U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 5, SUPPLEMENT NUMBER 7, AUGUST 1994
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
BREAKTHROUGHTS IN THE JORDAN-ISRAEL NEGOTIATIONS AND
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
Jordan-Israel Breakthroughs
1. President Clinton Hosts King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin Meeting in Washington, DC
2. U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee
Meeting at the Dead Sea
3. Inauguration of the Jordan-Israel Border
Crossing
Other Bilateral Negotiations
4. Developments in Other Bilateral Negotiations
Multilateral Negotiations
5. The Multilateral Peace Negotiations
Background Information
6. Fact Sheet: Middle East Peace Process
7. Fact Sheet: Middle East Peace Process:
Meetings Following the Madrid Conference
8. Country Profile: Jordan
9. Country Profile: Syria
10. Country Profile: Lebanon
11. Country Profile: Israel
ARTICLE 1:
President Clinton Hosts King Hussein And Prime
Minister Rabin Meeting In Washington, DC
President Clinton, Secretary Christopher, Prime
Minister Rabin, King Hussein, Text of Washington
Declaration
President Clinton
Remarks announcing the July 25 Israeli-Jordanian
meeting at the White House, Washington, DC, July 15,
1994
Good morning ladies and gentlemen. I am pleased to
announce today that King Hussein of Jordan and Prime
Minister Rabin of Israel have agreed to my
invitation to meet at the White House on July 25.
I am also pleased that Speaker Foley, after
discussions with Majority Leader Mitchell, has
invited both leaders to address a joint meeting of
Congress. And Hillary and I are delighted that both
of them have agreed to join us at a dinner at the
White House on that day.
This historic meeting is another step forward toward
achievement of a comprehensive and lasting peace in
the Middle East. The meeting will build on the
dramatic progress made in the trilateral U.S.-
Jordan-Israel meetings here in Washington last month
and King Hussein's recent declaration in Parliament
that he was prepared to meet with Prime Minister
Rabin. It reflects the courageous leadership and
the bold vision which both King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin have displayed as they work together
to create a new future for their people and for all
the region.
On behalf of all Americans, I salute their
commitment to peace. I have pledged my personal
dedication to the goal of a comprehensive settlement
in the Middle East. Accordingly, Secretary
Christopher will be traveling to the region next
week. I want to compliment him on his tireless
efforts to achieve peace in the region and the
contribution he has made to the announcement today.
He will continue our efforts to achieve progress in
the Israel-Syria negotiations. That also is a very,
very important thing for us. I am committed to
working to achieve a breakthrough on those talks as
soon as possible so that we can make the dream of a
lasting peace of the brave a reality.
Secretary Christopher will follow up on the
discussions that the President and King Hussein have
had on this initiative, and he will proceed and
participate in the U.S.-Jordan-Israel discussions.
He will also meet with Chairman Arafat to review
progress in implementing the Declaration of
Principles on Palestinian self-rule.
The Middle East is entering a new era. I will do
everything I can to make certain that all the
peoples of the region realize the blessings of peace
that have been denied too long to them. This
meeting on July 25 will be another important step on
that long road.1
Secretary Christopher
Opening remarks at a press briefing following the
President's announcement, Washington, DC, July 15,
1994.
Good morning. As the President said, I'll be
following up on his important announcement when I
travel to the Middle East starting Monday. Our goal
remains the achievement of a lasting, comprehensive
peace between Israel and its neighbors.
On this trip that starts on Sunday, I will be
focusing on three main areas:
First, on the Jordanian track, I will be
participating in a meeting--a trilateral meeting
between the United States and Israeli and Jordanian
officials who form the economic committee. For the
first time, ministers from Jordan and Israel will be
meeting publicly in Jordan, where they will set the
stage for the summit meeting here in Washington on
July 25.
All of this, of course, is a powerful reminder that
changes are taking place which are transforming the
landscape in the Middle East. This promises to
produce concrete results for the people that they
can feel and see on the ground.
The second part of my trip is on the Palestinian
track, with Chairman Arafat's return to Gaza. The
first stage of implementing the Declaration of
Principles has been completed. Not unexpectedly,
there have been problems along the way. But, on the
whole, I would certainly agree with Prime Minister
Rabin that the process has far exceeded
expectations.
Now the challenge for the Palestinians is to govern
wisely and well. I plan to meet with Chairman
Arafat and to review with him the steps that we in
the international community are taking to ensure
that the Palestinians have the support they need. I
do want to underscore that I will also be pointing
out to him the steps that I feel he must undertake
to establish the accountability necessary to
reassure the donor community.
Finally, on the Syrian track, I will continue my
talks with Prime Minister Rabin and President Asad.
The intense negotiations between them, with our
participation, have entered a new and important
phase. Both sides have conveyed to us important
ideas on the difficult issues that they confront.
It is now important--it is essential--that they move
forward in these discussions, and I am prepared to
engage intensively with them. In the end, peace
must come from direct negotiations between the
parties, but we are certainly prepared to do our
part.
I want to add that just before coming in here that,
as a courtesy, President Clinton called President
Asad to tell him of the announcement that he was
making today to make sure that he found out about it
first from us.
Jordan and Israel: A Day of Commitment, Hope, and
Vision
Remarks at White House welcoming ceremony,
Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.
President Clinton. History is made when brave
leaders find the power to escape the past and to
create a new future. Today, two such leaders come
together--as we welcome King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin to the White House on this
extraordinary occasion.
On this morning of promise, these visionary
statesmen from ancient lands have chosen to heal the
rift that for too long has divided their people.
They have seen the outlines of a better day where
others have seen darkness. They have sought peace
in place of violence. On both sides of the River
Jordan there have lived generations of people who
thought this day would never come. King Hussein and
Prime Minister Rabin have reached out to each other
across the river--to build a future where hatred
gives way to hope. The Koran instructs us, "Requite
evil with good, and he who is your enemy will become
your dearest friend." And the Talmud teaches, "That
man is a hero that can make a friend out of a foe."
Before us today stand friends and heroes.
King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin: All Americans
welcome your presence here today. You give us great
hope that this house--our people's house--will be a
constant witness to a lasting peace that spreads
forth to embrace your region.
King Hussein. Mr. President, Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin, ladies and gentlemen: Out of all the days of
my life, I do not believe that there is one such as
this in terms of the feelings, the emotions relating
to a long, long struggle--the memory of those who
passed away; the memories of the victims of war--
feelings toward the present and the future; feelings
of responsibilities toward generations to come--and
Israel and Jordan, the whole Arab world, and our
entire region.
For many, many years, and with every prayer, I have
asked God, the Almighty, to help me be a part of
forging peace between the children of Abraham, as
Muslims, for the word Islam means submitting to the
one God.
This is a dream that those before me had--my dead
grandfather, and now I. And to feel that we are
close to fulfilling that dream and presenting future
generations in our region with a legacy of hope and
openness where normality is that which replaces the
abnormal in our lives--which, unfortunately, over
the years, has become normal--where neighbors meet;
where people meet; where human relations thrive;
where all seek with their tremendous talents a
better future and a better tomorrow.
This day is a day of commitment, and this day is a
day of hope and vision. We must admit--Prime
Minister and for myself--that we owe President
Clinton and our American friends much in having made
this possible. You are our partners as we seek to
construct and build a new future in our region for
all our peoples and for all mankind. Thank you very
much, indeed, for your courtesy and kindness and the
warmth of your reception. We are proud to be here
with you today, sir. Thank you.
Prime Minister Rabin. President of the United
States; King Hussein, the King of Jordan: They say
that the ancient custom of shaking hands developed
out of the need to prove that neither person was
holding a weapon. The first public handshake
between His Majesty, the King of Jordan, and myself
a minute ago symbolizes much more than that two
people will no longer take up arms against one
another.
Honorable Mr. President, Your Majesty the King:
What is actually described here--hundreds of
millions of people around the world shake hands many
times each day. It is perhaps the most routine
action, done almost automatically, without thinking.
And it is actually a greeting of peace that unites
almost all of the peoples of the world.
And, here, the handshake and excitement, the many
photographers, the live broadcast of television to
all corners of the globe--I share this excitement
and know that at this moment in Jerusalem and Amman,
perhaps all over the Middle East, a new era is
dawning.
What I do wish, Your Majesty, is that there will be
another day of excitement--and another--and that
finally no one will photograph our handshakes. It
will have become part of the routine of our lives, a
custom among all people, the behavior of every human
being. And meanwhile, Your Majesty, the entire
state of Israel is shaking your hand. Thank you.
Signing of the Washington Declaration: A New
Chapter
Remarks during signing ceremony at the White House,
Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.
President Clinton. Your Majesties, Prime Minister
and Mrs. Rabin, distinguished guests: Today, we
gather to bear witness to history. As this century
draws to a close, a new era of peace opens before us
in ancient lands as brave men choose reconciliation
over conflict. Today, our faith is renewed.
As we write a new chapter in the march of hope over
despair on these grounds and at this historic table,
we remember the courage of Anwar Sadat and Menachem
Begin, and the leadership of President Carter at
Camp David 15 years ago; the efforts of President
Bush to bring Israel and her neighbors together in
Madrid two years ago; and that shining September day
last year when Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman
Arafat declared that their two peoples would fight
no more.
Today, in that same spirit, King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin will sign the Washington Declaration.
After generations of hostility, blood, and tears,
the leaders of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and
the State of Israel will solemnly declare, with the
world as their witness, that they have ended the
state of belligerency between them. From this day
forward, they pledge to settle their differences by
peaceful means. Both countries will refrain from
actions that may adversely affect the security of
the other and will thwart all those who would use
terrorism to threaten either side.
The Washington Declaration is the product of much
hard work. Less than a year ago, Crown Prince
Hassan of Jordan and Foreign Minister Peres of
Israel met here publicly for the first time.
Together--with the wise counsel and persistent
energy of Secretary of State Warren Christopher--
Israel and Jordan have pursued peace. And we are
all in their debt.
It takes but a minute or two to cross the River
Jordan, but for as long as most of us can remember,
the distance has seemed immense. The awful power of
ancient arguments and the raw wounds of recent wars
have left generations of Israelis, Jordanians, and
Palestinians unable to imagine-- much less build--a
life of peace and security. Today, King Hussein and
Prime Minister Rabin give their people a new
currency of hope and the chance to prosper in a
region of peace.
Under the Washington Declaration, Jordan and Israel
have agreed to continue vigorous negotiations to
produce a treaty of peace based on Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338. King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin will meet as often as necessary to
shepherd and personally direct those negotiations.
Their objective is a just, lasting, and
comprehensive peace between Israel and all its
neighbors; a peace in which each acknowledges and
respects the territorial integrity and political
independence of all others, and their right to live
in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.
In the meantime, Jordan and Israel have decided to
take immediate steps to normalize relations and
resolve disputes in areas of common concern. They
have agreed to survey the international border based
on the work of their boundary subcommission. They
have resolved that negotiations on water resources
should aim to establish the rightful allocation
between the two sides of the waters of the Jordan
and Yarmouk Rivers. They have determined that their
police forces will cooperate in combating crime,
with a special emphasis on drug smuggling. They
have set up as their joint purpose the abolition of
all economic boycotts and the establishment of a
bilateral economic cooperation.
And as of today, Jordan and Israel have agreed to
take the first practical steps to draw their people
together and to let the peoples of the world share
in the wonders of their lands. They will establish
direct telephone links; connect their two nations'
electricity grids; open two border crossings between
their nations, including one at Aqaba and Eilat and
another in the north; accelerate the negotiations
aimed at opening an international air corridor
between the two countries; and give free access to
third-country tourists traveling between their two
nations. These are the building blocks of a modern
peace and ancient holy lands.
Your Majesty, after our first meeting, you wrote me
a heartfelt letter in which you referred to your
revered grandfather, King Abdullah. You told me
that his untimely assassination at the entrance to
Jerusalem Al Aqsa Mosque had come at a time when he
was intent on making peace with Israel. Had he
completed his mission, you said to me, your region
would have been spared four decades of war. Today,
43 years later, Abdullah's grandson has fulfilled
his legacy.
And in the declaration you will sign, your role as
guardian of Jerusalem's Muslim holy sites, Al Aqsa
among them, has been preserved. And Israel has
agreed to accord a high priority to Jordan's
historic role regarding these holy sites in final
status negotiations.
Mr. Prime Minister, when you first visited me in the
White House, you spoke eloquently of your soldiers'
life, defending and guiding your nation through four
bloody decades of struggling to survive. You told
me your people had had enough bloodshed, that this
was the time to make peace. Ten months ago, you
stood on this same lawn and shook the hand of Yasir
Arafat, the leader of the Palestinian people.
Today, you stand together with King Hussein,
descendent of the Prophet Mohammed, to declare that
Jordan and Israel have ended their conflict. In
holding out to your people the hope of a normal,
secure life, you, sir, have fulfilled the mission of
your life and of all those who have fought by your
side for so long.
Now as we go forward, we must guard against
illusions. Dark forces of hatred and violence still
stalk your lands. We must not let them succeed.
King Hussein, Prime Minister Rabin: As you and your
people embark on this journey of peace, we know the
road will not be easy. Just as we have supported
you in coming this far, the United States will walk
the final miles with you. We must all go on until
we ensure that the peace you are seeking prevails in
the Holy Land and extends to all Israel's Arab
neighbors. Our common objective of a comprehensive
peace must be achieved.
Now as we witness the signing of this declaration
and applaud the bravery of these men, let us
remember that peace is much more than a pledge to
abide by words on a page; it is a bold attempt to
write a new history. Guided by the blessings of
God, let us now go forward and give life to this
declaration. For if we follow its course, we will
truly achieve a peace of the generations. Thank you
very much.
[The declaration is signed.]
King Hussein. President Clinton, Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin, ladies and gentlemen: And so it is
that on this day, at this house of the great
American people, we have been able to take a
historic step which we hope and pray will be to the
benefit of our peoples within our entire region--
Jordanians, Israelis, and others. This is the
moment of a commitment and of a vision. Not all of
what is possible is within the document we have just
ratified, but it is a modest, determined beginning
to bring to our region and our peoples the security
from fear, which, I must admit, has prevailed over
all the years of our lives; the uncertainty of every
day as to how it might end; the suspicion, the
bitterness, the lack of human contact. We are on
our way now, truly, toward what is normal in
relations between our peoples and ourselves, and
what is worthy. We will meet as often as we are
able to and is required, with pleasure, to shepherd
this process on in the times ahead.
At this moment, I would like to share with you all
the pride I have in my people--the people of Jordan-
-in their maturity; in their courage; in what I have
been blessed with, their trust and confidence; and,
I believe, in the commitment of the overwhelming
majority to the cause of peace.
The term used in international documents as have
affected us so far is "the state of belligerency"
and the "end of the state of belligerency." I think
both in Arabic and in Hebrew, our people do not have
such a term. What we have accomplished and what we
are committed to is the end of the state of war
between Jordan and Israel.
Thank you so very much, indeed, Mr. President, for
all your kindness. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister.
Thank you, all our dear friends. A warm thanks to
the American people--our partners in the past, in
the present, and in the future. And bless you and
bless our march for the future and toward the future
of peace in our region.
Prime Minister Rabin. The President of the United
States, His Majesty King Hussein of the Kingdom of
Jordan, friends, ladies and gentlemen: I start with
the Hebrew word, shalom.
A million eyes all over the world are watching us
now with great relief and great joy. Yet another
nightmare of war may be over. At the same time, a
million eyes in the Middle East are looking at us
now with great heartfelt hope that our children and
grandchildren will know no more war.
Ladies and gentlemen: Today, we submit to our
respective people a wonderful present. The
declaration we have signed just now here in
Washington is the closest thing to a treaty of
peace. We have come a long way toward a full treaty
of peace. And even though our work has not yet
ended, it is my hope and belief that not long from
today we shall return to sign a final and a
permanent treaty of peace.
Mr. President, Your Majesty: It is dusk at our
homes in the Middle East. Soon, darkness will
prevail, but the citizens of Israel and Jordan will
see a great light. We have today taken a major step
on the road to peace. We and Jordan have chosen to
speak to each other rather than to continue the
state of war. From here in the distance of
thousands of miles from home, I would like to
congratulate today the inhabitants of Israel and of
Jordan, to remember the fallen in the wars on both
sides, and to tell children on both sides of the
border we hope and pray that your life will be
different from ours.
I believe that we are a small country with a big
heart. We are aware of world agonies and suffering
of human beings anywhere. At this hour, when we are
celebrating here in Washington, Israeli defense
soldiers and medical units are trying to save the
lives of thousands, if not more, of people on the
verge of death in Rwanda. But at the very same
time, Israeli soldiers, a rescue team in Buenos
Aires, on the invitation of the Argentinian
Government, are endeavoring to rescue the lives or
bodies of those who were attacked, killed, and
disappeared--bodies of their own brothers, as well
as of the other human beings, from buildings
destroyed by vicious terrorists. This terrible
crime was committed against Jews just because they
were Jews. The Israeli rescue soldiers in Rwanda,
as well as those in Argentina, together with their
comrades in arms defending us at home, are on the
same side of the same coin.
Mr. President, Your Majesty, there is much more in
the Washington Declaration than parties were
planning when they decided to prepare this
declaration 10 days ago. It bears witness to our
ability in Israel and Jordan to accelerate our
efforts toward peace, to overcome obstacles, to
achieve a breakthrough, and to put an end to 46
years of hostility.
Mr. President, thank you--thank you for all you have
done for us and for what you will do. We embark on
a road which must still be completed. And I am
appealing to the United States--the leader of peace
efforts in the Middle East--to assist those
countries, those peoples who demonstrate courage and
who take risks--risks for peace--because it is a
worthwhile goal.
The political achievements presented today to the
public here in Washington are part of a whole agenda
that must still be clarified in serious
deliberations ahead of us--from the difficult
subjects of boundaries and water, to trade and
economic relations on which peace in our region will
be based, and, of course, security and diplomatic
relations. Our duty, starting today, is to turn the
articles written on the paper into a living reality.
This fine job could not have been completed without
your leadership and determination in the Middle East
peace-making. You have already established your
place in our history, an honorable place. And thank
you.
Our heartfelt gratitude goes also to Secretary of
State Warren Christopher and his peace team, who
devotedly seek peace, and to generations of former
U.S. administration members who have, for years,
searched for a bridge between Israel, Jordan, and
the other Arab peoples.
Your Excellency, the President of the United States;
Your Majesty, the King of Jordan; let me say a few
words in Hebrew to the citizens of Israel who are
watching us now: [Words spoken in Hebrew]. Thank
you very much.
A Milestone in the Transformation Of the Middle East
Opening remarks by Secretary Christopher at a press
briefing, Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.
Good afternoon. Before taking your questions I want
to step back and give a little perspective on
today's historic events.
The summit meeting today between King Hussein and
Prime Minister Rabin is really a milestone in the
transformation of the Middle East. It foreshadows
an end to one of the world's most intractable
conflicts. The dreams of past generations are
becoming today's diplomatic realities. An era of
war is coming to an end. Lasting peace in the
Middle East finally seems to be within grasp.
Of course, to achieve a comprehensive settlement,
which is our goal, much hard work remains.
Fundamental issues must be resolved, not only on the
Syrian track but on the other tracks as well. And
as we continue this work, obviously, we must prevent
the opponents of peace from overcoming the strenuous
efforts of the parties.
Nevertheless, there is now set in motion a process
which I hope and believe to be irreversible. The
ice is breaking. We have created a structure for
negotiations that can endure in the future and carry
us across the finish line. Negotiations between the
Israelis, Palestinians, and Jordanians are now more
firmly rooted than they have been at any time in the
past. In the multilateral talks, as well, Arabs and
Israelis are meeting not only around the world, but
now in the region. And we are developing
cooperative projects that show the face of peace to
the people of the region.
That is the structure for the future. Today's
summit meeting represents, I think, something far
more than just a symbol. As reflected in the
Washington Declaration, it has also produced
dramatic results. Most important, the state of
belligerence, the state of war between Israel and
Jordan, has finally come to an end after 46 years.
Both sides have agreed to accelerate their
negotiations toward a full peace between the
parties. The Washington Declaration unlocks the
enormous potential for economic cooperation between
the two countries, so as to make possible the
benefits of a warm peace even before the peace is
formalized.
I also feel that today's summit improves the
environment for a comprehensive and lasting peace in
the region. The President and I will make every
effort to work toward that end with Israel, Syria,
and Lebanon, and with all of the countries of the
region. We will continue to support agreements that
have already been reached, to support the parties
who have reached them, and to help achieve new
breakthroughs.
It is absolutely essential that we demonstrate to
the friends and enemies of peace--to demonstrate to
both of them that negotiations do work. To the
Arabs and the Israelis who take risks for peace, I
want them to know--the President wants them to know-
-that America's voice will continue to be strong and
resolute; that we will support them and will do what
is necessary in common with their efforts to achieve
peace in the Middle East.
Before I conclude, I would like to pay tribute to
the American peace team, both those from here in the
United States--from the White House and the State
Department--as well as the ambassadors in the
region. They have operated with a high degree of
professionalism and skill. These are men and women
who have devoted their professional lives to this
effort. And, of course, today is a remarkable day
for them and a day for the history books.
The Washington Declaration
Text released by the White House, Washington, DC,
July 25, 1994.
A. After generations of hostility, blood, and tears
and in the wake of years of pain and wars, His
Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin are determined to bring an end to bloodshed
and sorrow. It is in this spirit that His Majesty
King Hussein of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and
Prime Minister and Minister of Defense, Mr. Yitzhak
Rabin of Israel, met in Washington today at the
invitation of President William J. Clinton of the
United States of America. This initiative of
President William J. Clinton constitutes an historic
landmark in the United States' untiring efforts in
promoting peace and stability in the Middle East.
The personal involvement of the President has made
it possible to realise agreement on the content of
this historic declaration. The signing of this
declaration bears testimony to the President's
vision and devotion to the cause of peace.
B. In their meeting, His Majesty King Hussein and
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin have jointly reaffirmed
the five underlying principles of their
understanding on an Agreed Common Agenda designed to
reach the goal of a just, lasting, and comprehensive
peace between the Arab States and the Palestinians
with Israel.
1. Jordan and Israel aim at the achievement of
just, lasting, and comprehensive peace between
Israel and its neighbours and at the conclusion of a
Treaty of Peace between both countries.
2. The two countries will vigorously continue their
negotiations to arrive at a state of peace, based on
Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 in all
their aspects, and founded on freedom, equality, and
justice.
3. Israel respects the present special role of the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in Muslim Holy shrines
in Jerusalem. When negotiations on the permanent
status will take place, Israel will give high
priority to the Jordanian historic role in these
shrines. In addition the two sides have agreed to
act together to promote interfaith relations among
the three monotheistic religions.
4. The two countries recognise their right and
obligation to live in peace with each other as well
as with all states within secure and recognised
boundaries. The two states affirmed their respect
for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty,
territorial integrity, and political independence of
every state in the area.
5. The two countries desire to develop good
neighbourly relations of co-operation between them
to ensure lasting security and to avoid threats and
the use of force between them.
C. The long conflict between the two states is now
coming to an end. In this spirit the state of
belligerency between Jordan and Israel has been
terminated.
D. Following this declaration and in keeping with
the Agreed Common Agenda both countries will refrain
from actions or activities by either side that may
adversely affect the security of the other or may
prejudice the final outcome of negotiations.
Neither side will threaten the other by use of
force, weapons, or any other means, against each
other and both sides will thwart threats to security
resulting from all kinds of terrorism.
E. His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin took note of the progress made in the
bilateral negotiations within the Jordan-Israel
track last week on the steps decided to implement
the sub-agendas on borders, territorial matters,
security, water, energy, environment, and the Jordan
Rift Valley.
