-made clothing, electrical 
equipment, light industry, refining.
Trade (1992):  Exports--$500 million.   Major 
markets--Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, 
Switzerland, France, Jordan.  Imports--$4.8 billion.   
Major suppliers--Italy, Syria, France, Germany, U.S.

Principal Government Officials
President--Elias Hrawi
Prime Minister--Rafiq al-Hariri
Foreign Minister--Fares Bouez
Ambassador to the United States--Riad Tabbarah
Ambassador to the United Nations--Samir Mubarak

(###)




ARTICLE 11:

Country Profile:  Israel
Official Name:  State of Israel

Geography

Area:  20,325 sq. km.1 (7,850 sq. mi.); about the 
size of New Jersey. 
Cities:  Capital--Jerusalem.2  Other cities--Tel 
Aviv, Haifa. 
Terrain:  Plains, mountains, desert, and coast. 
Climate:  Temperate, except in desert areas.

People

Population (1992):  5.2 million. 
Annual growth rate:  4.7%. 
Ethnic groups:  Jewish 4.2 million;  non-Jewish 
950,000.
Religions:  Judaism, Islam, Christianity, Druze.
Languages:  Hebrew, Arabic, English. Education:  
Years compulsory--12. Literacy--Jewish 95%; Arab 
87%. 
Health (1992):  Infant mortality rate--8.9/1,000.  
Life expectancy--76 yrs. 
Work force (1.9 million):  Public and community 
services--30%.  Industry--22%.  Commerce, 
restaurants, hotels-- 14%.  Finance and business--
10%.  Personal and other services--7%.  Transport, 
storage, and communications--6%.  Agriculture, 
forestry, and fisheries--4%.  Construction--6%.  
Electricity and water--1%.

Government

Type:  Parliamentary democracy. 
Independence:  May 14, 1948. 
Constitution:  None.
Branches:  Executive--president (chief of state); 
prime minister (head of government).  Legislative--
unicameral, Knesset.  Judicial--Supreme Court.
Administrative subdivisions:  Six administrative 
districts.
Political parties:  Labor Party, Meretz (left-wing 
coalition between Ratz, Mapam, and Shinui), Likud 
(Herut-Liberal alliance), and various other 
religious, right-wing, and predominantly Arab 
political movements.  A total of 10 parties 
represented in current Knesset.
Suffrage:  Universal at 18.
Flag:  White field on which is centered a blue six-
pointed Star of David bordered above and below by 
blue horizontal stripes (design based on Jewish 
prayer shawl).

Economy

GDP (1993 est.):  $68 billion. 
Annual growth rate:  3.5%. 
Per capita GDP:  $12,500. 
Natural resources:  Copper, phosphate, bromide, 
potash, clay, sand, sulphur, bitumen, manganese.
Agriculture:  Products--citrus and other fruits, 
vegetables, beef, dairy, poultry products.
Industry:  Types--food processing, diamond cutting 
and polishing, textiles and clothing, chemicals, 
metal products, transport equipment, electrical 
equipment, high-technology electronics.
Trade (1993):  Exports--$13.89 billion:  polished 
diamonds, citrus and other fruits, chemical and oil 
products, electrical and electronic products, 
textiles and clothing, processed foods.  Tourism is 
also an important foreign exchange earner.  Imports-
-$20.51 billion:  military equipment, rough 
diamonds, oil, chemicals, machinery, iron and steel, 
textiles, vehicles, ships, and aircraft.  Major 
partners--U.S., Germany, U.K., France, Belgium, 
Luxembourg.

Principal Government Officials
President--Ezer Weizman
Prime Minister--Yitzhak Rabin
Foreign Minister--Shimon Peres
Ambassador to the United States--Dr. Itamar 
Rabinovich
Ambassador to the United Nations--Gad Yaacobi

(###)


[END OF DISPATCH VOL 5., SUPPLEMENT NO. 7]

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