In this framework, mindful of items of the Agreed
Common Agenda (borders and territorial matters) they
noted that the boundary sub-commission has reached
agreement in July 1994 in fulfillment of part of the
role entrusted to it in the sub-agenda. They also
noted that the sub-commission for water,
environment, and energy agreed to mutually
recognise, as a result of their negotiations, the
rightful allocations of the two sides in Jordan
River and Yarmouk River waters and to fully respect
and comply with the negotiated rightful allocations,
in accordance with agreed acceptable principles with
mutually acceptable quality.
Similarly, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin expressed their deep
satisfaction and pride in the work of the trilateral
commission in its meeting held in Jordan on
Wednesday, July 20th, 1994, hosted by the Jordanian
Prime Minister, Dr. Abdessalam al-Majali, and
attended by Secretary of State Warren Christopher
and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres. They voiced
their pleasure at the association and commitment of
the United States in this endeavour.
F. His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin believe that steps must be taken both
to overcome psychological barriers and to break with
the legacy of war. By working with optimism towards
the dividends of peace for all the people in the
region, Jordan and Israel are determined to shoulder
their responsibilities towards the human dimension
of peace making. They recognise imbalances and
disparities are a root cause of extremism which
thrives on poverty and unemployment and the
degradation of human dignity. In this spirit His
Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin have today approved a series of steps to
symbolise the new era which is now at hand:
1. Direct telephone links will be opened between
Jordan and Israel.
2. The electricity grids of Jordan and Israel will
be linked as part of a regional concept.
3. Two new border crossings will be opened between
Jordan and Israel--one at the southern tip of Aqaba-
Eilat and the other at a mutually agreed point in
the north.
4. In principle free access will be given to third
country tourists traveling between Jordan and
Israel.
5. Negotiations will be accelerated on opening an
international air corridor between both countries.
6. The police forces of Jordan and Israel will co-
operate in combating crime with emphasis on
smuggling and particularly drug smuggling. The
United States will be invited to participate in this
joint endeavour.
7. Negotiations on economic matters will continue
in order to prepare for future bilateral co-
operation including the abolition of all economic
boycotts.
All these steps are being implemented within the
framework of regional infrastructural development
plans and in conjunction with the Jordan-Israel
bilaterals on boundaries, security, water, and
related issues and without prejudice to the final
outcome of the negotiations on the items included in
the Agreed Common Agenda between Jordan and Israel.
G. His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin have agreed to meet periodically or
whenever they feel necessary to review the progress
of the negotiations and express their firm intention
to shepherd and direct the process in its entirety.
H. In conclusion, His Majesty King Hussein and
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin wish to express once
again their profound thanks and appreciation to
President William J. Clinton and his Administration
for their untiring efforts in furthering the cause
of peace, justice, and prosperity for all the
peoples of the region. They wish to thank the
President personally for his warm welcome and
hospitality. In recognition of their appreciation
to the President, His Majesty King Hussein and Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin have asked President William
J. Clinton to sign this document as a witness and as
a host to their meeting.
His Majesty King Hussein
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin
President William J. Clinton
Shaping a Better Future For the Middle East
Remarks in exchange of toasts at a White House state
dinner, Washington, DC, July 25, 1994.
President Clinton. Your Majesties, Prime Minister
and Mrs. Rabin, all our distinguished guests:
Welcome to the White House. Today we have seen
history in the making. And tonight we celebrate
this marvelous occasion with King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin and all of you who for so long have
supported their efforts for peace.It is a special
pleasure for Hillary and for me to welcome Queen
Noor and Mrs. Rabin, who, in their devotion to the
health and well-being of the children of their
nations, prove that the quest for peace is not the
only cause that knows no borders.
Today's signing of the Washington Declaration is the
handiwork of many. But it is safe to say we would
not be here tonight were it not for the persistent
and farsighted efforts of Crown Prince Hassan,
Foreign Minister Peres, and our Secretary of State,
Warren Christopher. I want to express my special
gratitude to Secretary Christopher, who has brought
such great energy and devotion to this task, and to
applaud all three gentlemen for their efforts.
The Washington Declaration is a blueprint, both
inspiring and practical; a foundation for lasting
peace between two peoples who have been divided for
too long. It is also clearly a personal tribute to
two brave leaders, both called upon at a young age
to shoulder enormous responsibilities--one, to be a
king, the other a defender of his people--brought
together now at long last in the common cause of
peace.
King Hussein, tonight we recall again the legacy of
your grandfather and mentor, King Abdullah, a man
who dreamed that one day on both sides of the River
Jordan, Arabs and Jews could live together in peace-
-and who lost his life for that dream of peace. At
the age of 17, when most of us were still in school,
you were left to shoulder the great weight of
leading your people.
In the 42 years that have passed, you have led your
kingdom through the stormy waters of the Middle
East. You have improved the lives of your people
and endowed your nation with a spirit of tolerance,
civility, and compromise. You have built bridges
between the Arab world and the United States through
your actions as an advocate for stability and
through your marriage to the Queen, herself a
daughter of Americans who came from the Arab world.
For that, we, sir, are in your debt.
Today, you have moved to erase the divisions between
the people of the two sides of the River Jordan.
Tonight, it can truly be said that you have
fulfilled the legacy of King Abdullah.
Mr. Prime Minister, tonight we honor you, a son of
the land of Israel. Your parents, Nehemya and Rosa,
were among the first pioneers who came to Palestine.
Like so many others of their generation, they
devoted their lives to building a national home for
the Jewish people.
Schooled in the science of agriculture, you once
planned to devote your life to making the fields and
deserts of Israel come alive. But at the age of 19,
you answered the call to join the Palmach, destined
to spend your life fighting to establish and defend
the nation of Israel. Now, after a life consumed by
war, you have become the architect of a great peace,
building a homeland your parents could only imagine:
a peaceful, prosperous land at harmony with its
neighbors, a land where a new generation will be
free to cast aside its weapons and fulfill your
dream to make the valleys and deserts bloom.
Tonight, we honor you and the fulfillment of your
legacy, sir.
These two men have crossed much hostile territory so
that their children and their children's children
need fight no more. They have earned this peace,
and we are all in their debt. And so, ladies and
gentlemen, I ask you to rise and join me in a toast
to these men of courage, to their fine families, to
the peoples of Jordan and Israel, and to the promise
of peace. [A toast is offered.]
King Hussein. President Clinton, Prime Minister
Rabin: Sir, your words have touched us deeply. And
today has been, indeed, a unique day--for myself,
for the people of Jordan, for the Prime Minister and
the people of Israel--for all those who have yearned
for the breaking of a new dawn in our region where
energies and resources and talents can together have
an opportunity to flourish, can together build a
better future which is the right of all. The
reports from Jordan are what I had expected them to
be--those of joy and hope for the overwhelming
majority of our people. I understand in Israel it
is the same.
To a very large extent, sir, none of this would have
been possible without your help, without the help of
our friends in the United States. And I speak of
friendship that has grown over many, many years--a
friendship of which we are proud--and a partnership
between us all in the cause of peace and a better
future for our people, for our region, and for the
world.
I have felt over the recent past that many of us in
our part of the world--both in Israel and in Jordan-
-had to begin the inevitable readjustment,
psychologically, after so many years of denial of
our right to live normally together, to build, and
to move ahead. And as I have said before,
unfortunately, the abnormal became normal, which is,
indeed, a tragic state of affairs.
I hope that in signing the Washington Declaration,
the Prime Minister and I can help shepherd the
process ahead to not only achieve peace between our
two countries and our two peoples, but to create the
rebirth of hope and confidence in our people in
terms of our credibility and our commitment. Ours
is total before you all, and I believe that why it
will succeed in Jordan is not because of our own
feelings alone but because, as in Israel, we have a
democracy in Jordan. We have a people who share
with us in shaping our future. Democracy,
pluralism, respect for human rights is a path that
we have taken, and we hope that we will influence
others by example through our continuing along this
road. So it's not a case of an individual or a
small group of people. What we have achieved today,
sir, is something that we leave for all our people
to protect and to cherish in the times ahead.
For Noor and me, and for all my colleagues from
Jordan, we thank you, Mr. President, Mrs. Hillary
Clinton, and our dear friends for the warmth of your
welcome, for your support, and for your friendship.
We need you with us in the times ahead. We need you
with us not only as old friends, but as partners in
shaping a better future for our entire region.
Prime Minister, it has been a great pleasure, and
I'm sure that--tired as you might be after years and
years of a search for this day, this beginning--
we'll go back to our region with renewed vigor and
energy and determination to achieve beyond this
point all the dreams and hopes of our people.
Thank you very, very much, indeed. And, please,
join me in a toast to the President of the United
States, to peace and friendship between us for all
times. [A toast is offered.]
Prime Minister Rabin. The President of the United
States, Your Majesty, distinguished guests--the
American side, the Jordanian side, the Israeli side:
When I had to think of what I will toast after such
a moving, exciting day, many memories came up in my
mind.
For me, Mr. President, Your Majesty, the Washington
Declaration between Jordan and Israel symbolizes to
me much more than the overall Arab-Israeli conflict.
It's true that for a long time we had to face
uncertain areas--we continue to face the rejection,
the objection to the existence of Israel as a
Jewish, viable, independent state. And we have
seen--all through our efforts to bring about peace,
to find a solution--two main obstacles. One of them
is the psychological obstacle: the walls which are
built of prejudices on both sides, animosity, and
bloodshed, on many occasions without any
justification. The practical issues have been
magnified--have been seen by both sides as much more
complicated, bigger, more difficult--because of the
psychological walls.
The first and the foremost responsibility of the
leaders of the countries of the region in their
aspiration to solve the conflict, to build
structures of peace, to create cooperation and
understanding--the main and the foremost
responsibility is to tackle, to bring down, the
walls of psychology that put apart, put aside, and
create barriers between peoples, because leaders can
bring peoples and countries to sign peace, but the
real peace is between peoples on both sides.
The only peace that I will consider to be a peace is
the peace that the average citizen in the street
will sense and will realize that something has been
changed, that there are different
interrelationships, that there is no more fear and
no more threat of use of violence in whatever form.
Coping with these psychological walls is the most
important task of whoever tries to bring about a
solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its
sectors.
For me, today was a unique day, and I'll be frank.
I started a war of independence in Jerusalem against
the Jordanians. It was the first war that I waged,
that I was engaged in. I always respected Jordan
and the King of Jordan, King Hussein, as the most
noble, reasonable, unique personality-- even when we
were not at peace, even when we were engaged in
conflict.
I don't believe that there is in the Arab world
another leader that, in his long term of being the
leader of his country, has shaped and changed the
situation and brought to his people and to his
government and in each way of life the values, the
way of life, and the behavior of the average
citizen. Therefore, on many occasions in the past,
I dreamt, I believed, that a peace with Jordan would
be the first.
I will not disclose secrets of 20, 21 years ago. I
believe that His Majesty understands what I mean.
But today, when we stood together on your
invitation, Mr. President of the United States, and
we shook hands and signed a declaration--in a way to
me, personally--a circle of my life reached a
certain point. I was born in Jerusalem. I am the
first and only Prime Minister of Israel that was
born there. I had to fight for Jerusalem. But I
believe that the values of Jerusalem--for Jews, for
Muslims, for Christians--carry with them certain
responsibilities that Your Majesty and I have to
carry and to shoulder upon ourselves.
I remember the end of the 1948-49 war. We believed,
then, in peace. We hoped that that war would end
it. It took too long. I believe the two of us have
seen hopes that faded, tragedy that took place. Now
we are on the verge of opening a new chapter, I
believe, not only to the Jordanian people and to the
Israeli people. I believe that the relations
between Jordan and Israel can serve as a symbol and
as an example to others.
I would like, Mr. President, to thank you for your
efforts, for the efforts of your Administration and
the Secretary of State working with our Foreign
Minister. Because I believe, as you once said, Mr.
President--you said it vis-a-vis Israel; I believe
it has to be said to every country in the Middle
East--that without taking risks, without making
compromises, we will not achieve peace.
But you have to bear in mind, Mr. President, as you
know, that the results of any agreement, when it is
signed, have to be translated to the life of the
peoples and the countries that signed it. They have
to realize that a change has taken place, that lives
are safer, that their life is improved
educationally, economically, socially. The United
States has played in modern history a unique role,
since the end of the Second World War, in
encouraging peace and stability in the world. You
have played the same role in every agreement that
was reached between an Arab country, Arab people,
and Israel. And, believe me, Mr. President and my
other American friends, by beautiful words alone,
realities are not changed.
The dream, the desire, the courage to carry them out
are important. But sometimes they have to be
nourished, assisted in a way so that the countries
and the peoples will realize the reason and meaning
of peace not by the beautiful words, but by the
change of their lives--that peace brought something
new to them.
We, today, made another major step toward peace. I
always admired and trusted His Majesty King Hussein,
and I believe his signature; when he signs, he means
it. Together, Jordan, Israel, and the United
States--under your leadership and during your term,
Mr. President--are here the second time to pay our
respects to efforts that brought a change in the
Middle East.
If we continue to work together, I believe that we
will see more steps in your term and in my term
which, by the way, have to be ended for both of us
if we are not reelected and, hopefully, we will be
in November 1996. It's a lot of time. Much can be
done. And if I raise my toast, I will raise it for
those who have the courage to change axioms, to
overcome prejudices, to change realities, and who
make it possible. To them; to you, Your Majesty; to
you, President Clinton; to all those who believe and
support and are ready to assist the continuation of
peace in the region: l'chaim. [A toast is
offered.]
Jordan and Israel: A Journey Toward Peace
Address to a joint meeting of Congress, Washington,
DC, July 26, 1994.
King Hussein. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, honored
guests, Members
of Congress, ladies and gentlemen: It is an honor
for me to stand before you--the representatives of
the great American nation--on this historic
occasion.
We have now become partners in shaping the future of
all our people. We seek for them a future of peace,
stability, and security--the prospects for which are
growing before our eyes. It is a heart-warming
sight for those of us who have continuously pursued
this goal throughout our lives.
We in Jordan have always sought a bold peace. We
have been conscious of our responsibilities toward
the coming generations--to ensure that they will
have the certainty of leading a dignified and
fulfilled life. We have sought a peace that can
harness their creative energies, to allow them to
realize their true potential, and to build their
future with confidence--devoid of fear and
uncertainty. None of this can be achieved without
establishing a direct dialogue at the highest level
of leadership.
This meeting in Washington, at the invitation of
President Clinton, represents the beginning of a new
phase in our common journey toward peace between
Jordan and Israel. It is a milestone on the road
toward comprehensive peace in our region.
This meeting was preceded by a trilateral Jordanian-
American-Israeli meeting at which my brother, Crown
Prince Hassan, represented myself and the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan, and Foreign Minister Shimon Peres
represented Israel. The trilateral working group
was established under an agreement completed at that
meeting hosted by President Clinton at the White
House in October 1993.
Following my recent visit to the United States, in
light of the status of negotiations, I decided to
share with my people the realities affecting our
search for peace. In a meeting with members of our
Parliament, I addressed the entire Jordanian nation.
I have been rewarded by their approval and support.
Their expression of confidence has always been the
foremost consideration in my life. All of Jordan is
here with me today.
We also remember, today, the three generations of
gallant Jordanians and so many others who sacrificed
themselves for the cause of Palestine. Every
household in Jordan has sent a son to answer the
Arab call. Many have not returned. Their sacrifice
has made it possible for me to be here today. My
family has also paid a heavy price. My great
grandfather, the leader of the great Arab revolt for
freedom, independence, and unity, lies buried next
to the blessed Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. I was
by the side of my grandfather, King Abdullah, at the
doors of Al Aqsa Mosque when he was martyred. He
was a man of peace who gave his life for this ideal.
I have pledged my life to fulfilling his dream. He,
too, is here today.
Mr. Speaker, in our meeting today, I hope you will
find a clear message to the American nation and to
the world. We are, together, committed to work
tirelessly to banish forever the abnormal conditions
which have dominated our people's lives. We want
normality and humanity to become the prevailing
order.
Although we have labored for so long under
conditions of hostility, I am certain that we can
see these conditions for what they are--emblems of
an unnatural and sinister state. We have all known
the portents of this state--the fear of death, the
silence of isolation--and we have all felt the fear
that has mesmerized us, preventing us from moving
forward to create, together, a bright future for the
coming generations. What we are witnessing today,
God willing, is a progression from a state of war to
a state of peace. These unique circumstances allow
us to take bold steps.
Our meeting now represents a revolt against all that
is unnatural. It is unnatural not to have direct
and open meetings between our respective officials
and their leaders in order to grapple with all
aspects of the conflict, and, God willing, to
resolve them. It is unnatural not to wish to bridge
this gulf, across which we have all paid a
shattering toll in blood and tears--the waste of our
youth and the grief of our forefathers. We have
suffered this loss together, and it will leave its
impact on all of us far into the future.
The two Semitic peoples--the Arabs and the Jews--
have endured bitter trials and tribulations during
the journey of history. Let us resolve to end this
suffering forever and to fulfill our
responsibilities as leaders of our peoples and our
duty as human beings toward mankind.
I come before you today fully conscious of the need
to secure a peace for all the children of Abraham.
Our land is the birthplace of the divine faiths and
the cradle of the heavenly messages to all humanity.
I also come before you today as a soldier who seeks
to bear arms solely in the defense of his homeland;
a man who understands the fears of his neighbors and
who wishes only to live in peace with them; a man
who wishes to secure democracy, political pluralism,
and human rights for his nation.
I come before you today encouraged in the knowledge
that the Prime Minister of Israel and his government
have responded to the call for peace. They have
recognized the Palestinian people and their rights
and are negotiating with their chosen leadership in
accordance with UNSCRs 242 and 338.
For our part, we will never forget Palestine--not
for a moment. We in Jordan were the first to
shoulder our responsibility, and we were the most
adversely affected by the legacy of the Palestinian
tragedy. And still our people in Jordan remain one
united family--irrespective of their origins--
sharing equally, free to choose their political
future and destiny.
My religious faith demands that sovereignty over the
holy places in Jerusalem reside with God and God
alone. Dialogue between the faiths should be
strengthened; religious sovereignty should be
accorded to all believers of the three Abrahamic
faiths, in accordance with their religions. In this
way, Jerusalem will become the symbol of peace and
its embodiment, as it must be for both Palestinians
and Israelis when their negotiations determine the
final status of Arab East Jerusalem. I come before
you today fully confident that progress will be made
on the Syrian-Israeli and Lebanese-Israeli tracks of
the peace process and toward the achievement of
comprehensive peace.
Mr. Speaker, the state of war between Israel and
Jordan is over. We have accepted UNSCR 338 which
calls for negotiations between the parties
concerned--under appropriate auspices--to establish
a just and durable peace in the Middle East. We
have accepted UNSCR 242, which sought acknowledgment
of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and
political independence of every state in the area,
and their right to live in peace within secure and
recognized boundaries, free from threats or acts of
force.
I want to reaffirm, without any reservation, that
we, together with the other parties concerned, have
exercised our sovereign right to make peace. We are
moving forward and tackling, one by one, all the
problems listed in our common agenda. We have great
faith in our joint progress toward the ultimate
goal--the culmination of all our efforts--a
Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty.
In this, we take courage from the words of God, in
His holy book, The Koran:
Then if they should be inclined to make peace, do
thou incline towards it also, and put thy trust in
Allah. Surely, it is he who is all-hearing, all-
knowing.
(The Koran, Chapter 8, Verse 61)
Mr. Speaker, I value the long friendship between
Jordan and the United States, inherited from the era
of my grandfather. I have sought over 34 years,
since the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower, to ensure
that it be honest and true. It has been a
friendship built of mutual respect and common
interests. I am proud to remind you how we stood
shoulder to shoulder during the long years of the
Cold War. And now, together, we share a great hope-
-to establish a lasting peace in the Middle East.
We believe that an enduring partnership for
cooperation and development between Jordan and the
United States is essential to the realization of
this dream.
We aim to build a better future under peace; to
change the pattern of life for our people from
despair and hopelessness to honor and dignity. We
want to fashion a new commonwealth of hope on our
ancient soil. We want all voices to be heard in
shaping a new regional order.
If we are to achieve our aims, all of us must be
given the opportunity and the tools to play our part
in this historic endeavor. The creative drive of
our region has been crippled by the conflict; the
healing hand of the international community is now
essential.
It should never be forgotten that peace resides,
ultimately, not in the hands of governments, but in
the hands of the people. For unless peace can be
made real to the men, women, and children of the
Middle East, the best efforts of negotiators will
come to nought.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President: I have come before you
today to demonstrate that we are ready to open a new
era in our relations with Israel. With the help and
cooperation of this august body, the peace we all
want can be achieved. With your help, I am certain
that the imbalances between our societies can be
remedied and that the sources of frustration and
enmity can be eradicated. It is in this spirit and
with these hopes that I share this platform with
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.
To all of you and to the American people, I offer my
thanks for your kindness, hospitality, and for all
your support. May God bless you all. Wa Assalamu
Alaykum Wa Rahmatullahi Wa Barakatuhu.
Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President,
distinguished Members of the Congress, His Majesty
the King of Jordan: I start with the Jewish word
shalom.
Each year on memorial day for the fallen of the
Israeli-Israel's walls--I go to the cemetery of Mt.
Herzl in Jerusalem. Facing me are the graves, the
headstones, the colorful flowers blooming on them,
and thousands of pairs of weeping eyes. I stand
there in front of that large, silent crowd and read
in their eyes the words of the young, dead soldiers.
As the famous American poet, Archibald MacLeish,
entitled--the poem from which I take these lines. I
quote: "They say, whether our lives and our death
were for peace and a new hope or for nothing, we
cannot say. It is you who must say this."
Mr. Speaker, we have come from Jerusalem to
Washington because it is we who must say--and we are
here to say--peace is our goal. It is peace we
desire.
With me here in this house today are my partners in
this great doing. Allow me to refer to some
Israelis that are with me--here with you. Amiram
Kaplan, whose first brother was killed in an
accident, whose second brother was killed in a
pursuit of terrorists, whose third brother was
killed in war, and whose parents died of heartbreak.
And today he is a seeker of peace. Moshe Sasson,
who, together with his father was an emissary to the
talks with King Abdullah and to other missions of
peace: Today, he is also an emissary of peace.
With me, a classmate of mine from the elementary
school, Chana Rivlin, of Kibbutz Gesher, which faces
Jordan--who endured bitter fighting and lost a son
in war. Today, she looks out of her window, onto
Jordan, and wants the dream of peace to come, too.
Avraham Daskal, almost 90 years old, who worked for
the electric company in Trans-Jordan and was
privileged to attend the celebrations marking King
Hussein's birth, is hoping for peace in his
lifetime. Dani Matt, who fought against Jordan in
the war of independence, was taken prisoner of war
and devoted his life to the security of the state of
Israel. He hopes that his grandchildren will never
know war. And Mrs. Penina Herzog, whose husband
wove the first threads of political ties with Jordan
with us here in this [inaudible]. The mayor of
Eilat, Mr. Gabi Kadosh, which touches the frontier
with Jordan and will be a focus of common tourism;
Mr. Shimon Cahaner, who fought against the
Jordanians, memorializes his fallen comrades and
hopes that they will have been the last to fall; Mr.
Talal al-Krienawi, the mayor of a Bedouin town in
Israel, who looks forward to renewing the friendship
with their brothers in Jordan; Mr. David Coren, a
member of a kibbutz which was captured by the
Jordanians in 1948, who awaits the day when the
borders will be open; Dr. Asher Susser, a scholar
who has done research throughout his adult life; and
Dr. Sharon Regev, whose father was killed while
pursuing terrorists in the Jordan Valley, and who
yearns for peace with all his heart: Here they are
before you.
All of them wanted to come. Here they are--people
who never rejoice in the victories of war but whose
hearts are now filled with the joy of peace. I've
come here from Jerusalem on behalf of those
thousands of bereaved families, though I haven't
asked their permission. I stand here on behalf of
the parents who have buried their children, of the
children who have no fathers, and of the sons and
daughters who are gone but return to us in our
dreams. I stand here today on behalf of those
youngsters who wanted to live, to love, to build a
home. I've come from Jerusalem in the name of our
children who began their lives with great hope and
are now names, graves, and memorial stones, old
pictures in albums, fading clothes in the closets;
whose lips are chanting Kaddish, the Jewish memorial
prayer, ringing in my ears the words of the same
famous Archibald MacLeish, who echoes the plea of
the young, dead soldiers who say, "relieve you our
death, give them their meaning." Let us give them
meaning. Let us make an end to the bloodshed. Let
us make true peace. Let us today be victorious in
ending war.
Mr. Speaker, the debate goes on. Who shapes the
face of history-- leaders or circumstances? My
answer to you is we all shape the face of history;
we the people--the farmers behind our plows, the
teachers in our classrooms, the doctors saving
lives, the scientists at our computers, the workers
on the assembly line, the builders on our scaffolds;
we, the mothers blinking back tears as our sons are
drafted into the army; we, the fathers who stay
awake at night worried and anxious for our
children's safety; we Jews and Arabs; we Israelis
and Jordanians; we, the people--we shape the face of
history.
And we, the leaders, hear the voices and sense the
deepest emotions and feelings of thousands and
millions and translate them into reality. If my
people did not desire peace so strongly, I would
not be standing here today. And I am sure that if
the children of Amman and the soldiers of Irbid and
the women of Es Salt and the citizens of Aqaba did
not seek peace, our partner in this great quest, the
King of Jordan would not be here now, shaking hands,
calling for peace. We bear the responsibility. We
have the power to decide, and we dare not miss this
great opportunity, for it is the duty of the leaders
to bring peace and well-being to their peoples. We
are graced with the privilege of fulfilling the duty
for our people. This is our responsibility.
The complex relations between Israel and Jordan have
continued for a generation. Today, so many years
later, we carry with us good memories of the special
ties between your country--Your Majesty--and mine,
and we carry with us the grim reminders of the times
we found ourselves at war. We remember the days of
your grandfather, King Abdullah, who sought avenues
of peace with the heads of the Jewish people and the
leaders of the young State of Israel.
There is much work before us. We face psychological
barriers. We face genuine practical problems.
Walls of hostilities have been built on the River
Jordan which runs between us. You in Amman and we
in Jerusalem must bring down those barriers and
walls--must solve those concrete problems. And I am
sure that we'll do it. Yesterday, we took a giant
step toward peace which will embrace it all--borders
and water, security and economics, trade boycotts,
tourism and environment, and diplomatic relations.
We want peace between countries, but above all,
between human beings.
Beyond the ceremonies, after the festivities, we
will move on to the negotiations. They will not be
easy, but when they are completed, a wonderful,
common future awaits us. The Middle East--the
cradle of the great monotheistic civilization,
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam--the Middle East
that was a valley of the shadow of death will be a
place where it is a pleasure to live. We live on
the same stretch of land: The same rain nourishes
our soil; the same hot wind parches our fields. We
find shade under the same fig tree. We savor the
fruit of the same green vine; we drink from the same
well. Only a 70-minute journey separates these
cities--Jerusalem and Amman--and 46 years. And just
as we have been enemies, so can we be good and
friendly neighbors.
Since it's unprecedented that in this joint meeting
two speakers will be invited, allow me to turn to
His Majesty. Your Majesty, we have both seen a lot
in our lifetime. We have both seen too much
suffering. What will you leave to your children?
What will I leave to my grandchildren? I have only
dreams to build a better world--a world of
understanding and harmony, a world in which it is a
joy to live. This is not asking for too much. The
State of Israel thanks you--thanks you for accepting
our hand in peace, for your political wisdom and
courage, for planting a new hope in our hearts and
in the hearts of your subjects and the hearts of all
peace-loving people. And I know that you enjoy the
highest esteem of the United States--this great
America which is helping the bold to make a peace of
the brave.
From this hall that represents freedom, liberty, and
democracy, I would like to thank President Clinton,
the former presidents of the United States,
Secretary of State Christopher, former secretaries
of state, and former administrations. To you--the
Speaker and the Vice President, we are more than
thankful to you--the distinguished Members of the
Congress, representatives of the American people,
and to you--the wonderful people of America. I do
so because no words can express our gratitude to you
and to the American people for each of your generous
support, understanding, and cooperation, which are
beyond compare in modern history. Thank you,
America. God bless America.
Tomorrow, I shall return to Jerusalem, the capital
of the State of Israel and the heart of the Jewish
people. Lining the road to Jerusalem are rusting
bulks of metal--burned-out, silent, cold. They are
the remains of convoys which brought food and
medicine to the war-torn and besieged city of
Jerusalem 46 years ago. For many of Israel's
citizens, their story is one of heroism--part of our
national legend. For me and for my comrades in
arms, every scrap of cold metal lying there by the
wayside is a bitter memory. I remember--I remember
it as though it was just yesterday. I remember then
I was their commander in war. For them, this
ceremony has come too late. What endures are their
children, their comrades. It's their legacy.
Allow me to make a personal note. I, military I.D.
number 30743, retired general in the Israel Defense
Forces in the past, consider myself to be a soldier
in the army of peace today. I, who served my
country for 27 years as a soldier--I say to you, to
Your Majesty: This is the only battle which is a
pleasure to wage--the battle for peace.
Tomorrow, on the way up to Jerusalem, thousands of
flowers will cover the remains of those rusting
armored vehicles, the ones that never made it to the
city. Tomorrow, from those silent metal heaps,
thousands of flowers will smile to us with the word
peace--shalom.
In the Bible, our book of the books, peace is
mentioned in its various idioms 237 times. In the
Bible--from which we draw our values and our
strength--in the book of Jeremiah, we find a
lamentation for Rachel, the matriarch. It reads:
"Refrain your voice from weeping and your eyes from
tears, for their works shall be rewarded, saith the
Lord."
I will not refrain from weeping for those who are
gone, but on this summer day in Washington, far from
home, we sense that our work will be rewarded as the
prophet foretold.
The Jewish tradition calls for a blessing on every
new tree, every new fruit, on every new season. Let
me conclude with the ancient Jewish blessing that
has been with us in exile and in Israel for
thousands of years, and allow me to do it in Hebrew.
Blessed are you, O Lord, who has preserved us and
sustained us and enabled us to reach this time.
God bless the peace. Thank you.
Toward a Lasting Peace Between Israel and Jordan
Opening remarks at a White House press conference,
Washington, DC, July 26, 1994.
President Clinton. Good afternoon. I am happy to
once again welcome King Hussein and Prime Minister
Rabin.
In the last two days, history has been made in
Washington, and a brighter future has been built--a
future that offers more peace and security not only
for the people of Israel and Jordan, but also for
the people of the United States.
With great courage and foresight, the King and the
Prime Minister have united in their conviction that
it is time to end more than four decades of
bloodshed and loss. They have demonstrated that
contact can overcome conflict, that direct talks can
produce peace. They have declared an end to the
state of war between their two countries and have
determined to secure a lasting peace. They have
personally committed to making sure that a treaty is
concluded as rapidly as possible.
When we met yesterday, the King, the Prime Minister,
and I agreed to designate representatives to ensure
that the provisions of the Washington Declaration
are implemented quickly. In a week of extraordinary
sets of events, this morning we witnessed another,
as the King and the Prime Minister appeared jointly
before Congress. Their eloquent remarks articulated
a common vision of cooperation that will yield
specific and concrete benefits for all peoples on
both sides of the Jordan River. The outpouring of
support by Members of Congress for these two heroes
of peace, I believe, clearly reflects the feelings
of all the American people.
As I've made clear since my first meetings with the
King and the Prime Minister, America will stand by
those who take risks for peace. We will support
leaders whose boldness and wisdom are creating a new
Middle East. Today, I have reaffirmed to Prime
Minister Rabin that as Israel moves forward in the
peace process, the constant responsibility of the
United States will be to help ensure its security.
I also have reaffirmed to King Hussein my
determination to assist Jordan in dealing with its
burden of debt and its defense requirements. I am
working with Congress to achieve rapid action on
both these matters.
The United States is committed to a comprehensive
peace in the Middle East and an end to hostility
between Israel and all her Arab neighbors. I spoke
yesterday with President Asad of Syria and
reaffirmed my personal dedication to achieving a
comprehensive peace. Secretary Christopher has
devoted a great deal of time and effort to the
negotiations with Syria, and I have asked him to
return to the region soon to continue that work.
In these two days, we have taken great strides on
the road to peace. But even as these two leaders
have come together, the enemies of peace have not
been silent. In recent days, terrorists have struck
in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and in London. We will
not, we must not, allow them to disrupt this peace
process.
This week's events here in Washington and the
bravery of King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin
prove that a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace
in the Middle East is within reach. Inspired by the
extraordinary events of the last two days, now we go
forward with a new sense of determination and a new
sense of confidence to take the next steps in the
days and weeks ahead.
King Hussein. Mr. President, Prime Minister Rabin,
ladies and gentlemen: These have been unique days
in our lives--yesterday and today. They have
witnessed dreams, hopes, and prayers realized in
terms of an end to the state of war between Jordan
and Israel. More important, in terms of our
determination to move ahead in executing our duties
toward our peoples-- toward our peoples in the
entire region in the present and in the future--that
they live secure in peace with the ability to come
together, for the opportunity to give their talents
a chance to make a difference, to create at the
breaking dawn of peace in the Middle East what is
worthy of them.
I would like, Mr. President, to thank you very, very
much, indeed, sir, for your personal support and
continued interest. We are proud to have you as our
partner. We are proud and happy that these meetings
between myself and Prime Minister Rabin have taken
place here in Washington. We are overwhelmed by all
the warmth and support that we have seen during
these last two days. We recall and appreciate the
efforts of the Secretary of State, the efforts of so
many friends here that enabled us to get this far.
I hope, together, we will build from now on and will
continue and succeed in giving all our peoples the
chance to live under conditions that have been
denied us, certainly, as far as I'm concerned,
throughout my life. And I am proud to say that the
overwhelming majority of Jordanians rejoice with me,
as I am sure is the case in Israel and here in the
United States.
Prime Minister Rabin. Mr. President, Your Majesty
King Hussein, ladies and gentlemen: I believe that
the last two days represent a landmark in the
positive developments toward peace in the Middle
East. I believe to understand the meaning of what
has been done by Jordan and Israel--with the
assistance and support of the United States--it has
to be looked at in proportion to what the trends are
today in the Middle East.
We see two conflicting trends in the Middle East--
one, the rise of extreme, radical Islamic terrorist
movements within the Palestinian side, within the
Lebanese side, in other Arab countries, derived from
a certain source that each purposely is undermining
any possibility to achieve peace. I believe that we
see their fingers in the international terrorist
acts that have taken place not so long ago--in
Thailand, in Buenos Aires, in London--in addition to
what goes on from Lebanon, and in the territories by
the extreme, radical Islamic terrorist groups. It's
an all-out war waged by these elements against the
possibility of the solution of the Arab-Israeli
conflict in all its parts. I believe that they have
an infrastructure of terror all over the world. We
saw it lately in Argentina. I don't want to talk
about what's going on here, in Europe, in the Far
East, in addition to the Middle East.
And, therefore, what we have done in the last two
days is a major step of brave people on both sides
to come up and to say we are making an important,
important phase toward peace, because the Washington
Declaration is, first and foremost, an end of a
state of belligerency--or as the King declared, end
of a state of war. Believe me, today in the Middle
East, to reach commitment by the countries of the
region for nonbelligerency--no violence, no terror--
can be the greatest contribution to peace in the
region and not only in the region.
Between Jordan and Israel, we have reached the end
of the state of belligerency. But there is a need
beyond the end of war, threats of war, violence and
terror to build a structure of peace--the relations
of peace. We lay the foundations to this world, to
this work, to this place. The test will be to what
extent we will succeed in building this structure of
peace--to reach the kind of relations between Jordan
and Israel that the man in the street in Amman and
in Tel Aviv will call peace.
Therefore, hard work is before us. We are
committed, I believe, on both sides, to do what is
needed in addition to the elimination of war--to
build the relations of peace. We need your
assistance, Mr. President, in doing so.
The first responsibility lies with the parties--with
Jordan and Israel. But without the United States--
the leader of peace in the region--and, hopefully,
other countries and the European Union assisting
those who take risks--calculated risks for peace--we
will not achieve it in the way and the pace which it
is needed.
We open a new chapter. We created a new landmark.
But the road is still, hopefully, not too long--but
still work has to be done. We will do it. We need
the participation of those who preach peace to
translate their words to realities, to practical
support of those who take the risk for peace. (###)
ARTICLE 2:
U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee
Meeting at the Dead Sea
Text of Joint Communique, Secretary Christopher,
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Al-Majali,
Foreign Minister Peres, Department Statement
Joint Communique
Text of the joint communique of the U.S.-Jordan-
Israel Trilateral Economic Committee released by
Secretary Christopher, Jordanian Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister Al-Majali, and Israeli Foreign
Minister Peres, Dead Sea, Jordan, July 20, 1994.
The U.S.-Israel-Jordan Trilateral Economic Committee
held its fifth meeting on July 20, 1994, at the Dead
Sea Spa Hotel in Jordan. At this meeting, the
American delegation was headed by Secretary of State
Warren Christopher, the Jordanian delegation by
Prime Minister Abd al-Salam Majali, and the Israeli
delegation by Foreign Minister Shimon Peres. The
three parties expressed their sincere thanks and
appreciation to the Government of Jordan for hosting
this historic meeting.
The Trilateral Committee--established in October
1993 under the auspices of President Clinton by His
Royal Highness Crown Prince Hassan and Foreign
Minister Peres--reviewed recent progress in the
peace process. The Committee noted favorably the
Israeli-Jordanian bilateral negotiations held in the
region on July 18-19, 1994, and the intention to
continue these discussions next month. The
delegations reiterated their intention to energize
efforts to promote further progress on the Israel-
Jordan track, looking forward to the meeting between
His Majesty King Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin in
Washington on July 25, 1994.
The Trilateral Committee also reviewed recent
progress on its work and reached agreement on a
number of future activities. The delegations
agreed, in preparation for the meeting in the White
House next week, to work on a Master Plan for the
Development of the Jordan Rift Valley. Meetings of
experts earlier today indicated a substantial
convergence of views on such a scheme and a common
approach on proceeding. The experts will continue
their meetings later today and tomorrow, and an
intersessional meeting will be organized to unify
the planning criteria and develop detailed terms of
reference. The United States agreed to facilitate
further the continued work on the Master Plan.
The Trilateral Committee also agreed to continue
work on trade/finance/banking, civil aviation,
tourism, and establishing a road link between the
two countries. On trade, the parties agreed on the
establishment of a set of principles concerning
trade and commercial relationships between the two
parties in the context of a peace treaty. On civil
aviation, the parties agreed to establish a joint
team to explore aviation routes serving the
interests of both countries and flight safety. On
tourism, the parties agreed to a travel and tourism
arrangement and to establish a trilateral commission
to facilitate cooperation in this area, specifically
the opening of a crossing point in the Eilat-Aqaba
area for tourists who are third country nationals.
Finally, the parties agreed to conduct a preliminary
site survey of a road linking Jordan, Israel and
Egypt in the vicinity of Eilat and Aqaba.
The three ministers agreed to meet again
periodically in the region, starting in the near
future. Intersessional meetings of experts will
also be organized to continue work on specific
projects.
Secretary Christopher and Jordanian King Hussein
Opening statements at a news conference, Amman,
Jordan, July 20, 1994.
King Hussein. I welcome you, once again, sir, to
Jordan, with our dear friends and with colleagues at
this very interesting moment in the life of this
region. As you know, we are moving with hope that
we are close to fulfilling a very dear objective--
the establishment of a just, comprehensive, and
durable peace in this region.
My meeting with the President during my last visit
to Washington was a very important one in the sense
that it convinced me of the need to address my
people to move on a very dear issue and objective to
all of us--that of establishing peace. I did so,
and I am proud of the reaction of the overwhelming
majority of people in this country--their maturity
and their trust. As you know, we have, over the
last two days, had meetings in the area of the
border between us and Israel. And today we will
attend, as a partner, the trilateral meetings on the
Dead Sea. In the next few days, I will meet Prime
Minister Rabin in Washington as guests of President
Clinton and have the privilege of--sharing with him-
-addressing the joint Houses of Congress.
I hope that all this reemphasizes our total
commitment to the course of peace and a better
future for our people, for all people in this
region--to move from what is abnormal toward what is
normal in human relations. Once the problems are
resolved--we are at the beginning of serious
negotiation, but we are encouraged by what we have
seen already. We are determined to move ahead. And
I believe that my meeting with the President and
with Prime Minister Rabin will enable us to shepherd
the process forward in the times ahead through our
commitment, hopefully, to the same objective.
I welcome you, once again, to Jordan and to share
the success of this visit to this region. And I
share with you the hope that we will be moving
toward the breaking of a new dawn of peace in this
region and a comprehensive peace. Thank you very,
very much.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you, Your Majesty. It
is a great pleasure, as always, to be back here in
Jordan and to be a guest of the King. We thank the
Jordanian people and him for the graciousness of
their hospitality, which is always very apparent
when we are here in Jordan.
The steps that the King has outlined, taken
together, are genuinely transforming the landscape
here in the Middle East. Together they represent a
milestone in the peace-making process. I think the
King deserves great credit for his courage in moving
decisively ahead in this way. Through his courage
and his leadership, I think King Hussein has once
again demonstrated what we have long known-- that he
is a man of great vision dedicated to moving forward
the interest of not only his own people, but the
people of the region and, especially, the cause of
peace.
I want him to know and I want the people of Jordan
to know that America stands ready to do everything
we can to assist in this process, which, of course,
has to fundamentally rest on the shoulders of the
parties. But, nevertheless, we are prepared to take
any step that we can to assist the parties in this
historic pursuit of peace in this region. So, thank
you, Your Majesty, for your hospitality here. I
look forward to the remainder of my trip here to
Jordan and then to being a couple of more days in
the region. Thank you, Your Majesty.
Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister
Peres, and Jordanian Prime Minister and Foreign
Minister Al-Majali
Addresses at the meeting of the U.S.-Jordan-Israel
Trilateral Economic Committee, Dead Sea, Jordan,
July 20, 1994.
Secretary Christopher. Prime Minister Al-Majali,
Foreign Minister Peres, members of the Israeli
delegation, members of the Jordanian delegation,
members of the United States delegation, ladies and
gentlemen: On behalf of the United States, I am
greatly honored to participate in this historic
occasion at this legendary spot. For the first
time, a Foreign Minister from the State of Israel
has come openly to Jordan to meet with his
counterpart in the name of peace between their two
peoples.
Mr. Ministers, the distances you traveled here today
were relatively small, but the history you make by
your presence is great. To a troubled world, you
send forth a simple message that captures our vision
and strengthens our faith that the scars of war can
be healed, the divisions of memory can be overcome,
peace between Arab and Jew can be achieved.
Today, Israel and Jordan are stepping from the old
into the new. An era of war is coming to a close.
The cries of this ancient land for peace are finally
being realized.
Today, you lead your nations away from the hatreds
of the past--hatreds that have wasted the talents of
your people and robbed the dreams of your children.
As we meet here today, we can proclaim to the people
of Israel and the people of Jordan, the people of
the Middle East, and, indeed, the people of the
world, the time of destroying life is past, the time
of building peace has come.
For the U.S.-Jordan-Israel Economic Committee,
today's historic meeting represents not simply a
symbol of hope for a stricken land: It is also a
practical instrument by which Jordanians and
Israelis can achieve genuine reconciliation. Since
President Clinton launched the trilateral talks last
October at a meeting with Crown Prince Hassan and
Foreign Minister Peres, we have made truly great
strides. At this, the committee's fifth session, we
begin negotiating the details of concrete projects
that will foster new patterns of trust and
cooperation between Israel and Jordan. These
projects will serve as building blocks, the
foundation upon which a lasting settlement can be
based. They will promote economic development and,
most importantly, they will deliver real benefits to
the people of Jordan, the people of Israel, and, in
time, the people of this entire region.
These projects, in short, represent the face of
peace. During these two days, the committee has had
the opportunity to once again advance our common
agenda. Perhaps no sector offers more immediate
promise than tourism. Today, Israel and Jordan
contain some of the world's most treasured
historical, cultural, and religious sites,
including, of course, this very spot where we are
sitting today--the Dead Sea.
Cooperative efforts to facilitate travel between the
two countries could quickly result in a significant
boost in tourism, and that would generate much-
needed jobs and revenue, attracting foreign
investment. Indeed, when one sees this place, it is
really exciting to contemplate the burst of tourism,
the burst of interchange that would be bound to
follow the decrease in tensions.
We are, of course, encouraging rapid progress on
other longer term projects as well. We believe that
early agreement should be reached on a start-up date
for construction of a road linking Israel and Jordan
in the vicinity of Eilat and Aqaba. This project
could, in turn, serve as the forerunner of a larger
effort to develop an integrated regional
transportation system, containing all the modes of
transportation. Our goal in this effort should be
clear: to put in place the infrastructure vital to
a new era of regional cooperation and prosperity.
This is why we are also supporting the committee's
efforts to devise a comprehensive plan for the
Jordan Rift Valley, to work out bilateral trade and
financial relations, to develop cooperation in civil
aviation, and to establish a transborder national
park. Each of these projects can weave the bonds of
mutual interest and human contact that are the
critical reinforcements of peace.
Mr. Ministers, I need not remind you that our work
here, and that being done in the bilateral talks
between Jordan and Israel, takes on an even greater
significance in light of recent events. Only a few
days from now, on July 25 in Washington, President
Clinton, King Hussein, and Prime Minister Rabin will
convene at the White House for a historic summit
meeting. By undertaking this unprecedented action,
they, the leaders of our three nations, have
signaled their determination to make every effort to
reach a comprehensive and lasting peace. We here
today can do no less. We must redouble our efforts
to ensure that their efforts, that their leadership,
will succeed.
President Clinton has vowed that the United States
stands firmly with these countries that have shown
the courage and the vision to undertake risks for
peace. As Jordan and Israel continue on the path of
reconciliation, they should know that America,
working with the entire community of the world, will
do everything in its power to help ensure a new
future of security and prosperity.
Mr. Ministers, the future beckons us. Our
responsibility is clear: to join together in making
for this great and holy land a new era of peace and
hope--a peace that is enduring because it is
comprehensive, a peace not just of treaties, but of
commerce and human exchange, a peace that is just
and secure for Israel and Jordan and the rest of
their neighbors in this area.
So, here by the shores of the Dead Sea, let us
rededicate ourselves to honoring life. Here from
the lowest point on earth, let us set our sights at
scaling the heights of peace. That is the course
that our interests demand. That is the future that
our people and our children deserve. Thank you very
much, Mr. Minister and Mr. Minister.
Foreign Minister Peres. Prime Minister Majali and
the Jordanian delegation, Secretary of State Warren
Christopher and the American delegation, my friends
from the Israeli delegation, ladies and gentlemen:
It took us 15 minutes to fly over to and it took us
46 years to arrive at this time and this place of
peace and promise. Historically, we started at the
same point. Politically, we are now embarking upon
the same destiny to bring an entirely new situation
to our people.
It is time for peace. The people desire it; the
land needs it. The Dead Sea, silent and deep, may
become a symbol of new life. The Ha'Aravah Desert,
which like a knife cuts the valley in two, can
become a unifying element, a domain of bloom between
our two countries.
The meeting today must remind us of a place, of a
date, of a destiny. The place, not far from here,
in Al-Quwayrah, north of Aqaba--that is where the
younger brother of the late King Abdallah, Amir
Faysal Bin al-Hussein, met with the leader of the
Jewish people, Dr. Weizmann. It was a first meeting
of representatives of two national movements.
Faysal summarized his views in a letter he sent to
Justice Felix Frankfurter in March 1919, from which
I quote:
"We feel that the Arabs and the Jews are cousins in
race, having suffered similar oppressions at the
hands of powers stronger than themselves. We are
working together for a reformed and revived Middle
East, and our two movements complete one another.
Indeed, I think that neither can be a real success
without the other."
A promising voice in the prevailing wilderness.
The date is July 20. The founder and the leader of
the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, His Majesty King
Abdallah, emerged as a man of farsighted vision and
appropriate political judgment. His kingdom was
based on human and Arab values. He introduced the
policy that offered peace before war, peace instead
of war, peace to end war. He negotiated this policy
with many of us. Some of these negotiations bore
fruit; others saved lives. Yet, partly, they failed
in the face of existing suspicions. Nonetheless,
they laid a foundation for a unique relationship,
hidden and open, between Jordan and Israel. We
never forgot the need for peace even in the gloomy
days of open warfare.
King Abdallah was assassinated in front of his young
grandson, His Majesty King Hussein. This occurred
July 20, 1951, the very same day of our meeting now.
He gave his life for the cause of peace. Nothing
can mark his life and death more than the arrival of
peace on the very same date. The destiny is peace.
The silent pledge of the wise king became the
destiny of his grandson, His Majesty King Hussein,
and the expectations in disciples of the Israeli
leaders who looked to every opportunity to bring an
end to wars to create a new opening with our
neighbors. His Majesty King Hussein demonstrated
stamina in the face of uninvited dangers, and he has
shown courage in riding impending opportunities.
What is taking place today, Mr. Prime Minister and
Mr. Secretary, may be the light at the end of the
tunnel we have crossed, and may end the swing of the
pendulum, which has swayed from the pole of blind
hatred stemming from misunderstandings often created
by neither of us to the pole of political trust
serving permanently the needs common to us all.
Time has arrived to disperse old shadows, to permit
legitimate peace and promising economy to play their
proper role in our destinies. Time has come for our
families, whose roots spring from the tents of
Abraham to invite hospitality instead of
perpetuating hostility. No more hostage. We can
host each other gladly and easily.
The border between Jordan and Israel is the longest
we have with any of our neighbors. We can mark it
now by mutual agreement in respecting the
sovereignty and the integrity of each of us.
The border touches three triangles--a Jordanian-
Israeli-Palestinian one, a Jordanian-Israeli-
Egyptian one, a Jordanian-Israeli-Syrian one.
Facilitated by our great friend, the United States
of America, its President, and its Secretary, we
brought reason and agreement to two of those
triangles. We do not intend to exclude the third
one. Negotiations between Jordan and Israel do not
call for the postponement of the negotiations with
Syria and Lebanon. Our aim remains to reach a
comprehensive peace in the Middle East, to build a
new Middle East of peace. Peace with Jordan is
central to the construction of a new Middle East.
The centrality of its location, its impressive,
civilized, and tested tradition may provide a real
advantage for a durable rapport for a framework of
peace and security in the region.
We are now beginning to move and move openly. Peace
needs daylight. The path ahead, the path we shall
negotiate, may be full of hurdles and long in
distance. But I do not harbor the slightest doubt
that we can overcome the hurdles, shorten the
distance, and reap early benefits, both for our
people and for the other people in the Middle East.
I am convinced that the construction of a new Middle
East will attract investors from all over the world.
This ancient land, which cannot be forgotten, may
become the new opportunity which cannot be
overlooked. The peace process will not end with the
signature of our political leaders. Indeed, only
then will it begin.
And our target should be that before the end of the
20th century, we will face a new political and
economic landscape: a landscape where borders will
be open; where Jordanians will not be stopped at
Eilat and Israelis in Aqaba; where new sophisticated
industries will offer job opportunities to the young
generation; where waterways will cover the brown
deserts; where seaports and airports will be
combined to serve all tourists--to visit holy
places, to be cured in hot springs, or to view
beautiful antiquities; where the skies will be open
to competitive aviation and land distances will be
shortened by new railways and highways; where water
and oil will be carried in pipelines laid to answer
economic needs rather than strategic wars; and where
the electricity systems will be connected to save
billions of dollars.
Even before the sunset of the century, we can,
together, reclaim land lost to desert. We can
reclaim sea water to irrigate new fields, new
gardens, new cities. We can change the face of the
map and create a new structure of life. We have
prepared our view of how the future will look in a
rather detailed manner, and I am sure, from what I
know, that you are ready likewise. We can transform
a boundary of gloom into a valley of hope. Farmers
will then replace soldiers. Greenhouses will come
instead of barracks. Dunes will submit to
plantation. Nature and reason have issued an
invitation to this effect. The minerals of the Dead
Sea, the innocence of the landscape, the varying
levels of the terrain, the fatigues of the war--all
of them await a new soul and a new hand.
What was started on October 1 last year in the White
House--the trilateral agreement reached between the
President of the United States, the Crown Prince of
Jordan, and myself--and what is happening today will
crown the summit meeting in Washington between
President Clinton, His Majesty King Hussein, and the
Prime Minister of Israel, Yitzhak Rabin. It should
become the start of a new era. None of us can
permit it to fail, and all of us must make a dual
attempt to bring durable peace and promising economy
to our needs. We shall have to demonstrate that a
geographic rift has been transformed into an
economic backbone and a political divide has become
a valley of wisdom. To cherish the memory of our
fallen youngsters is to build the correct future for
the youngsters who follow in their ways.
This time, Mr. Prime Minister and Mr. Secretary,
history is on our side. We are offered a strong and
fresh wind. Our sails must be ready. Thank you.
Prime Minister Al-Majali. In the name of God, the
merciful, the compassionate [preceding phrase in
Arabic], Secretary of State of the United States of
America Mr. Warren Christopher, Foreign Minister of
Israel Mr. Shimon Peres, distinguished delegates,
ladies and gentlemen: Peace and God's blessings be
upon you [preceding phrase in Arabic].
These are, indeed, vital and critical moments which
historians shall cherish and poets shall relish.
They will be recorded in the annals of history in
block letters, for they separate at the edge between
peace and war, construction and destruction, and
even life and death.
Indeed, as you mentioned, Mr. Foreign Minister, 43
years ago on the same day, the very date, the
founder of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan paid with
his life the price of his vision of peace in the
holy city of Jerusalem at Al-Aqsa Mosque, at a time
when emotions were running high and events were
dictating violence and warfare. The late King
Abdallah was the voice of reason and the statesman
who advocated wise judgment. His deep sense of
belonging to his Sharifian Al al-Bayt lineage and
his strong attachment to this region account for his
relentless efforts to achieve a just and honorable
peace. It is our duty here to cherish his memory by
achieving the kind of peace and coexistence that he
aspired and worked for.
Honorable guests, ladies and gentlemen: The Jordan
Valley where we stand right now is where history and
geography marched hand in hand to shape the course
of humanity. In this very place near the Dead Sea,
men of dedication and brave hearts took upon
themselves to call for the worship of God to combat
evil and preached justice, equality, and respect for
human dignity. The good men of God eventually won,
and evil was buried under those heavy waters of the
sea that we see.
Our meeting today is neither an accident nor a hasty
last-minute get-together. Men of good hearts have
invested several lifetimes to make it possible. We
should dignify their toil with honorable peace that
is just, permanent, and comprehensive.
This plenary session held in Jordan is the result of
the meeting that was hosted by President Clinton in
Washington, DC, between His Royal Highness Crown
Prince Hassan Bin Talal and Mr. Shimon Peres on
October 1, 1993. At that event, Crown Prince Hassan
presented a global vision of peace that would be
based on the conceptual framework of cooperation
rather than a mere listing of economic projects.
Indeed, the introduction of this concept, which has
been absent from our vocabulary in this region for
too long, serves to underline the nature of the
solid peace that we seek. Technicians can always
draw projects where cooperation can take place. It
takes courage, creativity, and imagination, however,
to lay the foundation for such cooperation.
Let us, then, contribute to the building of peace,
which His Majesty King Hussein qualified as one
which future generations can accept and build on.
His Majesty's vision of peace is one where all
parties gain. It is not a zero sum effort. It is a
peace that honors man and woman to live in a secure
world, free from poverty, hunger, and inequality.
He has dedicated his life to pursue a defensible
peace where rifts are bridged and cooperation is
based on mutual respect. Peace to His Majesty means
building societies where democracy, freedom of
expression, and pursuit of happiness are available
to all without discrimination.
In less than a week, a major development that shall
capture the fancy of the whole world is planned.
President Bill Clinton and Mr. Thomas Foley will
host His Majesty King Hussein and Mr. Yitzhak Rabin
at the White House and at the United States
Congress. This truly historical moment should serve
as the takeoff to a new era in the region, where
peace and prosperity shall prevail. Washington
should also be appreciated and thanked for its
positive and constructive role in advancing the
cause of peace and accelerating our march toward it.
On September 14, 1993, both Jordan and Israel signed
in Washington the Common Agenda. That agenda still
arouses the admiration of experts for its subtlety,
balance, and comprehensiveness. It reflected
realism by addressing all issues of contention. It
embodied hope because it charted a transparent and
tractable course of action, and it radiated optimism
by focusing on human needs and aspirations.
The integrity and unity of that Common Agenda is the
basic characteristic. While we may apply a step-by-
step approach to deal with its articles, it must be
implemented in its entirety. Building peace is like
writing a book: It is carefully crafted, chapter by
chapter, but the book is never complete until all
chapters are written and produced. The successful
bilateral meetings which occurred during the last
two days in Wadi Araba stand as witness that our
focus should be placed on the substantial issues.
The resolution of such issues is an essential part
for the success of the peace process as a whole.
The movement of negotiations to the region and in
Jordan is a clear indication of the concurrence of
both Israel and Jordan to go all the way to chart a
future not just for themselves but for the whole
region.
We in Jordan, under the wise Hashemite leadership of
His Majesty King Hussein, have given a lot for the
cause of peace. This persistence on the path toward
a better future entailed many sacrifices. Every war
caused us huge losses in human lives, mass movements
of people into Jordan, and loss of territory. We
did more than our share in postwar stabilization at
the expense of our limited resources. We
continuously had to go through very painful
adjustments to cope with substantial changes in our
demography and geography. We fully realize the huge
responsibility we have to shoulder in the
maintenance of peace. This undertaking can be
performed but can only be borne by a strong and
stable Jordan.
We in Jordan believe that comprehensive and just
peace should have a human face. The long suffering
of the Palestinian people and refugees should be
ended, and their rights must be acknowledged and
fairly dealt with. Security cannot be achieved
while millions of Palestinians are denied their
legitimate human rights.
The sons of Abraham, may peace be upon him, are the
adherents to the three monotheistic religions. They
must resolve the issue of Jerusalem. Sovereignty
over the holy places of Jerusalem is only for God,
and, in His name, we should respect and honor that
right.
Mr. Christopher, Mr. Peres, ladies and gentlemen:
Let us work for peace. The road is long and
arduous, but dedicated men always walk it to the end
toward a new dawn. Our trilateral meeting
symbolizes the dedication of these concerned
parties to wage peace. It also embodies the will of
the world community, as represented by the United
States of America, to make our region a valuable
asset to the world. Let us hope that the
achievements we score here are replicated on other
tracks of negotiations for the assurance of its
continuity.
Foreign Minister Peres. Let us take this
opportunity of our presence at this historical site
to appeal to both of our people to transcend the
conflicts of today and defy the state of siege in
order to embark upon thinking of the harmony of
tomorrow. From what I heard in your statement
today, sir, it is clear to me that the creative
thinking required to make real peace is there. The
vision is slowly but surely becoming a reality.
With sincerity and good will, the people of our two
countries, as part of this region so long denied
justice and security, will begin to enjoy the fruits
of peace. We ask God, the omnipotent and the all
merciful, to guide us on the rightful path for the
good of all men and women of all ages. Thank you,
sir.
U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman,
Dead Sea, Jordan, July 20, 1994.
Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Jordanian
Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Abd al-Salam al-
Majali, and Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres
presided over an unprecedented meeting at a
Jordanian hotel on the shores of the Dead Sea July
20. In this historic meeting--the first gathering
of the U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic
Committee at the ministerial level in the region--
the three parties discussed numerous initiatives
designed to address pressing regional problems faced
by the Israelis and Jordanians. The ministers also
undertook preparations for the July 25 summit
meeting between President Clinton, Prime Minister
Rabin, and King Hussein in Washington.
The Trilateral Economic Committee was inaugurated by
President Clinton in October 1993, when he met with
Jordanian Crown Prince Hassan and Israeli Foreign
Minister Peres at the White House. The United
States participates in this committee as a catalyst
to help achieve agreements on concrete projects.
Private sector involvement and investment also will
be crucial to take advantage of the opportunities
identified by the trilateral group.
Four previous sessions held in Washington and Europe
resulted in adoption of a practical approach to
addressing economic problems and proposals for a
wide range of near- and long-term projects. The
cumulative effect of these meetings was to create a
framework within which practical projects are now
being developed.
In addition to a bilateral agreement on banking, the
group has placed a special focus on tourism with
concrete projects taking shape on joint tourism,
marketing, a cooperative park project to promote
tourism and protection of common marine resources in
the Gulf of Aqaba. Facilitation of travel to both
countries by third-country visitors also is under
study.
In the area of infrastructure, the Trilateral
Committee is working toward construction of a road
linking Jordan and Israel in the vicinity of Aqaba
and Eilat. Experts also are addressing practical
cooperation in civil aviation matters.
Following the opening session today, experts from
the three countries will continue to meet in Jordan
through July 21. (###)
ARTICLE 3:
Inauguration of the Jordan-Israel Border Crossing
Prime Minister Rabin, Secretary Christopher, Crown
Prince Hassan, King Hussein
Remarks at the inauguration of the Jordan-Israel
border crossing at Aqaba, Jordan and Eilat, Israel,
August 8, 1994.
Prime Minister Rabin. Your Royal Highness, the
Secretary of State of the United States, Prime
Minister of Jordan, the Foreign Minister of Israel,
ministers of the Governments of Jordan and Israel,
ladies and gentlemen: The stagemaster working in
the service of history has done us a great favor
today. He has chosen this site as the ideal backdrop
for the new relationships being formed between
Israel and Jordan. We are, literally, seated at
this time and this place, all of us--Israelis,
Jordanians, and Americans--on the remains of the
past. We are sitting on an old minefield, which was
cleared only three days ago. This is what divided
Israel and Jordan for decades. This is the field in
which death and destruction was sowed.
We are sitting at this time and at this place, all
of us--Israelis and Jordanians--before the future.
To our right and to our left stand the new Israel-
Jordan border crossing terminals which sprang up
overnight. In a short time, tourists and businessmen
from all over the world will start to pass through
here from Eilat to Aqaba, from Aqaba to Eilat, from
Israel to Jordan, and from Jordan to Israel. Three
days ago, this was a wilderness--only sand and more
sand. Today, this place teems with new life. Three
weeks ago, the dream of peace was far away. Today,
it is materializing --telephone lines, tourism.
Soon it will seem as though this is the way it has
always been.
Ladies and gentlemen: Friends say to us that the
pace of events is too fast; we cannot keep up; wait
a moment. Your Royal Highness, our friends in the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: We have waited 46
years. We have gone through war, pain, and
suffering to prevent further loss. And so, we
cannot wait even one day more.
It looks like the walls of hostility are tumbling
down before our eyes, and all this would have been
impossible had not the two peoples--the Jordanians
and the Israelis and their leadership--wanted this
to happen. This is the first stop on a long
journey. There are still problems, difficulties,
obstacles, and challenges ahead. But the
farsightedness which has characterized our contacts
in the past and which has compelled us to take the
first steps toward peace and the spirit of
responsibility and pragmatism--that in the end we
will reach comprehensive peace with the Kingdom of
Jordan and with all our neighboring Arab countries.
Ladies and gentlemen: In the Arava, of which Isaiah
says in the Bible, "The wilderness and solitary
place shall be glad, and the desert shall rejoice
and blossom as the rose."
We hereby declare the Arava border crossing between
Israel and Jordan now open. Mazel tov.
Congratulations.
Secretary Christopher. Your Highness, Prime
Minister Rabin, distinguished guests, ladies and
gentlemen: The great American author, William
Faulkner, once proclaimed "man will not merely
endure; he will prevail." Today, again, your two
countries fortify our faith in that basic
proposition. Through 46 years of pain and suffering
and conflict, Israel and Jordan have endured. Their
war is over. Now peace will prevail.
Today, Israel and Jordan are lifting the spirits of
a wounded region by reminding it of the courage and
honor, the compassion and sacrifice that two peoples
can demonstrate in the search for peace. From this
ancient and sacred land a new message of hope and
reconciliation, born of blood and tears, has gone
out. The longings and prayers of generations of
Arabs and Jews are being fulfilled.
Just two weeks ago, King Hussein and Prime Minister
Rabin came together at the White House to sign the
Washington Declaration. There, with the world as
their witness, they declared an end to the conflict
between their two nations. There, they pledged to
build the bonds of a real and lasting peace between
their peoples.
Today, half a world away, that promise is being
redeemed. Here, in the land of miracles, the
rhetoric of peace-making is being translated into
reality. With the eyes of the world once more upon
them, Israel and Jordan have acted with boldness and
courage. A crossing point is opened, a wall torn
down. The burden formed by decades of fear and
suspicion has been eased.
The area where we meet today is heavy with history
and emotion. It is a place of legendary achievement
where, in 1917, the forces of Emir Hussein, great-
grandfather of Jordan's King and Crown Prince, won
the battle for Aqaba. It has been a place of
tension, whose lands and nearby waterways have been
the source of heated disputes and even war between
Israel and its Arab neighbors. And it has been a
place of longing, where Israelis and Jordanians
could stand on the beaches of Eilat and Aqaba and
see each other but not know each other.
Today, that begins to change. By bringing to life
the promise of the Washington Declaration, we will
weave together the fabric of human contact and
mutual interest that is the foundation of genuine
peace. Through open borders and open phones, road
links and air links, economic cooperation and
security coordination, Jordan and Israel will, step
by step, transform their relations as well as their
region.
We know that there is yet much work to do. We know
that forces of hatred are using terror and violence
to undermine our efforts. They must not and shall
not succeed. We must continue to push ahead until
our goal is achieved. The only route home for all
of us lies through the gates of a comprehensive and
lasting peace between Israel and Jordan and between
Israel and all her neighbors. As President Clinton
pledged last month in Washington, "Just as we have
supported you in coming this far, the United States
will walk the final miles with you."
Your Highness, Mr. Prime Minister: For you and your
peoples, history has come full circle. From this
place, at this time, the road of reconciliation
between Arab and Jew has, literally, been opened
again. Now, we must take it. The journey ahead
remains long, but our step is ready. Our vision is
clear, and our destination lies plainly in sight.
It is peace--full peace: peace for Israel; peace
for Jordan; peace for all the peoples of the Middle
East. Thank you.
Crown Prince Hassan. Prime Minister Rabin,
Secretary of State Christopher, Foreign Minister
Peres, ladies and gentlemen, friends: It gives me
great pleasure to join you all today to inaugurate
the Aqaba-Eilat border gate. It is, indeed, a
significant step toward the full implementation of
the provisions of the Washington Declaration, signed
at the White House by His Majesty King Hussein
together with President Clinton and Prime Minister
Rabin. The Declaration comes after years of
relentless efforts by His Majesty King Hussein to
obtain a durable and comprehensive solution to the
Arab-Israeli conflict.
Without prejudice to the outcome of the negotiations
on the delineation and demarcation of our common
boundaries, the opening of this border gate
demonstrates our joint commitment to make a concrete
contribution to peace-making. Our presence here
today signifies our determination to translate our
intentions into tangible realities on the ground.
Only in this way can we overcome the legacy of
suffering and torment that dominates the daily life
of our peoples and poisons the conduct of regional
and international relations in this part of the
world.
Jordan and Israel lie at the heart of the Middle
East and constitute an important confluence between
three continents--Europe, Asia, and Africa. It has
always been our vision that, under conditions of
peace, the Middle East would be marked by the free
movement of persons, capital, and goods across
national frontiers. The Aqaba-Eilat border gate
represents a physical demonstration of our desire to
promote interregional transportation networks. Our
region is the birthplace of civilization; it is the
crossroads of different cultures where their
interaction has produced the sophistication that has
enthralled mankind throughout the ages.
Henceforth, third-country citizens will be able to
marvel at this precious heritage. It is only the
first step in the long search to realize our vision
of normal and harmonious good neighborliness. Let
this gateway be a token of our resolve that soon our
peoples will be able to share, exchange, and marvel
at their common legacy.
Allow me to reiterate--Mr. Prime Minister, Mr.
Secretary--what I said when I met with President
Clinton and Foreign Minister Peres at the White
House last October. The fundamental task of peace-
building is to alleviate the prevalent conditions of
poverty and deprivation in many segments of our
societies. We agreed on the need to put an end to
the politics of despair and dispossession. Peace
should relate directly to the basic interests of
those who bore the brunt of war by building material
interdependence in major economic spheres. Let the
opening of this border gate in this particular
location mark the foundation stone on which we
intend to build our common future.
[In Arabic; below is unofficial translation.]
To our great Jordanian people, who have always
sought peace and justice, I say that this day that
witnesses the inauguration of this border crossing
must be viewed as a symbol of the passage of the
just peace which we envision for our future
generations. Indeed, the challenges of peace require
further commitment, effort, and labor to translate
the slogan of peace into realities of prosperity and
progress on the ground. Peace, it should be added,
must spark our innovative abilities to turn this
desert into a success story to be remembered by
succeeding generations.
You have always stood firm and steadfast behind your
Hashemite leadership--in peace as well as in war,
and have unfailingly been the best of family in
adversity. God willing, you shall always remain--as
His Majesty, the leader, has always known you to be-
-the best kinfolk when a new dawn breaks on this
region which has long suffered agony and bitterness.
At this place, I cannot but recall the souls of our
faithful martyrs--the martyrs of 1948 and 1967 and
of all the long years of struggle. These martyrs
gave their blood in defense of the rights of their
people and of their homeland to a secure and
prosperous life.
Throughout history, Jordan has been a gateway
through which civilizations have passed and a
junction upon which various trends have converged,
none of which has ever altered the true identity of
this country. We have always been a bridge to hope
and good. I recall that Jordan was the gate to hope
for scores of thousands of people who passed through
this homeland during the Gulf crisis. We shared
with them what little water, food, and medicine we
had. Today, we open this crossing point to our
guests from other countries to give them the
opportunity to see the facts and our cultural
heritage with their own eyes. In turn, they may
convey to their peoples and nations a humanitarian
message about the region's dire need for development
and all that development requires in terms of water,
energy, and infrastructure which will contribute to
the alleviation of the suffering of our Jordanian
individuals.
This crossing point also stands as an assertion of
our understanding of the concept of adaptation and
communication with the world without forsaking our
rights. What we witness today is yet a further
message to the world that the conflict in this
region has gone on for too long and that we are
determined that it go on no longer.
[End Arabic translation.]
Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Secretary of State, Foreign
Minister Peres: Let it be a testimony to our joint
commitment to turn the Jordan Rift Valley into a
valley of hope, development, and prosperity for all
our peoples. A durable peace must be underpinned by
the will to do away with disparity and social
injustice and build a commonwealth of shared human
interest. If I may quote the Bible--[quotation in
Hebrew]--the English translation of which is
"Turning the valley of trouble into a gate of hope."
Thank you and salam alaykum.
Opening remarks at a press conference, Aqaba,
Jordan, August 8, 1994.
King Hussein. I wish to begin by expressing my
warmest welcome to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin,
Secretary of State Warren Christopher, and to all
our friends who join with us today in this meeting
here in Aqaba, Jordan, and who have taken part in
yet another step which was agreed upon--the
inauguration of the road link between Aqaba and
Eilat for tourists and visitors to use in the times
to come. We have had the chance to look at all the
progress that has been achieved so far in terms of
the Washington Declaration. I have had an
opportunity to express, once again, our appreciation
for President Clinton's hospitality, for the warmth
with which we were received--both Prime Minister
Rabin and I--in Washington, and all the support that
we received. We feel, as we address you today, that
we are friends and partners moving with
determination, vision, and commitment toward
building the foundations for a comprehensive peace
in this region but, essentially, moving to address
all the problems that need to be faced and
addressed, adequately, to ensure that beyond words,
deeds occur that can transform this region to what
it should be.
I would like to seize the opportunity, on this
occasion, in addressing our Israeli viewers to say
that I am very happy, indeed, to have this
opportunity, once again, to reiterate what not only
I feel, but that I am proud of how the overwhelming
majority of the people of Jordan feel, in terms of a
commitment to peace and to the future that is the
right of generations to come to enjoy and protect
and thrive under. It is really hard at times to
believe that so much has happened in a very short
space of time. Yesterday--today--I was recalling
that it was only two weeks ago that the first
meetings took place here at our common border. And
almost just about that since we received the kind
invitation to visit Washington and our visit there.
But we are determined, we are committed, and we are
confident that, with God's blessings, we will
fulfill our duties toward generations to come and
live in peace. The kind of peace that I have felt
with myself is something I have never experienced
over the many, many past years. I hope it is
something that we will leave for all peoples--for
men, women, and children--to live with and enjoy in
the future. We remember those who have fallen, and,
indeed, it was also a very moving experience for of
us today to see their children come together and to
see many within our military forces, who stood on
different sides of an issue at a point in the past,
meet in friendship and hope and optimism regarding
the future. Once again, Mr. Prime Minister, I
welcome you very heartily and all your colleagues
and also the Secretary. Thank you so much.
Prime Minister Rabin. Your Majesty, Your Highness,
the Secretary of State: First and foremost, I would
like to thank you in the name of my colleague to the
cabinet--the Foreign Minister of Israel--and my
other colleagues for the most gracious and warm
hospitality here in Aqaba. I believe that on July
25, when we met in Washington and we signed together
the Washington Declaration, it was a landmark in the
history of the Middle East, in the history of the
relations between Jordan and Israel, and a landmark
in the history of the road to peace. It was not
just a Declaration; we see that within two weeks we
have started to implement it. Yesterday, telephone
connections were made between Jordan and Israel,
between Israel and Jordan. And Your Majesty had a
telephone call from the President of Israel--
President Weizman. Today, Your Highness, myself,
the Secretary of State, and our colleagues opened a
real opening of a border that was closed.
Symbolically, this crossing--international crossing
between Jordan to Israel, between Aqaba and Eilat--
is in a place that served as a mine field for many
decades. The mines were cleared; the road is free;
the future is in pursuing what we have started now.
I don't believe that this could be achieved without
your vision and courage, Your Majesty. You led your
people through difficult periods, and you make the
right decision now--a very courageous decision--
that, no doubt, changes the face of the Middle East
today. I believe that what we have started will be
continued, and we will find many issues on which we
can cooperate. You mentioned, Your Majesty, that we
in a small group discussed the details of the
negotiations, that tomorrow we will start in two
places--in the tent in the Arava for the last time
and in the Dead Sea Company Hotel on our side. I am
sure that, through intensive negotiations, we will
find ways to overcome obstacles and differences, as
we have succeeded to do until today. I believe that
what has started in Washington by the Washington
Declaration, no doubt, is a new chapter, not only in
the relations between Jordan and Israel, I believe
that it serves as an example of what can be achieved
in the relations with Israel and the other Arab
countries--between the other Arab countries and
Israel--because, after all, our mutual purpose--
goal--is comprehensive peace to solve, once and
forever, the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its
entirety.
I would like also to thank the Secretary of State
for the U.S. help--the personal involvement of
President Clinton and you, Mr. Secretary, in
bringing about and assisting so that these events--
historic events--will take place. We rely on the
continuation of the U.S. assistance and support to
the development of the relations between Jordan and
Israel--politically, economically, and otherwise.
We believe that the United States has shown great
leadership in helping--assisting the parties to the
conflict to overcome it. As you said, Your Majesty,
in your famous speech on the lawn of the White
House: We achieved the end of war; we are in the
process of building the structure of peace. Thank
you very much, Your Majesty, in the name of all of
us here.
Secretary Christopher. Your Majesty, Your Highness,
Prime Minister Rabin, Prime Minister Majali, ladies
and gentlemen: Today is a reflection of a great
deal of work that has been done by a number of
people over many years. Many of them are here in
our presence. Two are certainly here at the table.
Your Majesty, when I reflect on the fact, I suppose
it is accurate to say that it is almost 43 years
that you have been pursuing the goal that comes
about today. It is a very good thing for the world
to see this happening today with all of the
intractable problems that face the world. It is a
tonic to know that some seemingly intractable
problems do have their solutions. It was entirely
appropriate today that we focused primarily on the
bilateral relationships between Jordan and Israel--
for those two countries now have an opportunity to
demonstrate what the real benefits of peace are, to
show the world what a warm peace is, to show the
kinds of things that can emerge from the
relationship that is being developed.
But in addition to that, we discussed some other
matters that look to the future. We discussed a
meeting of the trilateral group--that is, the United
States, Israel, and Jordan--which will take place
sometime in September and will focus on regional
development projects. We also discussed the
Casablanca conference on regional development, which
will take place on October 31. That is a great
opportunity to unlock some of the resources of this
region for the benefit of the people of the region.
So, it is an extraordinary day, and I want--on
behalf of the President and the American people--to
congratulate both Israel and Jordan and their
leaders and also to say that the United States will
remain with you. We will continue our economic and
political support for this endeavor, inspired as we
are by these recent events. Thank you, Your
Majesty. (###)
ARTICLE 4
Developments in Other Bilateral Negotiations
Secretary Christopher, PLO Chairman Arafat, Prime
Minister Rabin, Foreign Minister Peres, Text of
Gaza-Jericho Agreement, National Security Adviser
Lake
Secretary Christopher and PLO Chairman Arafat
Opening statements at a news conference, Gaza, July
21, 1994.
Chairman Arafat. Your Excellency, first of all, I
would like to say to you: Thank you very much for
your coming here to visit us in the Gaza Strip. You
have done the first visit to Jericho, and now to
Gaza. And I have to thank His Excellency President
Clinton for what he is doing and what he is
offering--to push for the peace process by all
means. We can't forget your efforts, Your
Excellency--from the beginning until we had achieved
what we have achieved. Again, I have to thank you
from my heart, in the name of our cabinet, in the
name of our masses, in the name of our people.
Still, if we have to speak frankly, we still are
facing some troubles even there: what had happened
in Erez, the isolation of Jerusalem, the troubles
which we are facing in Hebron. But we are sure--
with your help, Your Excellency, with His Excellency
President Clinton's help, and your government's
help--we'll be able to overcome all the obstacles
and to push forward so that there will be honest and
accurate implementation of what had been agreed upon
and signed.
We are still facing some troubles in the economic
field, because--still--the promises which we had
received from the donors have not been implemented
yet. I am sure that you will continue your support
and your help until our people are able to touch the
fruits of the peace. Specially, we are facing a
very dramatic economic situation, but I am sure that
you are [inaudible] to what I had mentioned to His
Excellency President Clinton in the White House in
your presence, Your Excellency--that we had found a
real friend in the White House, President Clinton,
and we are sure that he will help us with all his
efforts. We can't forget his appeal. After the
appeal, we had the meeting of the donors, but we are
still in need of his help to carry on in facing
this dramatic situation, especially as our
infrastructure had been completely destroyed and we
have to start from zero. Again, thank you from our
hearts, and I have to repeat again: Thank you, thank
you, thank you.
Secretary Christopher. Mr. Chairman: Of course,
it's very memorable to be here in Gaza and see the
Chairman setting up his headquarters. I
congratulated him on his return here and taking the
very important step of being here in Gaza. The
Chairman outlined to me the economic problems that
they are facing, and I have a new appreciation of
them. Clearly, the Palestinians still face a very
difficult task here. It will not be easy for them,
but I urge them to work through it with
determination.
We had a very sober and serious discussion of the
needs for documentation for the donor community. We
talked about the donors, who are prepared to make
available funds but require--according to their
procedures--documentation, and we are very anxious
to try to help understand the need for that
documentation. With me today is Under Secretary of
State for Economic Affairs Joan Spero. She has been
working closely with the World Bank and other parts
of the donor community to help make the funds
available, and she will be staying on after I leave
to meet with the Chairman and with his colleagues to
try to assist in this process. One of the points
that I made with the Chairman was that we really
need help from them in order to try to help them
with the donor community.
We discussed a number of other important aspects of
the new relationship here. We discussed the early
empowerment talks that are taking place in Cairo
that Prime Minister Rabin talked to me about last
night, and I think the Israelis are anxious to go
forward with that. We had a broad-ranging talk
about a number of issues that face the Chairman and
his colleagues as they make this historic
transformation. I told him, and I think he
understands and agrees, that the United States feels
a special responsibility to try to assist them, as
reflected by the early funds that we made available
for their police and as reflected by the USAID
project that has been started for housing in this
area. Thank you, Mr. Chairman; it was a pleasure to
be here.
Advancing the Cause of Comprehensive Peace in the
Middle East
Opening remarks at a press conference following a
meeting at the Prime Minister's office, Jerusalem,
July 18, 1994.
Prime Minister Rabin. Secretary Christopher, we
welcome you again for another round of talks in the
Middle East, with the purpose to advance the cause
of a comprehensive peace between Israel and the
three additional Arab neighboring countries, and
continuation of the implementation of the
Declaration of Principles that was signed with the
Palestinians, represented by the PLO, in Washington.
We believe that your visits and the efforts of the
United States, Israel, the Palestinians, Jordan,
and, hopefully, Lebanon and Syria will bring about
more and other moves toward peace.
In the meantime, since your last visit, we have
succeeded in implementing Gaza-Jericho first,
relatively quickly. There are still problems.
Yesterday was a reminder of the dangers, but we
believe that the prospects of achievement of our
goals are greater than the dangers. Through your
efforts, we see a change in the mode of negotiations
on the part of Jordan.
Today, the first bilateral meeting between Israeli
and Jordanian delegations started in the Arava. On
Wednesday, there will be a trilateral meeting on the
Jordanian side in which you, Mr. Secretary, the
Prime Minister of Jordan, and the Foreign Minister
of Israel will meet. And next Monday in Washington,
on the invitation of President Clinton, the King of
Jordan, King Hussein, and myself will meet. No
doubt, it's a good beginning, and, no doubt, it
opens doors for new and many opportunities. I hope
that in your visit to Damascus, we will also succeed
to bring about new moves toward peace. I would like
in the name of the Government of Israel, myself, to
thank you Mr. Secretary, for your efforts, and we
look for a good week or two weeks that will open new
roads and new doors.
Secretary Christopher. Mr. Prime Minister, thank
you for that warm welcome. It's very good to be
back in Israel and to be among good friends. The
Prime Minister has given you a characteristically
succinct and correct statement of where the various
matters stand and the purpose of my trip. As the
Prime Minister has said, there will be difficulties
on the path ahead, but, nonetheless, we're
proceeding to assist the parties, and they are
proceeding with great determination.
The Arab-Israeli conflict, one of the most long-
standing and most intractable conflicts of this
entire century, is drawing to an end. It is the
parties who have brought them to this point of real
opportunity. As the Prime Minister has said: There
are new opportunities on the Jordanian track that
have been opened up by the attitudes of both the
Prime Minister and the King of Jordan--meetings this
week, culminating in next Monday's event in
Washington, which give a new impetus on this track.
As the Prime Minister has said: I am here, in part,
in order to try to assist the parties on the Syrian
track. This is--as the Prime Minister and all the
other parties have said over and over again--a
situation in which the peace must be comprehensive
to be fully satisfactory. So we will be working on
that track, and on the Lebanese track as well. But
there is new hope and new opportunities here. The
main message I have for the people of Israel is that
with the leadership of the Prime Minister, the
Foreign Minister, and their colleagues, peace is
possible. We must grasp that opportunity as firmly
as we can.
Opening remarks at a news conference following a
meeting at the Foreign Ministry, Jerusalem, July 18,
1994.
Foreign Minister Peres. I would like to welcome
Secretary of State Warren Christopher and his
delegation upon this very important visit to our
region and our country. The agenda is rich and
heavy and important. In our talks at the beginning
at the Prime Minister's place and now the Foreign
Ministry, we covered four main subjects. One is how
to go ahead with the Palestinian negotiations. We
feel that in spite of the many troubles, it became a
promising reality that should be carried on, and we
are talking about the ways and means of how to
proceed with it. The Secretary came with some
ideas; we have introduced some of our own, and we
think it is important to continue and work in that
direction.
The second very important issue is Jordan. The
Secretary brought us a message of introducing
daylight in the peace process between Jordan and
ourselves. I do not believe that peace can be
tackled underground. It must be open--in the fresh
air, in clear terms--and we feel that we are
embarking upon an entirely new relationship between
our two highly tied, very close countries, with a
very important role that the United States, its
President, and its Secretary are contributing to
make and bring it to a new opening. The third issue
was how to proceed with other countries, including
Syria, and the fourth point was the multilateral
negotiations which, again, are contributing in their
own way to the overall picture of peace-making in
the Middle East.
Unfortunately, toward the end of our meeting we got
very sad information about the bombing of the Jewish
community center in a six-story building in Buenos
Aires. The whole building collapsed. We don't have
as yet any detailed information about possible
casualties. But it is a terrible shock to us, and
we shall try and see what can be done in immediate
terms to help those who need help and to look for
the people who are responsible for this terrible
crime. Thank you.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you, Mr. Minister.
Let me first pay tribute to the leadership that
Foreign Minister Shimon Peres has given all across
the board on each of the items that he mentioned.
We are headed into seven very important days for the
peace process--between now and the ceremony in
Washington--in which I will be working here with the
Foreign Minister and Prime Minister to see how much
progress we can make in these historic seven days.
The events that he has spoken about in Buenos Aires
are a reminder that, despite the glowing prospects,
there are still enemies of peace around the world--
not only here in the Middle East--and I think the
best antidote to that is to strive and work to
remove the underlying problems that have given rise
to these tensions historically. So we will
redouble our efforts while commiserating with all
the Jewish people on that terrible episode in Buenos
Aires. Thank you very much.
Opening remarks at a news conference following a
meeting at the Foreign Ministry, Jerusalem, August
7, 1994.
Foreign Minister Peres. Ladies and gentlemen: We
welcome Secretary of State Warren Christopher upon
his visit now to our country and to the Middle East.
May I say that we salute the energies of the
Secretary not to let the momentum for peace subside.
Whenever he comes, he forces us to put on dates and
events that actually pave the way to further the
peace process.
I think that in our own feelings, whatever happened
over the last year exceeds the expectations of
everybody in the Middle East. For that reason these
visits, in my judgment, are extremely positive and
contribute greatly to the maintenance and
continuation of the peace momentum.
We also understand perfectly well that peace is not
just an opening occasion, it requires a great deal
of maintenance. And we are aware of the fact that
we have to maintain very carefully and very
respectfully our agreement with the Palestinian
people--I am referring to the Gaza-Jericho
agreement. While there are a great deal of
achievements, there are also some problems. And we
are not going to turn our backs on them. Whatever
is dependent upon us we shall try to settle it and
meet it in the most responsive and positive manner.
We think that the Palestinian Authority is trying to
build a new situation that we support, that we are
willing to support, and that we will continue to
support in the future. Then again, we would like to
feel that the Jordanian-Israeli agreement--with
American participation and with economic content, so
people will see--not just the very wonderful
appearances of the promise of peace, but also the
hard evidence of economic improvement in the
relations and in the situation of our two peoples--
as soon and as much as we can do in the future.
We also support the attempt, which is being today
conducted by the Secretary, to have a breakthrough
in our relations with the Syrians. So we know it
still requires a great deal of work and effort and
understanding. I would not like to describe it as
though it happened yesterday or that it is going to
happen tomorrow, but I would like to describe it as
something that will and should happen--and the
sooner, the better.
Then we had a look again at the Middle East as a
region. And the next important occasion will be
October 31, when an economic conference will take
place in Casablanca, Morocco, chaired by the King of
Morocco, Hassan II, and supported by President
Clinton and President Yeltsin, with the expected
participation of many political leaders--maybe over
100, and of many commercial enterprises. We believe
that quite an extensive number of groups and
associations will come. This will be the first time
in the history of the Middle East that an organized
economic effort--supported both by governments and
private enterprises, market economy and political
thinking--will come together to open a new situation
in the Middle East.
Again, the Secretary of State and the American
President and Administration are very supportive--as
are the Europeans, the Japanese, and many other
countries. We do hope that this will add a new
dimension--an additional dimension--to our
diplomatic efforts to build a new Middle East for
the benefit of all people.
While not ignoring the problems, may I say that we
can permit ourselves to have an optimistic look at
what has been achieved until now and for that reason
to continue, optimistically, to go further and build
an entirely new situation in this region. It is
because of that that I would like to thank the
Secretary and the peace team for taking all the
trouble to voyage here and there--uninterruptedly--
not considering the differences in time and the
distance in territory. And we are very glad that we
have the opportunity to go further ahead. Thank
you.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you very much, Mr.
Foreign Minister. My visits here to Israel have
become a regular stop for me, and one of the high
points is always my meetings with the Foreign
Minister. He has contributed so much to the
progress that has been made in the course of the
last year. He was vitally involved, of course, in
the Declaration of Principles--the Gaza-Jericho
accord. Once again in the progress, with respect to
Jordan, he has brought his vision and good judgment
to that. So when I'm here, I find it very inspiring
to be with him and to hear him talk about the future
of the Middle East.
He has given you a good account of the subjects we
discussed in our meeting this morning, which lasted
for a little more than an hour. I won't try to
repeat them, except to say that he and I resolved
that we would make certain to try to keep in our
minds the economic aspect of these various
relationships. The political steps forward, of
course, are crucial. But the agreements will only
be cemented--they only will be finally most
effective --when they have an economic aspect as
well. The Foreign Minister's vision in terms of
what can be done on that front, of course, is a key
factor. Thank you very much, Mr. Foreign Minister.
I have enjoyed our conversation, and I look forward
to seeing you again during the course of this visit.
Secretary Christopher
Opening remarks at a news conference following a
meeting with Syrian President Asad, Damascus, Syria,
August 7, 1994.
Good evening. I just met for about five hours with
President Asad and Foreign Minister Shara. I
believe that is the longest single meeting that I
have had with him. It was a constructive meeting.
We are laying the basis for future progress. You
might ask, what took so long? For one thing, I
brought some thoughts from Prime Minister Rabin
which I, of course, shared with the President in the
normal way that we do. Then we discussed, in some
detail, all of the elements for possible solution to
the problem; discussed the needs of the parties; and
discussed, in some detail, the positions of the
parties on the principle issues. It was a
constructive meeting, and it is safe to say that we
are laying the basis for future progress.
Secretary Christopher
Excerpt from on-the-record briefing aboard the
Secretary's aircraft en route Tel Aviv to Shannon,
Ireland, August 9, 1994.
First, I wanted to work with the Egyptians to see if
we could find ways and means to improve the delivery
of the funds to the Palestinians and, hence, enhance
the construction and reconstruction of Gaza and
Jericho. One of the outcomes of the meeting, of
course, was that Chairman Arafat was there in Egypt.
I had an opportunity to talk with him directly in
the presence of President Mubarak, and it was quite
a useful three-way meeting. One of the products of
that will be signature today by Palestinians of the
OPIC agreement--Overseas Private Investment
Corporation agreement--with the United States, which
will encourage several of our companies and firms
that have been awaiting that signature before
launching their own projects in Gaza and, possibly,
Jericho.
A second outcome is that Chairman Arafat committed
himself to me to meet with the World Bank people to
try to work through problems with the World Bank--to
make his way through procedures and red tape of the
World Bank. They are meeting today to try to
streamline and improve the procedures.
Finally, coming out of the trip and our extensive
conversations both in Alexandria as well as
conversations that have taken place on the
telephone, we have some new ideas for streamlining
the process to enable the funds to be delivered on a
more timely basis to the Palestinians. The
backgrounder will give you more details on the
subject. Let me say that we continue to feel a
responsibility to ensure that Arafat and the
Palestinians have a full opportunity to achieve
progress in building and rebuilding in Gaza and
Jericho areas. As I told the Chairman, his success
is very important to the United States and the other
nations that have been involved in this process.
Despite the frustrations, we want to help in every
way we can, and that has been our attitude. I must
say I believe that is the same attitude the Israelis
and other parties involved have toward the matter.
The second objective I had for the trip was to try
to move forward the implementation of the Washington
Declaration. Clearly, in those terms, it was a
remarkable day yesterday. The interaction between
the Jordanians and Israelis I am sure all of you
witnessed was an extraordinary thing to see. There
was a rapport that was really palpable. You could
see it in the stands as we waited for and had the
statements there on the border. You saw Jordanian
and Israeli military men, who probably had never met
each other, talking in a very animated way,
discussing how they might work together in the
future.
I think I have never seen King Hussein nor the Prime
Minister in a better or more relaxed mood then they
were in the two days I was there. They both had
sort of a sense of relief that they had done the
right thing--the sense that they had made a
historically important move. It has given them a
new sense of confidence and reassurance to move
ahead. I was really struck with a comment that King
Hussein made at the beginning, I think, of the press
conference when he said: "I am more at ease with
myself than at anytime since I became King."
In my prepared remarks yesterday, I spoke of a
longing on the part of both the Jordanians and the
Israelis for peace and for rapprochement between
them, and I think that captures the mood I found in
both of them. They see great prospects ahead.
Certainly, they will both move conservatively and
cautiously, but, nevertheless, there is a tremendous
new opening which was reflected in what they said
and even more so in the body language yesterday that
you could visualize on the stage and which I saw up
close as we took that usual trip on the King's yacht
followed by and welcomed by the Israeli boats on the
Eilat side and the Jordanian on the Aqaba side.
One of the other things that came out the meetings
was the schedule for the trilateral meetings. As I
said yesterday, the focus was primarily on the
bilateral aspect of it, but there was considerable
discussion of how the trilateral meetings would fit
into the overall picture--the importance of the
trilateral meetings from the standpoint of regional
development.
Finally, the third objective of the trip was to
deepen the discussion on the Syrian track. I felt
that my last trip had removed some of the major
psychological barriers. There was less testing
between the parties and down-to-earth discussions.
I find that in this conversation was a very
conscientious searching on the part of both of them
as to the needs of the other party. They were not
utterly self-absorbed, but they were, rather,
thinking about the needs of the other party and what
might be done to achieve them.
As I have said before, the various aspects are very
much intertwined--interrelated. You could see that
borne out in Prime Minister Rabin's comment
yesterday when he said Syria wants peace. And the
issue now is timing and the price. That indicated
that he saw how interrelated each of these matters
are. So it will be difficult for us to portray
progress on any one of many issues. It may not in
the long-run be significant unless there is progress
on other issues. I know that this is a time of some
frustration for reporters. I don't feel that I can
report incremental progress on specific issues, but
I can say, in an overall sense, that I feel the
discussions are very meaningful to both parties.
There is a good deal for them to think about and
chew on as we leave the region. As I said, the
reason we are not going back to Damascus is that I
felt the one long meeting I had with President Asad
accomplished what could be accomplished at the
present time. There was no need for a second
meeting. I thought it might take two meetings to
accomplish what we were able to achieve in the
meeting that we had.
So the parties have got a lot to think about and
chew on. But I do think they are at a very
meaningful level of discussion at the present time.
That is where I see it in terms of the objectives I
brought here.
Agreement on the Gaza Strip And the Jericho Area
Following is the text of the agreement between the
Government of the State of Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization signed in Cairo, Egypt, on
May 4, 1994. Annexes, appendices, and maps, which
constitute an integral part of the agreement, are
not included here.
The Government of the State of Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization (hereinafter "the
PLO"), the representative of the Palestinian people;
PREAMBLE
Within the framework of the Middle East peace
process initiated at Madrid in October 1991;
Reaffirming their determination to live in peaceful
coexistence, mutual dignity and security, while
recognizing their mutual legitimate and political
rights;
Reaffirming their desire to achieve a just, lasting
and comprehensive peace settlement through the
agreed political process;
Reaffirming their adherence to the mutual
recognition and commitments expressed in the letters
dated September 9, 1993, signed by and exchanged
between the Prime Minister of Israel and the
Chairman of the PLO;
Reaffirming their understanding that the interim
self-government arrangements, including the
arrangements to apply in the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area contained in this Agreement, are an
integral part of the whole peace process and that
negotiations on the permanent status will lead to
the implementation of Security Council Resolutions
242 and 338;
Desirous of putting into effect the Declaration of
Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements
signed at Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1993,
and the Agreed Minutes thereto (hereinafter "the
Declaration of Principles"), and in particular the
Protocol on withdrawal of Israeli forces from the
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area;
Hereby Agree to the following arrangements regarding
the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area:
ARTICLE I
Definitions
For the purpose of this Agreement:
a. the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area are
delineated on map Nos. 1 and 2 attached to this
Agreement;
b. "the Settlements" means the Gush Katif and Erez
settlement areas, as well as the other settlements
in the Gaza Strip, as shown on map No. 1;
c. "the Military Installation Area" means the
Israeli military installation area along the
Egyptian border in the Gaza Strip, as shown on map
No. 1; and
d. the term "Israelis" shall also include Israeli
statutory agencies and corporations registered in
Israel.
ARTICLE II
Scheduled Withdrawal of Israeli Military Forces
1. Israel shall implement an accelerated and
scheduled withdrawal of Israeli military forces from
the Gaza Strip and from the Jericho Area to begin
immediately with the signing of this Agreement.
Israel shall complete such withdrawal within three
weeks from this date.
2. Subject to the arrangements included in the
Protocol Concerning Withdrawal of Israeli Military
Forces and Security Arrangements attached as Annex
I, the Israeli withdrawal shall include evacuating
all military bases and other fixed installations to
be handed over to the Palestinian Police, to be
established pursuant to Article IX below
(hereinafter "the Palestinian Police").
3. In order to carry out Israel's responsibility
for external security and for internal security and
public order of Settlements and Israelis, Israel
shall, concurrently with the withdrawal, redeploy
its remaining military forces to the Settlements and
the Military Installation Area, in accordance with
the provisions of this Agreement. Subject to the
provisions of this Agreement, this redeployment
shall constitute full implementation of Article XIII
of the Declaration of Principles with regard to the
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area only.
4. For the purposes of this Agreement, "Israeli
military forces" may include Israeli police and
other Israeli security forces.
5. Israelis, including Israeli military forces, may
continue to use roads freely within the Gaza Strip
and the Jericho Area. Palestinians may use public
roads crossing the Settlements freely, as provided
for in Annex I.
6. The Palestinian Police shall be deployed and
shall assume responsibility for public order and
internal security of Palestinians in accordance with
this Agreement and Annex I.
ARTICLE III
Transfer of Authority
1. Israel shall transfer authority as specified in
this Agreement from the Israeli military government
and its Civil Administration to the Palestinian
Authority, hereby established, in accordance with
Article V of this Agreement, except for the
authority that Israel shall continue to exercise as
specified in this Agreement.
2. As regards the transfer and assumption of
authority in civil spheres, powers and
responsibilities shall be transferred and assumed as
set out in the Protocol Concerning Civil Affairs
attached as Annex II.
3. Arrangements for a smooth and peaceful transfer
of the agreed powers and responsibilities are set
out in Annex II.
4. Upon the completion of the Israeli withdrawal
and the transfer of powers and responsibilities as
detailed in paragraphs 1 and 2 above and in Annex
II, the Civil Administration in the Gaza Strip and
the Jericho Area will be dissolved and the Israeli
military government will be withdrawn. The
withdrawal of the military government shall not
prevent it from continuing to exercise the powers
and responsibilities specified in this Agreement.
5. A Joint Civil Affairs Coordination and
Cooperation Committee (hereinafter "the CAC") and
two Joint Regional Civil Affairs Subcommittees for
the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area respectively
shall be established in order to provide for
coordination and cooperation in civil affairs
between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, as
detailed in Annex II.
6. The offices of the Palestinian Authority shall
be located in the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area
pending the inauguration of the Council to be
elected pursuant to the Declaration of Principles.
ARTICLE IV
Structure and Composition of the Palestinian
Authority
1. The Palestinian Authority will consist of one
body of 24 members which shall carry out and be
responsible for all the legislative and executive
powers and responsibilities transferred to it under
this Agreement, in accordance with this Article, and
shall be responsible for the exercise of judicial
functions in accordance with Article VI,
subparagraph 1.b. of this Agreement.
2. The Palestinian Authority shall administer the
departments transferred to it and may establish,
within its jurisdiction, other departments and
subordinate administrative units as necessary for
the fulfillment of its responsibilities. It shall
determine its own internal procedures.
3. The PLO shall inform the Government of Israel of
the names of the members of the Palestinian
Authority and any change of members. Changes in the
membership of the Palestinian Authority will take
effect upon an exchange of letters between the PLO
and the Government of Israel.
4. Each member of the Palestinian Authority shall
enter into office upon undertaking to act in
accordance with this Agreement.
ARTICLE V
Jurisdiction
1. The authority of the Palestinian Authority
encompasses all matters that fall within its
territorial, functional and personal jurisdiction,
as follows:
a. The territorial jurisdiction covers the Gaza
Strip and the Jericho Area territory, as defined in
Article I, except for Settlements and the Military
Installation Area.
Territorial jurisdiction shall include land, subsoil
and territorial waters, in accordance with the
provisions of this Agreement.
b. The functional jurisdiction encompasses all
powers and responsibilities as specified in this
Agreement. This jurisdiction does not include
foreign relations, internal security and public
order of Settlements and the Military Installation
Area and Israelis, and external security.
c. The personal jurisdiction extends to all persons
within the territorial jurisdiction referred to
above, except for Israelis, unless otherwise
provided in this Agreement.
2. The Palestinian Authority has, within its
authority, legislative, executive and judicial
powers and responsibilities, as provided for in this
Agreement.
3. a. Israel has authority over the Settlements,
the Military Installation Areas, Israelis, external
security, internal security and public order of
Settlements, the Military Installation Area and
Israelis, and those agreed powers and
responsibilities specified in this Agreement.
b. Israel shall exercise its authority through its
military government, which, for that end, shall
continue to have the necessary legislative, judicial
and executive powers and responsibilities, in
accordance with international law. This provision
shall not derogate from Israel's applicable
legislation over Israelis in personam.
4. The exercise of authority with regard to the
electromagnetic sphere and airspace shall be in
accordance with the provisions of this Agreement.
5. The provisions of this Article are subject to
the specific legal arrangements detailed in the
Protocol Concerning Legal Matters attached as Annex
III. Israel and the Palestinian Authority may
negotiate further legal arrangements.
6. Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall
cooperate on matters of legal assistance in criminal
and civil matters through the legal subcommittee of
the CAC.
ARTICLE VI
Powers and Responsibilities of the Palestinian
Authority
1. Subject to the provisions of this Agreement, the
Palestinian Authority, within its jurisdiction:
a. has legislative powers as set out in Article VII
of this Agreement, as well as executive powers;
b. will administer justice through an independent
judiciary;
c. will have, inter alia, power to formulate
policies, supervise their implementation, employ
staff, establish departments, authorities and
institutions, sue and be sued and conclude
contracts; and
d. will have, inter alia, the power to keep and
administer registers and records of the population,
and issue certificates, licenses and documents.
2. a. In accordance with the Declaration of
Principles, the Palestinian Authority will not have
powers and responsibilities in the sphere of foreign
relations, which sphere includes the establishment
abroad of embassies, consulates or other types of
foreign missions and posts or permitting their
establishment in the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area,
the appointment of or admission of diplomatic and
consular staff, and the exercise of diplomatic
functions.
b. Notwithstanding the provisions of this
paragraph, the PLO may conduct negotiations and sign
agreements with states or international
organizations for the benefit of the Palestinian
Authority in the following cases only:
(1) economic agreements, as specifically provided
in Annex IV of this Agreement;
(2) agreements with donor countries for the purpose
of implementing arrangements for the provision of
assistance to the Palestinian Authority;
(3) agreements for the purpose of implementing the
regional development plans detailed in Annex IV of
the Declaration of Principles or in agreements
entered into in the framework of the multilateral
negotiations; and
(4) cultural, scientific and educational
agreements.
c. Dealings between the Palestinian Authority and
representatives of foreign states and international
organizations, as well as the establishment in the
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area of representative
offices other than those described in subparagraph
2.a. above, for the purpose of implementing the
agreements referred to in subparagraph 2.b. above,
shall not be considered foreign relations.
ARTICLE VII
Legislative Powers Of the Palestinian Authority
1. The Palestinian Authority will have the power,
within its jurisdiction, to promulgate legislation,
including basic laws, laws, regulations and other
legislative acts.
2. Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian
Authority shall be consistent with the provisions of
this Agreement.
3. Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian
Authority shall be communicated to a legislation
subcommittee to be established by the CAC
(hereinafter "the Legislation Subcommittee").
During a period of 30 days from the communication of
the legislation, Israel may request that the
Legislation Subcommittee decide whether such
legislation exceeds the jurisdiction of the
Palestinian Authority or is otherwise inconsistent
with the provisions of this Agreement.
4. Upon receipt of the Israeli request, the
Legislation Subcommittee shall decide, as an initial
matter, on the entry into force of the legislation
pending its decision on the merits of the matter.
5. If the Legislation Subcommittee is unable to
reach a decision with regard to the entry into force
of the legislation within 15 days, this issue will
be referred to a board of review. This board of
review shall be comprised of two judges, retired
judges or senior jurists (hereinafter "Judges"), one
from each side, to be appointed from a compiled list
of three Judges proposed by each.
In order to expedite the proceedings before this
board of review, the two most senior Judges, one
from each side, shall develop written informal rules
of procedure.
6. Legislation referred to the board of review
shall enter into force only if the board of review
decides that it does not deal with a security issue
which falls under Israel's responsibility, that it
does not seriously threaten other significant
Israeli interests protected by this Agreement and
that the entry into force of the legislation could
not cause irreparable damage or harm.
7. The Legislation Subcommittee shall attempt to
reach a decision on the merits of the matter within
30 days from the date of the Israeli request. If
this Subcommittee is unable to reach such a decision
within this period of 30 days, the matter shall be
referred to the Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison
Committee referred to in Article XV below
(hereinafter "the Liaison Committee"). This Liaison
Committee will deal with the matter immediately and
will attempt to settle it within 30 days.
8. Where the legislation has not entered into force
pursuant to paragraphs 5 or 7 above, this situation
shall be maintained pending the decision of the
Liaison Committee on the merits of the matter,
unless it has decided otherwise.
9. Laws and military orders in effect in the Gaza
Strip or the Jericho Area prior to the signing of
this Agreement shall remain in force, unless amended
or abrogated in accordance with this Agreement.
ARTICLE VIII
Arrangements for Security And Public Order
1. In order to guarantee public order and internal
security for the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip and
the Jericho Area, the Palestinian Authority shall
establish a strong police force, as set out in
Article IX below. Israel shall continue to carry
the responsibility for defense against external
threats, including the responsibility for protecting
the Egyptian border and the Jordanian line, and for
defense against external threats from the sea and
from the air, as well as the responsibility for
overall security of Israelis and Settlements, for
the purpose of safeguarding their internal security
and public order, and will have all the powers to
take the steps necessary to meet this
responsibility.
2. Agreed security arrangements and coordination
mechanisms are specified in Annex I.
3. A joint Coordination and Cooperation Committee
for mutual security purposes (hereinafter "the
JSC"), as well as three joint District Coordination
and Cooperation Offices for the Gaza district, the
Khan Yunis district and the Jericho district
respectively (hereinafter "the DCOs") are hereby
established as provided for in Annex I.
4. The security arrangements provided for in this
Agreement and in Annex I may be reviewed at the
request of either Party and may be amended by mutual
agreement of the Parties. Specific review
arrangements are included in Annex I.
ARTICLE IX
The Palestinian Directorate of Police Force
1. The Palestinian Authority shall establish a
strong police force, the Palestinian Directorate of
Police Force (hereinafter "the Palestinian Police").
The duties, functions, structure, deployment and
composition of the Palestinian Police, together with
provisions regarding its equipment and operation,
are set out in Annex I, Article III. Rules of
conduct governing the activities of the Palestinian
Police are set out in Annex I, Article VIII.
2. Except for the Palestinian Police referred to in
this Article and the Israeli military forces, no
other armed forces shall be established or operated
in the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area.
3. Except for the arms, ammunition and equipment of
the Palestinian Police described in Annex I, Article
III, and those of the Israel military forces, no
organization or individual in the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area shall manufacture, sell, acquire,
possess, import or otherwise introduce into the Gaza
Strip or the Jericho Area any firearms, ammunition,
weapons, explosives, gunpowder or any related
equipment, unless otherwise provided for in Annex I.
ARTICLE X
Passages
Arrangements for coordination between Israel and the
Palestinian Authority regarding the Gaza-Egypt and
Jericho-Jordan passages, as well as any other agreed
international crossings, are set out in Annex I,
Article X.
ARTICLE XI
Safe Passage Between the Gaza Strip and the Jericho
Area
Arrangements for safe passage of persons and
transportation between the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area are set out in Annex I, Article IX.
ARTICLE XII
Relations Between Israel and the Palestinian
Authority
1. Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall seek
to foster mutual understanding and tolerance and
shall accordingly abstain from incitement, including
hostile propaganda, against each other and, without
derogating from the principle of freedom of
expression, shall take legal measures to prevent
such incitement by any organizations, groups or
individuals within their jurisdiction.
2. Without derogating from the other provisions of
this Agreement, Israel and the Palestinian Authority
shall cooperate in combating criminal activity which
may affect both sides, including offenses related to
trafficking in illegal drugs and psychotropic
substances, smuggling, and offenses against
property, including offenses related to vehicles.
ARTICLE XIII
Economic Relations
The economic relations between the two sides are set
out in the Protocol on Economic Relations signed in
Paris on April 29, 1994 and the Appendices thereto,
certified copies of which are attached as Annex IV,
and will be governed by the relevant provisions of
this Agreement and its Annexes.
ARTICLE XIV
Human Rights and the Rule of Law
Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall exercise
their powers and responsibilities pursuant to this
Agreement with due regard to internationally-
accepted norms and principles of human rights and
the rule of law.
ARTICLE XV
The Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee
1. The Liaison Committee established pursuant to
Article X of the Declaration of Principles shall
ensure the smooth implementation of this Agreement.
It shall deal with issues requiring coordination,
other issues of common interest and disputes.
2. The Liaison Committee shall be composed of an
equal number of members from each Party. It may add
other technicians and experts as necessary.
3. The Liaison Committee shall adopt its rules of
procedure, including the frequency and place or
places of its meetings.
4. The Liaison Committee shall reach its decisions
by Agreement.
ARTICLE XVI
Liaison and Cooperation With Jordan and Egypt
1. Pursuant to Article XII of the Declaration of
Principles, the two Parties shall invite the
Governments of Jordan and Egypt to participate in
establishing further liaison and cooperation
arrangements between the Government of Israel and
the Palestinian representatives on the one hand, and
the Governments of Jordan and Egypt on the other
hand, to promote cooperation between them. These
arrangements shall include the constitution of a
Continuing Committee.
2. The Continuing Committee shall decide by
agreement on the modalities of admission of persons
displaced from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in
1967, together with necessary measures to prevent
disruption and disorder.
3. The Continuing Committee shall deal with other
matters of common concern.
ARTICLE XVII
Settlement of Differences and Disputes
Any difference relating to the application of this
Agreement shall be referred to the appropriate
coordination and cooperation mechanism established
under this Agreement. The provisions of Article XV
of the Declaration of Principles shall apply to any
such difference which is not settled through the
appropriate coordination and cooperation mechanism,
namely:
1. Disputes arising out of the application or
interpretation of this Agreement or any subsequent
agreements pertaining to the interim period shall be
settled by negotiations through the Liaison
Committee.
2. Disputes which cannot be settled by negotiations
may be settled by a mechanism of conciliation to be
agreed between the Parties.
3. The Parties may agree to submit to arbitration
disputes relating to the interim period, which
cannot be settled through conciliation. To this
end, upon the agreement of both Parties, the Parties
will establish an Arbitration Committee.
ARTICLE XVIII
Prevention of Hostile Acts
Both sides shall take all measures necessary in
order to prevent acts of terrorism, crime and
hostilities directed against each other, against
individuals falling under the other's authority and
against their property, and shall take legal
measures against offenders. In addition, the
Palestinian side shall take all measures necessary
to prevent such hostile acts directed against the
Settlements, the infrastructure serving them and the
Military Installation Area, and the Israeli side
shall take all measures necessary to prevent such
hostile acts emanating from the Settlements and
directed against Palestinians.
ARTICLE XIX
Missing Persons
The Palestinian Authority shall cooperate with
Israel by providing all necessary assistance in the
conduct of searches by Israel within the Gaza Strip
and the Jericho Area for missing Israelis, as well
as by providing information about missing Israelis.
Israel shall cooperate with the Palestinian
Authority in searching for, and providing necessary
information about, missing Palestinians.
ARTICLE XX
Confidence Building Measures
With a view to creating a positive and supportive
public atmosphere to accompany the implementation of
this Agreement, and to establish a solid basis of
mutual trust and good faith, both Parties agree to
carry out confidence building measures as detailed
herewith:
1. Upon the signing of this Agreement, Israel will
release, or turn over, to the Palestinian Authority
within a period of 5 weeks, about 5,000 Palestinian
detainees and prisoners, residents of the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip. Those released will be free to
return to their homes anywhere in the West Bank or
the Gaza Strip. Prisoners turned over to the
Palestinian Authority shall be obliged to remain in
the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area for the remainder
of their sentence.
2. After the signing of this Agreement, the two
Parties shall continue to negotiate the release of
additional Palestinian prisoners and detainees,
building on agreed principles.
3. The implementation of the above measures will be
subject to the fulfillment of the procedures
determined by Israeli law for the release and
transfer of detainees and prisoners.
4. With the assumption of Palestinian authority,
the Palestinian side commits itself to solving the
problem of those Palestinians who were in contact
with the Israeli authorities. Until an agreed
solution is found, the Palestinian side undertakes
not to prosecute these Palestinians or to harm them
in any way.
5. Palestinians from abroad whose entry into the
Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area is approved pursuant
to this Agreement, and to whom the provisions of
this Article are applicable, will not be prosecuted
for offenses committed prior to September 13, 1993.
ARTICLE XXI
Temporary International Presence
1. The Parties agree to a temporary international
or foreign presence in the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area (hereinafter "the TIP"), in accordance
with the provisions of this Article.
2. The TIP shall consist of 400 qualified
personnel, including observers, instructors and
other experts, from 5 or 6 of the donor countries.
3. The two Parties shall request the donor
countries to establish a special fund to provide
finance for the TIP.
4. The TIP will function for a period of 6 months.
The TIP may extend this period, or change the scope
of its operation, with the agreement of the two
Parties.
5. The TIP shall be stationed and operate within
the following cities and villages: Gaza, Khan
Yunis, Rafah, Deir El Ballah, Jabaliya, Absan, Beit
Hanun and Jericho.
6. Israel and the Palestinian Authority shall agree
on a special Protocol to implement this Article,
with the goal of concluding negotiations with the
donor countries contributing personnel within two
months.
ARTICLE XXII
Rights, Liabilities and Obligations
1. a. The transfer of all powers and
responsibilities to the Palestinian Authority, as
detailed in Annex II, includes all related rights,
liabilities and obligations arising with regard to
acts or omissions which occurred prior to the
transfer. Israel will cease to bear any financial
responsibility regarding such acts or omissions and
the Palestinian Authority will bear all financial
responsibility for these and for its own
functioning.
b. Any financial claim made in this regard against
Israel will be referred to the Palestinian
Authority.
c. Israel shall provide the Palestinian Authority
with the information it has regarding pending and
anticipated claims brought before any court or
tribunal against Israel in this regard.
d. Where legal proceedings are brought in respect
of such a claim, Israel will notify the Palestinian
Authority and enable it to participate in defending
the claim and raise any arguments on its behalf.
e. In the event that an award is made against
Israel by any court or tribunal in respect of such a
claim, the Palestinian Authority shall reimburse
Israel the full amount of the award.
f. Without prejudice to the above, where a court or
tribunal hearing such a claim finds that liability
rests solely with an employee or agent who acted
beyond the scope of the powers assigned to him or
her, unlawfully or with willful malfeasance, the
Palestinian Authority shall not bear financial
responsibility.
2. The transfer of authority in itself shall not
affect rights, liabilities and obligations of any
person or legal entity, in existence at the date of
signing of this Agreement.
ARTICLE XXIII
Final Clauses
1. This Agreement shall enter into force on the
date of its signing.
2. The arrangements established by this Agreement
shall remain in force until and to the extent
superseded by the Interim Agreement referred to in
the Declaration of Principles or any other agreement
between the Parties.
3. The five-year interim period referred to in the
Declaration of Principles commences on the date of
the signing of this Agreement.
4. The Parties agree that, as long as this
Agreement is in force, the security fence erected by
Israel around the Gaza Strip shall remain in place
and that the line demarcated by the fence, as shown
on attached map No. 1, shall be authoritative only
for the purpose of this Agreement.
5. Nothing in this Agreement shall prejudice or
preempt the outcome of the negotiations on the
interim agreement or on the permanent status to be
conducted pursuant to the Declaration of Principles.
Neither Party shall be deemed, by virtue of having
entered into this Agreement, to have renounced or
waived any of its existing rights, claims or
positions.
6. The two Parties view the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip as a single territorial unit, the integrity of
which will be preserved during the interim period.
7. The Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area shall
continue to be an integral part of the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip, and their status shall not be
changed for the period of this Agreement. Nothing
in this Agreement shall be considered to change this
status.
8. The Preamble to this Agreement, and all Annexes,
Appendices and maps attached hereto, shall
constitute an integral part hereof.
DONE in Cairo this fourth day of May, 1994.
For the Government of the State of Israel
(Yitzhak Rabin)
For the PLO:
(Yasir Arafat)
Witnessed By:
The United States of America: (Warren Christopher)
The Russian Federation:
(Andrei Kozyrev)
The Arab Republic of Egypt:
(Hosni Mubarak)
Agreement on Preparatory Transfer of Powers and
Responsibilities
Following is the text of the early empowerment
agreement between the Government of the State of
Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization,
signed at the Erez checkpoint in Gaza, August 29,
1994. Annexes and appendices, which constitute an
integral part of the agreement, are not included
here.
The Government of the State of Israel and the
Palestine Liberation Organization (hereinafter "the
PLO"), the representative of the Palestinian people;
PREAMBLE
Within the framework of the Middle East peace
process initiated at Madrid in October 1991;
Reaffirming their determination to live in peaceful
coexistence, mutual dignity and security, while
recognizing their mutual legitimate and political
rights;
Reaffirming their desire to achieve a just, lasting
and comprehensive peace settlement through the
agreed political process;
Reaffirming their adherence to the mutual
recognition and commitments expressed in the letters
dated September 9, 1993, signed by and exchanged
between the Prime Minister of Israel and the
Chairman of the PLO;
Reaffirming their understanding that the interim
self-government arrangements, including the
preparatory arrangements to apply in the West Bank
contained in this Agreement, are an integral part of
the whole peace process and that the negotiations on
the permanent status will lead to the implementation
of Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338;
Following the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area as signed at Cairo on May 4, 1994
(hereinafter "the Gaza-Jericho Agreement");
Desirous of putting into effect the Declaration of
Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements
as signed at Washington, D.C. on September 13, 1993
(hereinafter "the Declaration of Principles"), and
in particular Article VI regarding preparatory
transfer of powers and responsibilities and the
Agreed Minutes thereto;
Hereby agree to the following arrangements regarding
the preparatory transfer of powers and
responsibilities in the West Bank:
ARTICLE I
Definitions
For the purpose of this Agreement, unless otherwise
indicated in the attached Protocols:
a. the term "the Palestinian Authority" means the
Palestinian Authority established in accordance with
the Gaza-Jericho Agreement;
b. the term "Joint Liaison Committee" means the
Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee
established pursuant to Article X of the Declaration
of Principles;
c. the term "Interim Agreement" means the Interim
Agreement referred to in Article VII of the
Declaration of Principles; and
d. the term "Israelis" also includes Israeli
statutory agencies and corporations registered in
Israel.
ARTICLE II
Preparatory Transfer of Powers and Responsibilities
1. Israel shall transfer and the Palestinian
Authority shall assume powers and responsibilities
from the Israeli military government and its Civil
Administration in the West Bank in
the following Spheres: education and culture,
health, social welfare, tourism, direct taxation and
Value Added Tax on local production (hereinafter
"VAT"), as specified in this Agreement (hereinafter
"the Spheres").
2. For the purposes of this Agreement, the
Palestinian Authority shall constitute the
authorized Palestinians referred to in Article VI of
the Declaration of Principles.
3. The Parties will explore the possible expansion
of the transfer of powers and responsibilities to
additional Spheres.
ARTICLE III
Scope of the Transferred Powers and Responsibilities
1. The scope of the powers and responsibilities
transferred in each Sphere, as well as specific
arrangements regarding the exercise of such powers
and responsibilities, are set out in the Protocols
attached as Annexes I through VI.
2. In accordance with the Declaration of
Principles, the jurisdiction of the Palestinian
Authority with regard to the powers and
responsibilities transferred by this Agreement will
not apply to Jerusalem, settlements, military
locations and, unless otherwise provided for in this
Agreement, Israelis.
3. The transfer of powers and responsibilities
under this Agreement does not include powers and
responsibilities in the Sphere of foreign relations,
except as indicated in Article VI(2)(b) of the Gaza-
Jericho Agreement.
ARTICLE IV
Modalities of Transfer
1. The transfer of powers and responsibilities in
the Sphere of education and culture pursuant to this
Agreement will be implemented on August 29, 1994.
The transfer of powers and responsibilities in the
remaining Spheres will be implemented in accordance
with Article XI below.
2. The transfer of powers and responsibilities
shall be coordinated through the Civil Affairs
Coordination and Cooperation Committee referred to
in Article X below and shall be implemented in
accordance with the arrangements set out in this
Agreement in a smooth, peaceful and orderly manner.
3. Upon the signing of this Agreement, the Israeli
side shall provide the Palestinian side with, or
enable free access to, all information that is
necessary for an effective and smooth transfer.
4. On the date of the transfer of powers and
responsibilities, Israel shall also transfer all
movable and immovable property which exclusively
serves the offices of the Civil Administration in
the Spheres, including premises, whether government-
owned or rented, equipment, registers, files and
computer programs. The treatment of property which
serves the offices transferred to the Palestinian
Authority as well as offices which are not so
transferred will be as mutually agreed between the
two sides, such as on the basis of sharing or
exchange.
5. The coordination of the transfer of powers and
responsibilities pursuant to this Article shall also
include a joint review of the Civil Administration
contracts the duration of which extend beyond the
date of the transfer with a view to deciding which
contracts will remain in force and which will be
terminated.
ARTICLE V
Administration of the Transferred Offices
1. The Palestinian Authority shall be fully
responsible for the proper functioning of the
offices included in the Spheres and for the
management of their personnel in all aspects,
including employment and placement of employees,
payment of their salaries and pensions and ensuring
other employee rights.
2. The Palestinian Authority will continue to
employ Palestinian Civil Administration employees
currently employed in the offices included in each
Sphere and shall maintain their rights.
3. The main office of each of the Spheres will be
situated in the Jericho Area or in the Gaza Strip.
The Palestinian Authority will operate the existing
subordinate offices in the West Bank. The two sides
may agree on the establishment of additional
subordinate offices in the West Bank, if necessary,
in such locations as mutually agreed.
4. The Palestinian Authority has the right to
coordinate its activities in each of the Spheres
with other Spheres in which it is empowered.
ARTICLE VI
Relations Between the Two Sides
1. With regard to each Sphere, the Palestinian
Authority shall coordinate with the Civil
Administration on issues relating to other Spheres
in which the Palestinian Authority is not empowered.
2. The military government and its Civil
Administration shall assist and support the
Palestinian Authority in promoting the effective
exercise of its powers and responsibilities. In
addition, the military government and its Civil
Administration shall, in exercising their own powers
and responsibilities, take into account the
interests of the Palestinian Authority and do their
utmost to remove obstacles to the effective exercise
of powers and responsibilities by the Palestinian
Authority.
3. The Palestinian Authority shall prevent any
activities with a military orientation within each
of the Spheres and will do its utmost to maintain
decorum and discipline and to avoid disruption in
the institutions under its responsibility.
4. The Palestinian Authority will notify the
military government and its Civil Administration and
will coordinate with them regarding any planned
public large-scale events and mass gatherings within
the Spheres.
5. Nothing in this Agreement shall affect the
continued authority of the military government and
its Civil Administration to exercise their powers
and responsibilities with regard to security and
public order, as well as with regard to other
Spheres not transferred.
ARTICLE VII
Legislative Powers of the Palestinian Authority
1. The Palestinian Authority may promulgate
secondary legislation regarding the powers and
responsibilities transferred to it. Such
legislation includes amendments and charges to the
existing laws, regulations and military orders
specified in Appendix A to each Annex.
2. Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian
Authority shall be consistent with the provisions of
this Agreement.
3. Legislation promulgated by the Palestinian
Authority shall be communicated to Israel which may,
within a period of thirty (30) days, notify the
Palestinian Authority that it opposes such
legislation for any of the following reasons:
(1) it exceeds the powers and responsibilities
transferred to the Palestinian Authority;
(2) it is inconsistent with the provisions of this
Agreement; or
(3) it otherwise affects legislation or powers and
responsibilities which were not transferred to the
Palestinian Authority.
4. Where Israel opposes proposed legislation, it
shall specify the reason for the opposition.
5. If Israel has no reservations concerning the
proposed legislation, it shall accordingly notify
the Palestinian Authority at the earliest
opportunity. If at the end of the thirty-day period
Israel has not communicated any opposition
concerning the proposed legislation, such
legislation shall enter into force.
6. The Palestinian Authority may, in the event of
opposition to the proposed draft legislation, submit
a new draft or request a review by the Legislation
Subcommittee established under the Gaza-Jericho
Agreement.
7. The Legislation Subcommittee shall attempt to
reach a decision on the merits of the matter within
thirty days. If the Legislation Subcommittee is
unable to reach a decision within this period, the
Palestinian Authority shall be entitled to refer the
matter to the Joint Liaison Committee. The Joint
Liaison Committee shall consider the matter
immediately and will attempt to settle it within
thirty days.
8. Where, upon communicating to Israel proposed
legislation consisting of detailed technical
regulations, the Palestinian Authority states that
such regulations fulfill the requirements of
paragraph 3 above and requests a speedy review,
Israel shall immediately respond to such a request.
9. Legislation regarding the West Bank shall be
published as a separate part of any publication of
legislation regarding the Gaza Strip and the Jericho
Area issued by the Jericho Area issued by the
Palestinian Authority.
ARTICLE VIII
Law Enforcement
1. The Palestinian Authority may bring disciplinary
proceedings concerning persons it employs in the
West Bank before disciplinary tribunals operating in
the Gaza Strip or the Jericho Area.
2. The Palestinian Authority may, within each of
the Spheres, authorize employees to act as civilian
inspectors to monitor compliance with laws and
regulations in that Sphere, within the powers and
responsibilities transferred to the Palestinian
Authority. Such inspectors shall operate in each
Sphere separately and shall not be organized into a
central unit. These inspectors shall not wear
uniforms or carry arms, and shall not in any other
way have the nature of a police force. They shall
be required to carry the identification
documentation referred to in paragraph 3 below. The
number of employees to be authorized as civilian
inspectors shall be agreed upon by both sides. The
names of these employees shall be notified to Israel
and, where these employees enjoy privileges pursuant
to subparagraph 3 below, shall be agreed upon by
both sides.
3. The Palestinian Authority shall issue the
civilian inspectors in the West Bank with
identification documentation specifying the office
in which they are employed. Such documentation
shall be used for identification and will not grant
privileges, except those agreed in the CAC, or
immunities. The CAC shall determine the format of
the identification documentation.
4. Except as specifically provided in this
Agreement, all powers and responsibilities regarding
law enforcement, including investigation, judicial
proceedings and imprisonment, will continue to be
under the responsibility of the existing authorities
in the West Bank.
ARTICLE IX
Rights, Liabilities and Obligations
1. a. The transfer of powers and responsibilities
to the Palestinian Authority under this Agreement
will include all related rights, liabilities and
obligations arising with regard to acts or omissions
which occurred prior to the transfer. Israel and
the Civil Administration will cease to bear any
financial responsibility regarding such acts or
omissions and the Palestinian Authority will bear
all financial responsibility for these and for its
own functioning.
b. Any financial claim made in this regard against
Israel or the Civil Administration will be referred
to the Palestinian Authority.
c. Israel shall provide the Palestinian Authority
with the information it has regarding pending and
anticipated claims brought before any court or
tribunal against Israel or the Civil Administration
in this regard.
d. Where legal proceedings are brought in respect
of such a claim, Israel will notify the Palestinian
Authority and enable it to participate in defending
the claim and raise any arguments on its behalf.
e. In the event that an award is made against
Israel or the Civil Administration by any court or
tribunal in respect of such a claim, the Palestinian
Authority shall, once the award has been paid by
Israel, reimburse Israel the full amount of the
award.
f. Without prejudice to the above, where a court or
tribunal hearing such a claim finds that liability
rests solely with an employee or agent who acted
beyond the scope of the powers assigned to him or
her, unlawfully or with willful malfeasance, the
Palestinian Authority shall not bear financial
responsibility.
g. Notwithstanding subparagraphs 1.d through 1.f
above, Israel may, pursuant to agreement within the
Legal Subcommittee of the CAC established under the
Gaza-Jericho Agreement, request an Israeli court or
tribunal to dismiss a claim brought before it and,
with regard to a pending claim, dismiss the claim
and transfer the proceedings to a local court or
tribunal.
h. Where a claim has been so transferred or where a
new claim has been brought in a local court or
tribunal subsequent to the dismissal of the claim
pursuant to subparagraph 1.g above, the Palestinian
Authority shall defend it and, in accordance with
subparagraph 1.a above, in the event that an award
is made for the plaintiff, shall pay the amount of
the award.
i. The Legal Subcommittee referred to in
subparagraph 1.g above shall agree on arrangements
for the transfer of proceedings from Israeli courts
or tribunals pursuant to subparagraph 1.g above and,
where necessary, for the provision of legal
assistance by Israel to the Palestinian Authority in
defending claims.
2. In accordance with paragraph 1 above:
a. The Palestinian Authority may bring legal
proceedings in respect of any acts or omissions
relating to powers and responsibilities transferred
under this Agreement which occurred prior to the
date of the transfer. Israel shall provide the
Palestinian Authority with the legal assistance
necessary to bring such proceedings.
b. The Palestinian Authority may collect any taxes
due under Annexes V and VI on the date of the
transfer of powers and responsibilities in respect
of these taxes, and shall assume responsibility for
the payment of any rebates or refunds.
3. Subject to the provisions of this Article, the
transfer of powers and responsibilities in itself
shall not affect rights, liabilities and obligations
of any person or legal entity, in existence at the
date of signing of this Agreement.
ARTICLE X
Liaison and Coordination
1. The Joint Civil Affairs Coordination and
Cooperation Committee established in accordance with
the Gaza-Jericho Agreement (hereinafter "the CAC"),
will deal with all issues of mutual concern
regarding this Agreement.
2. The operation of the CAC shall not impede daily
contacts between representatives of the Civil
Administration and the Palestinian Authority in all
matters of mutual concern.
ARTICLE XI
Budgetary Issues
1. The military government and its Civil
Administration shall provide the Palestinian
Authority with full information concerning the
budget of each Sphere.
2. The Palestinian Authority shall immediately
employ personnel who will promptly begin the process
of becoming acquainted with the current budget
issues. On the date of the transfer of powers and
responsibilities in each of the Spheres, these
personnel will assume responsibility for all
accounts, assets and records on behalf of the
Palestinian Authority.
3. Israel shall continue to provide the services of
Israeli experts currently employed in the fields of
income tax and VAT to ensure a smooth transition and
efficient establishment of the taxation system of
the Palestinian Authority. The terms of their
employment shall be agreed upon by the two sides.
4. The Palestinian Authority will do its utmost to
establish its revenue collection system immediately
with the intent of collecting direct taxes and VAT.
5. The two sides will jointly approach the donor
countries during the upcoming meetings of the
Consultative Group and of the Ad Hoc Liaison
Committee, scheduled for September 8 through 10,
1994 in Paris, with a request to finance the
shortfall that may be created in the collection of
the direct taxes and the VAT during the initial
period while the Palestinian Authority establishes
its own revenue collection system .
6. The two sides will meet no later than three days
after the conclusion of these meetings in order to
decide on the date of transfer of powers and
responsibilities in the remaining Spheres, based,
among other things, on the response of the donor
countries to the joint request.
7. The CAC will provide the donor countries, when
necessary, with information to help adjust the
allocation of contributions as a result of
variations in tax collection.
8. The Palestinian Authority shall also assume full
responsibility for any additional expenditures
beyond the agreed budget which is attached as
Schedule 1, as well as for any shortfall in tax
collection that is not actually covered by the donor
countries.
9. If actual revenues from the Spheres, including
the donor contributions, exceed the budgeted
revenues, the excess shall be applied to development
of the Spheres.
10. The inclusion of the Sphere of VAT in the
Spheres to be transferred to the Palestinian
Authority shall constitute the adjustment referred
to in paragraph (3) of the Agreed Minute to Article
VI (2) of the Declaration of Principles, and no
further adjustment shall be required.
ARTICLE XII
Mutual Contribution to Peace and Reconciliation
With regard to each of the Spheres, Israel and the
Palestinian Authority will ensure that their
respective systems contribute to the peace between
the Israeli and Palestinian peoples and to peace in
the entire region, and will refrain from the
introduction of any motifs that could adversely
affect the process of reconciliation.
ARTICLE XIII
Final Clauses
1. This Agreement shall enter into force on the
date of its signing.
2. The arrangements established by this Agreement
are preparatory measures and shall remain in force
until and to the extent superseded by the Interim
Agreement or by any other agreement between the
Parties.
3. Nothing in this Agreement shall prejudice or
preempt the outcome of the negotiations on the
Interim Agreement or on the permanent status to be
conducted pursuant to the Declaration of Principles.
Neither Party shall be deemed, by virtue of having
entered into this Agreement to have renounced or
waived any of its existing rights, claims or
positions.
4. The two Parties view the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip as a single territorial unit, the integrity of
which will be preserved during the interim period.
5. The Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area shall
continue to be an integral part of the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip. The status of the West Bank shall
not be changed for the period of this Agreement.
Nothing in this Agreement shall be considered to
change this status.
6. The Preamble to this Agreement and the Annexes,
Appendices and Schedules attached hereto, shall
constitute an integral part hereof.
DONE at Erez Checkpoint in Gaza this 29th day of
August, 1994.
For the Government of the State of Israel:
(Dani Rothschild)
For the PLO:
(Nabil Sha'ath)
Building a New Middle East: Challenges for U.S.
Policy
Address by National Security Adviser Anthony Lake to
the Soref Symposium of The Washington Institute,
Washington, DC, May 17, 1994.
It is a real pleasure to be invited to address The
Washington Institute's Soref Symposium. I know from
Martin that you are a serious audience with an
interest in, and deep knowledge of, the Middle East.
As the old story goes, I feel like the professor
asked to lecture on the subject of floods, knowing
full well that Noah is in the audience.
With Secretary Christopher in the midst of intensive
talks, I will focus tonight not on the current state
of negotiations, but on our conceptual approach to
the Middle East. For in many ways, the Middle East
is a paradigm for our nation's approach to the post-
Cold War world. And it is our challenge and
responsibility to build a regional environment in
which the promise of a future of peace and hope can
be realized.
In essence, the Middle East is now faced with a
choice between two futures. One path leads to a
future in which extremists, wielding weapons of mass
destruction, hold sway over a region torn by inter-
communal and inter-state conflicts--a future which
could pose an existential threat to Israel and our
other friends in the region. The other alternative
yields democratic progress, the free movement of
people and goods, and dialogue leading to regional
security. Violence or peace; regression or freedom;
isolation or dialogue: these are the choices.
On any particular day, we can witness examples of
these futures. Consider events of recent days.
Efforts to unify Yemen suffered a blow when
northerners and southerners chose the battlefield
over the negotiating table. At the same time, in a
step critical to ending a prolonged conflict,
Israeli soldiers peacefully transferred authority in
Gaza and Jericho to Palestinian authorities.
In the middle of this era of turmoil and hope, the
United States cannot afford to be a bystander.
Despite the end of the superpower rivalry, the
region remains of vital interest to our nation. The
free flow of oil at reasonable prices from the Gulf;
the security and well-being of Israel; a secure and
lasting Arab-Israeli peace; the stability of
friendly Arab countries; our need to contain Iraq,
Iran, Libya, and Sudan--the reactionary "backlash
states" of the region; and efforts to curb the
spread of weapons of mass destruction: All these
reasons give our nation a very real stake in
ensuring a more peaceful, prosperous, and democratic
future.
We do not seek, however, to dominate the future of
the Middle East. Too much of the troubled history
of the region has been preoccupied with a struggle
for mastery; too little effort has been devoted to a
cooperative effort to promote common interests and
shared values in a better future for all the peoples
of the region.
Nor do we see this battle for the future of the
Middle East as a "clash of civilizations." Let me
emphasize this point. Some suggested that in the
post-Cold War world, there is a fundamental divide
pitting Western liberal democratic traditions
against ostensibly opposing "civilizations" based on
Islam and other religious traditions. These
theorists believe there is no common ground for
understanding between "the West and the rest"--only
the prospect of confrontation and conflict. They
assert that the United States, as the sole remaining
superpower in search of a new ideology to fight,
should be bent on leading a new crusade against
Islam. In a quest for a new ideology to rally
against, fundamentalism would replace communism as
the West's designated threat.
We strongly disagree. In the Middle East as
throughout the world, there is, indeed, a
fundamental divide. But the fault line runs not
between civilizations or religions; no, it runs
instead between oppression and responsive
government, between isolation and openness, and
between moderation and extremism. And it knows no
distinction by race or creed. In South Africa as in
China, in Burma as in Russia, and in Gaza as in
northern Iraq, the universal language of personal
and political freedom is being spoken by brave men
and women who are fighting for human rights and
democracy. And the dramatic global changes of the
past four years have shown that it is a language
capable of transcending the past and transforming
the future.
This is as true in the Middle East and Muslim world
as it is elsewhere. Our foe is oppression and
extremism, whether in religious or secular guise.
We draw the line against those who seek to advance
their agenda through terror, intolerance, or
coercion. And I can assure you that President
Clinton will continue to steadfastly oppose acts of
terrorism aimed at stopping the peace process or
denying the people of the Middle East a future of
hope. The enemies of peace have not hesitated to
use violence to advance their goal, but the
President has affirmed that we will not allow them
to succeed.
We also reject the notion that a renewed emphasis on
traditional values in the Islamic world must
inevitably conflict with the West or with democratic
principles. These values--of devotion to family and
society, to faith and good works--are not alien to
our own experience. It should come as no surprise
that citizens throughout the Middle East and North
Africa are testing and debating the role of these
values in society and government. People in the
region--as is the case around the world--are
searching for ways to achieve responsive government,
guarantee basic human rights, and guide their lives.
That so many of them look to religion--to Islam--is
neither unusual nor unique. This is a universal
quest. Islam is not the issue.
Extremism Versus the Pursuit of Political Power
Today, the real conflicts which offend the
conscience of the world are manifestly not
"conflicts of civilization." In Bosnia, we are
opposing hatred and the use of force. Our enemy is
bigotry and ruthless nationalism. Serbian leaders
may seek to legitimize their conquest with claims
that they are holding off a Moslem threat to the
West, but the world should not accept such patently
false claims. Certainly, we will not accept it. We
support a democratic Bosnian state in which Muslims
and Christians live together in peace. We believe
that the West has an interest in demonstrating that
such a state, in the heart of Europe, is welcome and
can survive and prosper.
Saddam Hussein's explanation of his invasion of
Kuwait--to defend Islam against a Western invader--
was as transparent as Slobodan Milosevic's claim of
a civilizing battle is today. No one was fooled.
The Gulf war was seen for what it was--a bid for
conquest and regional supremacy that a coalition of
Islamic and non-Islamic nations faced down.
In the wake of that war, the United States has been
forced to deal with two hostile regimes in the
region--secular Iraq and fundamentalist Iran.
Elsewhere in the region, we oppose the extremist
policies of secular Libya and fundamentalist Sudan.
And we watch carefully from Algeria to southern
Lebanon, from the West Bank and Gaza to Egypt and
Jordan, where extremists threaten to divert the
region onto the old path of violence.
There should be no doubt. Islamic extremism poses a
threat to our nation's interests. There are forces
which use the cover of Islamic revival to suppress
freedom, withdraw from the world, and justify
hostilities. These movements threaten the United
States and the global community of nations because
they speak in a powerful and all-too seductive
language--the age-old cant of hatred, fear, and
prejudice. But above all, as we have learned, they
threaten the future of the Middle East.
Although the circumstances vary, the phenomenon of
extremism around the world flow from common sources:
disillusionment, a failure to secure basic needs,
dashed hopes for political participation, and social
justice. Wide- spread disenchantment breeds an
extremism of hatred and violence--an extremism by no
means unique to the Middle East or the Muslim world.
What distinguishes Islamic extremism is that it uses
religion to cover its real intentions--the naked
pursuit of political power.
Actively Pursuing Peace: Cornerstone of U.S. Policy
In the midst of this challenge, the United States
must join hands with willing nations and build
regional bulwarks against extremism. In Central
Asia, we are cultivating relations with newly
independent Islamic states like Kazakhstan.
Elsewhere--from Turkey to Saudi Arabia, from
Pakistan to Indonesia--we are maintaining long-
standing alliances and friendships with both secular
and fundamentalist states with Muslim populations.
Our task in the Middle East is the same.
In confronting the challenges ahead, we must
energetically pursue Arab-Israeli peace; actively
contain those states and organizations which promote
or support religious or secular extremism; and help
form a community of like-minded Middle Eastern
states which share our goals of free markets,
democratic enlargement, and controls on
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and
their delivery systems.
Each of these elements complements and reinforces
the other. Progress in Arab-Israeli peace-making
helps place extremists on the defensive and
increases their isolation. In turn, undermining
extremist forces makes it easier for peacemakers to
proceed. When peace-making and containment work,
moderated governments find it easier to bolster
their legitimacy and face down extremists within
their midst. And that moderation is mutually
reinforcing, as relationships which hold the promise
of greater regional stability are built.
Actively pursuing peace in the Middle East is one of
the Clinton Administration's highest foreign policy
priorities. It is the cornerstone of our efforts to
help transform the region. If, after so much hatred
and strife, Arab and Jew can live in peace in the
Holy Land, they can harness their immense talents
and resources to the tasks of progress. And they
can set an example --create a peace-making dynamic--
which can positively influence all the other
conflicts in the region.
What happened in Gaza and Jericho last week is,
therefore, both simple and profound. In a literal
sense, Palestinian police took over responsibility
for maintaining order from the Israeli army. But
this simple transfer of authority also symbolized
the trans-formation of relations between
Palestinians and Israelis. For the first time in
their history, Palestinians have achieved the right-
-and responsibility--of governing themselves. For
the first time in the history of the Arab-Israeli
conflict, Israelis and Palestinians have agreed in
practical ways to pursue peaceful coexistence in the
Holy Land.
We are all acutely conscious of the difficulties and
dangers involved in this process. Between the
historic handshake on the White House lawn last
September and the Cairo signing nine months later,
we have been constantly reminded that the forces of
extremism and reaction are determined to kill the
hope of peace. We cannot--and must not--allow them
to succeed.
Some may question the wisdom and viability of the
course that Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat have
chosen. But this is not the moment for second-
guessing. Israelis and Palestinians have decided
that the status quo is intolerable and that peaceful
reconciliation is preferable to endless conflict and
violence. We owe them more than just the benefit of
the doubt; we owe them our support and
encouragement. If they fail--if we allow them to
fail--hopes for a peaceful Middle East will be
dashed. And who can say how many more lives will be
lost, families torn apart, or battles will be fought
before its courageous leaders can try to build peace
again.
Nor can we afford to stand back and watch history
unfold in Gaza and Jericho. The complexities of
peace-making are only beginning to be revealed. The
Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles calls
for further extension of Palestinian self-government
to the West Bank. Elections in the West Bank and
Gaza should take place this year. And no later than
two years from now, Israel and the PLO will begin
final status negotiations.
Difficulties will arise at every step of the
Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. They involve
making peace between a state and an organization
composed of very diverse elements. They include the
most complicated conflicts to resolve and the
easiest to disrupt. A permanent regional peace
cannot be constructed on this fragile foundation
alone.
Some might question why, given these difficulties,
we have decided to press ahead with our efforts to
achieve a breakthrough to a comprehensive peace this
year. The answer is that a Syrian-Israel agreement
would provide a decisive settlement between strong
states entering together into a "peace of the
brave." It would put an end to the conflict
between Israel and the Arab states. Jordan and
Lebanon would be able to resolve their differences
with Israel in short order. Full normalization of
relations between Israel and the Arab states of the
Maghreb and the Gulf would quickly follow. In
short, the logjam would be broken.
An Israel-Syria peace would do more than just shore
up the agreement between Israel and the PLO and
ensure a transformation in relations between Israel
and the Arab world. It would also do much to
advance our efforts to widen the circle of peace-
makers, bolster the network of Middle East
moderation, and construct a bastion against the
backlash states.
In the wider sweep of regional peace, Syria plays a
critical role. Historically, its alliance with Iran
and its support for rejectionist groups have given
the forces of extremism a vital base in the Middle
East. By invoking Arab nationalism, Syria has given
these forces an important claim to legitimacy.
Syria has used its particular influence for ill,
when it rejected Sadat's peace with Israel but also
for good, when Damascus joined the Gulf war
coalition against Saddam Hussein--and, most
importantly, when Syria entered into direct,
bilateral negotiations with Israel.
Thus, when President Asad took the significant step
of announcing in Geneva that Syria had made a
strategic choice for peace with Israel, his nation's
erstwhile extremist allies quickly grew nervous.
Palestinian rejectionist leaders, fearful they would
lose their bases in Lebanon and Syria, went off to
Libya in search of new havens. Hezbollah leaders
argued how best to pursue an extremist agenda in an
era of Israeli-Lebanese peace. Iranian officials
hurriedly visited Damascus, apparently leaving
empty-handed; when they got home, the Iranian clergy
began criticizing the leadership for failing to
prevent the emerging isolation of their nations.
In spite of these encouraging signs, we do not
underestimate the risks and costs involved in
achieving an Israeli-Syrian peace. As Prime
Minister Rabin has noted, the wrenching internal
debate in Israel will make the price of peace with
Syria painful, indeed. Although it will be hard for
the United States to ease that pain, we can and
will--as President Clinton has repeatedly made
clear--we can and will help Israel minimize the
risks at hand.
First, we will insist that the peace be a real
peace--not the absence of war but a qualitative
change in relations between Israel and Syria: full
diplomatic relations; an end to the boycott; open
borders for people and trade; promotion of joint
economic projects. As President Clinton noted in
Geneva, we already have good reason to believe that
Syria is now committed to real peace in the way that
Israel and others define it.
Second, we will insist that the peace be secure.
The United States stands ready to participate in the
security arrangements that the parties negotiate.
Specific discussions on what form that participation
may take have not yet begun, but our commitment is
firm. And just as we have acted this past year to
fulfill the President's pledge to sustain and
enhance Israel's qualitative edge, so we will act to
bolster Israel's early-warning capability and
ability to handle longer range threats to compensate
for strategic advantages it may choose to give up
for peace.
Finally, we will insist that the peace be
comprehensive. We will work hard with Jordan and
Lebanon to ensure that their negotiations with
Israel result in peace agreements. And we will
insist that the wider Arab and Muslim worlds end
their boycott and fully normalize their relations
with Israel.
Dual Containment
Imagine the strategic impact of such a peace on the
wider Middle East. We will dramatically reinforce
our efforts to contain the threats from Iran and
Iraq. Iran would be denied the means to make
trouble in the Middle East heartland. Its message
of hatred, its call for the destruction of the
"Zionist entity," will appear before the world as an
empty, anachronistic threat. Similarly, Saddam
Hussein's hopes to mobilize the Arab world behind
an anti-Israel banner will be dashed. The coalition
that fought and won the Gulf War also changed,
through its very existence, the strategic
environment for making peace between Israel and its
neighbors. Such a peace can, in turn, again change
the strategic environment in favor of the
containment of extremism.
We will be able to increasingly isolate these two
backlash states and the groups they support.
Through the peace process, a new regional
environment will be created--even now, it is taking
form--in which moderate Islamic states--from Turkey
in the north to Saudi Arabia in the south, from
Morocco in the west to Pakistan in the east--will
constrain the capacity of these rogue states and
organizations to extend their influence and message
of hate and violence. With Syria and all other
states in this camp at peace with Israel, the Middle
East balance of power will shift decisively in favor
of moderation. The extremists will be denied the
claim that they are the wave of the future; they
will have to confront the reality of failure.
This widening circle of peace will help governments
find the strength to counter extremism at home as
well as abroad. Governments will have the
opportunity to counter disillusionment with the
demonstrated results of peace-making. Resources
will be freed to provide for the basic needs of the
people, rather than the destructive requirements of
wars. Regional economic development, using
technologies and capital previously denied because
of boycotts and conflicts, will begin to offer the
taste of a better life. And once governments are
able again to concentrate on the economic well-being
of their people, they will feel more secure in
meeting their citizens' demands for greater
political participation and accountability.
We know that Middle Eastern realities will
inevitably intrude to temper this vision. We do not
underestimate the difficulties involved in peace-
making or the resilience of the extremist forces
that prey on the region. But there is space in our
memory for more than just the massacre at Hebron,
the car bomb in Afula, the invasion of Kuwait, and
the revolution in Iran. We have already borne
witness to two signing ceremonies on the South Lawn
of the White House: the Camp David accords as well
as the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of
Principles. We now know that a peaceful and
prosperous future for all the people of the Middle
East is more than a mere mirage.
Let me conclude by invoking the ethics of the
Father:
The day is short
The task is great
is not up to you
To finish the work
But you are not free
To desist from it.
The Clinton Administration is well aware of the
daunting task involved in transforming the Middle
East, but we will embrace this challenge. And I
know you will be with us as we do. (###)
ARTICLE 5.
The Multilateral Peace Negotiations
Assistant Secretary Pelletreau, Deputy Assistant
Secretary Kurtzer
Progress in the Middle East Peace Process
Multilateral Negotiations
Opening remarks by Assistant Secretary for Near
Eastern Affairs Pelletreau at a news conference
following a meeting of the Middle East Multilateral
Steering Group, Tabarka, Tunisia, July 13, 1994.
The Middle East Multilateral Steering Group met July
12-13 in Tabarka, Tunisia. The Steering Group--
which is composed of core parties from the Middle
East; the United States and Russia, as co-sponsors
of the peace process; and extraregional parties that
have taken on responsibility for the multilateral
working groups--monitors, evaluates, and guides the
activities of all the working groups.
All the participants contributed to a serious and
fruitful dialogue on important organizational and
substantive issues. They expressed their
appreciation to the Government of Tunisia for its
invaluable contribution to the success of the peace
process and for its gracious hosting of this
meeting.
The multilateral working groups continue to
complement the bilateral negotiations and act as a
catalyst for progress. The Steering Group welcomed
the progress achieved in the bilateral talks,
including the conclusion of the May 4 Gaza-Jericho
agreement, the establishment of the Palestinian
Authority, and the Jordanian-Israeli agreement to
intensify their bilateral negotiations in the
region.
During this meeting, the Steering Group took note of
the significant accomplishments in each working
group since the Tokyo Steering Group meeting.
-- The Arms Control and Regional Security Working
Group approved the establishment of an ACRS
communication network, the holding of a search and
rescue demonstration in the Mediterranean, and
continuing the efforts to finalize a document on
security relations. The group also continued its
discussions in such areas as verification and the
concept of a conflict prevention-regional security
center.
-- The Environment Working Group approved further
work on an environmental code of conduct and
projects on oil-spill contingencies in the upper
Gulf of Aqaba, desertification, and wastewater
treatment in small communities.
-- The Regional Economic Development Working Group
drafted economic guidelines for regional
cooperation, established a monitoring committee to
monitor implementation of the Copenhagen Action
Plan, and announced the establishment of a Peace
Process Information Bank.
-- The Refugee Working Group developed projects to
alleviate the plight of Palestinian refugees and
promote self-sufficiency, including projects such as
the construction or renovation of training centers,
schools, and health clinics; plans to improve child
welfare and public health; and ongoing support for
the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics. The group
also encouraged progress in the area of family
reunification.
-- The Water Resources Working Group approved an
Omani proposal for a regional desalination research
center, an Israeli proposal to rehabilitate
municipal water supply systems, and a proposal for
wastewater treatment and reuse facilities.
The Steering Group also had an extensive discussion
on guidelines for regional development and a study
on the future of the region. Delegations provided
extensive comments on both the substance and purpose
of the documents and the method for completing them.
The guidelines will serve as a framework of key
elements for regional cooperation and will establish
a common set of procedures for all the working
groups. The regional study will serve as vision of
what the Middle East region will look like in 10
years and will assist the parties in setting
specific priorities for the working groups.
The Steering Group approved the following venues for
the next round of working groups, which will take
place before the end of 1994.
-- Arms Control and Regional Security--Tunisia
-- Environment--Bahrain
-- Refugees--Turkey
-- Regional Economic Development--Germany
-- Water Resources--Greece
-- Steering Group--To be determined
Middle East Multilaterals
Opening remarks by Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Near Eastern Affairs Kurtzer at an on-the-record
press briefing, Jerusalem, July 18, 1994.
Let me just put a couple of things in context.
Since they were launched two and one-half years ago
in Moscow, the multilaterals have been called the
stealth peace process, because they have taken place
way behind the headlines. And while attention has
been mostly focused on what happens in the bilateral
tracks, the multilaterals have undergone a rather
significant transformation and are in the process
not only of having transformed themselves, but of
transforming the region. There are really three key
elements to what is happening in the multilaterals
now.
The first is perhaps the most important, and that is
the breakdown of psychological barriers between the
Arab and the Israeli participants. In each of the
five working groups that were established two and
one-half years ago--refugees, environment, water,
arms control and regional security, and economic
development--10, 11, sometimes 12 Arab parties sit
together with Israel and a host of extraregional
parties to discuss functional, practical problems
that have beset the region for many years but which
were never addressed, because Arabs and Israelis
didn't talk to each other. This process has
allowed--primarily because it has taken place away
from the front pages--it has allowed Arab and
Israeli experts to begin to look at some of these
issues, to get to know each other, to socialize
themselves to dealing with each other and with the
problems. It is no accident in that regard that the
breakthroughs we have seen in the peace process have
occurred with those Arab parties that have
participated in the multilaterals with the
Palestinians and Jordanians, together with the
Israelis.
The second factor, I think, is equally salient. It
is represented on the sheets that were handed out,
and that is that the process itself has begun to
launch a number of concrete activities in each of
the working groups that either are designed to do
studies about projects that will await the
comprehensive peace or, in some cases, are actually
starting the work itself. We have in each group a
number of measures that different parties have
decided to shepherd that are now taking place--
wastewater treatment facilities and water management
in small communities. We have declarations or
statements of guidelines in three of the groups
designed to take a look at what these groups
represent for the region. What this really means is
that the multilaterals have moved from their initial
phase of being kind of education and seminars to a
point where people are looking at concrete
activities.
There is no better place to look than the Regional
Economic Development group, which last November
developed what is called the Copenhagen Action Plan.
It's got 60 or 70 projects, each of which has a
sponsor, each of which is now looking for funding,
and each of which will represent some form of
cooperation between Israelis and Arabs in the period
ahead.
The third feature that's important about this
process: In a sense one can look to the outcome of
the Naples G-7 summit to see that what the Middle
East is now becoming is a part of the world
political and economic community. You remember in
the G-7 communique we talked about institution-
building as a means of driving the process of
regional reconciliation and critical progress among
conflicting parties. That same process is underway
through the multilaterals, both through the
declarations or guidelines that are being formed,
but also some of the groups have identified regional
institutions which they understand will have to be
formed in order for them to deal in a period of
peace with each other. For example, there is a
consensus that at some time a regional environment
body will have to be created to look at pressing
problems both in the Mediterranean, in the Gulf of
Aqaba, and in the Persian Gulf. You have ideas
afoot to create a regional water authority. None of
these has yet happened, but the idea is that
institution-building, which has taken root elsewhere
in the world, is now taking root as well in the
Middle East, stimulated by the multilaterals.
Just to sum up this lengthy introduction, it's a
process which may have started in the shadows but
has now become a part of the reality of the
interaction between Middle Eastern parties. We just
concluded, for example, the Steering Group of the
multilateral process in Tunisia less than a week
ago. What the Steering Group found is that there
was a consensus that the process should move a
little bit faster. It should be a little bit
broader in scope, and we should really try to
develop ideas that will challenge the parties to
come to grips with the emerging peace process.
(###)
ARTICLE 6:
Fact Sheet: The Middle East Peace Process
Overview
The current phase of the Middle East peace process
was launched at the Madrid conference convened by
the United States and the former Soviet Union
October 30-November 1, 1991. Former Secretary James
A. Baker III laid the groundwork for the conference
in a series of trips to the region between March and
October 1991.
The co-sponsors' letter of invitation to the
conference laid out the framework for the
negotiations, including:
-- A just, lasting, and comprehensive peace
settlement based on UN Security Council Resolutions
242 and 338.
-- Direct bilateral negotiations along two tracks,
between Israel and the Arab states and between
Israel and the Palestinians.
-- Multilateral negotiations on region-wide issues,
such as arms control and regional security, water,
refugees, environment, and economic development.
These talks would complement the bilateral
negotiations.
The bilateral negotiations are now conducted on four
separate negotiating tracks: Israel-Syria, Israel-
Lebanon, Israel-Jordan, and Israel-Palestinian.
The first major breakthrough in the negotiations
occurred on the Israeli-Palestinian track. Israel
and the Palestine Liberation Organization conducted
secret negotiations, in parallel with the Washington
talks, which culminated in the signing of the
Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles on Interim
Self-Government in Washington, DC, on September 13,
1993.
As part of the agreement, Israel recognized the PLO
as the representative of the Palestinian people.
For its part, the PLO recognized Israel's right to
exist in peace and security, accepted UN Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and renounced use
of terrorism and violence.
Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and PLO
Executive committee member Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazin)
signed the Declaration of Principles in a ceremony
on the White House south lawn. The signing was
witnessed by Secretary Christopher and Russian
Foreign Minister Kozyrev in the presence of
President Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak
Rabin, and PLO Chairman Yasir Arafat.
On October 13, 1993, the agreement entered into
force, and negotiations on implementation began.
Nearly seven months later, at a ceremony in Cairo on
May 4, 1994, Prime Minister Rabin and Chairman
Arafat signed an agreement on the Gaza Strip and the
Jericho Area. The new agreement set out terms for
implementation of the Declaration of Principles and
included annexes on withdrawal of Israeli military
forces and security arrangements, civil affairs,
legal matters, and economic relations. The Cairo
ceremony was hosted by Egyptian President Mubarak
and formally witnessed by Secretary Christopher and
Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev. Yasir Arafat's
early July visit to Gaza and Jericho, during which
he swore in members of the Palestinian Authority,
was one more step in the implementation process.
The U.S. has pledged to support efforts to implement
the Israel-PLO agreement. "Not simply to give peace
a chance, but to ensure that it will not fail"--in
Secretary Christopher's words--the U.S. and Russia
co-sponsored an international donors conference in
Washington, DC, October 1, 1993. "The Conference to
Support Middle East Peace" mobilized international
resources to produce tangible improvements in the
daily lives of Palestinians in Gaza and the West
Bank.
The conference was a tremendous success. More than
46 countries and international institutions
participated, pledging more than $2 billion in aid
to Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank for the
next five years. More than $600 million was pledged
for the first year alone. With Palestinians now in
charge in Gaza and Jericho, it is important to
expedite the aid promised at the Conference to
Support Middle East Peace. Recently, $42 million in
pledges was reoriented to start-up costs for the
Palestinian Authority. Secretary Christopher
traveled to Jericho in May and to Gaza in July to
review the steps that the international community is
taking to support implementation of the Gaza/Jericho
agreement.
On August 20, 1994, Israel and the PLO signed the
early empowerment agreement in a meeting at the Erez
checkpoint in Gaza. The expansion of Palestinian
self-rule in the West Bank will begin with the
transfer of authority over education in time for the
new school year. The agreement also calls for the
transfer of authority in the areas of social
welfare, health, tourism, and direct taxation.
Important progress also has been achieved on the
Israel-Jordan track. On September 14, 1993--just
one day after the signing of the Israel-PLO
agreement--Israel and Jordan signed a substantive
Common Agenda mapping out their approach to
achieving peace.
On October 1, 1993, Jordanian Crown Prince Hassan
and Israeli Foreign Minister Peres met at the White
House with President Clinton. They agreed to set up
two groups: a bilateral economic committee and a
U.S.-Jordan-Israel Trilateral Economic Committee.
There have been five meetings of the committee. The
most recent was held at the ministerial level at the
Dead Sea Spa Hotel in Jordan on July 20, 1994. At
this meeting, the Trilateral Committee agreed to
continue work on trade, finance, and banking; civil
aviation; tourism; and establishing a road link
between the two countries.
On July 15, President Clinton announced that King
Hussein and Prime Minister Rabin accepted his
invitation to meet at the White House on July 25.
This historic meeting culminated in the signing of
the Washington Declaration which marked the end of
the state of war between Israel and Jordan. Both
sides have agreed to accelerate their negotiations
toward a full peace, and King Hussein and Prime
Minister Rabin pledged to meet as often as necessary
to personally direct these negotiations.
On August 8, 1994, Secretary Christopher, Israeli
Prime Minister Rabin, and Jordanian Crown Prince
Hassan participated in a ceremony marking the
historic opening of the first border crossing
between Jordan and Israel and Aqaba and Eilat.
In its role as full partner and active intermediary
in the peace process and as part of its commitment
to a comprehensive peace, the U.S. also continues to
seek progress on the other two bilateral tracks,
Israel-Syria and Israel-Lebanon. The Israelis and
Syrians face the challenge of overcoming differences
about withdrawal, peace, and security. The Israelis
and Lebanese are attempting to make progress on
arrangements for security talks and to address the
broader political issues in their negotiation.
Secretary of State Christopher has said:
The implementation of the Israeli-Palestinian
agreement represents only part of a larger task in
the Middle East. We must nurture a comprehensive
reconciliation between Israel and the rest of the
Arab world. We must achieve a peace between the
people of Israel and the rest of the Arab world. We
must achieve a peace between the people of Israel
and the peoples of Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. . .
We will work tirelessly to ensure that all the
children of the region can come to know, in
President Clinton's words, "a season of peace."
On January 16, 1994, President Clinton met with
President Asad of Syria in Geneva for talks on the
peace process and bilateral relations. President
Asad stated his country's commitment to work
together to "put an end to the Arab-Israeli
conflict." He called for ". . . a new era of
security and stability in which normal, peaceful
relations among all shall dawn anew."
During 1994, the Israelis and Syrians have deepened
their engagement on the elements of peace. Seeking
to energize the Israel-Syria track and in
fulfillment of the U.S. role as active intermediary,
Secretary Christopher held detailed talks with Prime
Minister Rabin and President Asad during visits to
the region in the spring of 1994. Based on his
discussions in Syria and Israel, these negotiations
entered a new, more substantive phase. Concrete
ideas have been conveyed on key issues, such as
withdrawal, peace, security arrangements, timing,
and phasing. Real negotiations are underway, but
they are in the early stages.
The Multilateral Talks
Thirty-six parties attended the Moscow
organizational meeting in January 1992. There was
consensus to establish five working groups: Arms
Control and Regional Security, Environment, Regional
Economic Development, Refugees, and Water Resources.
-- The Arms Control and Regional Security Working
Group focuses on confidence-building measures as
well as arms control issues, including information
exchange, maritime measures, and verification.
-- The Regional Economic Development Working Group
addresses infrastructure, training, and tourism
development in the region, including the West Bank
and Gaza.
-- The Environment Working Group enhances regional
parties' abilities to deal with maritime pollution,
wastewater treatment, environ- mental management,
and desertification.
-- The Water Resources Working Group holds
workshops and studies water conservation, water
sector training needs, desalination, and enhancing
water data availability.
-- The Refugee Working Group addresses family
reunification, training and job creation, public
health and child welfare, and social and economic
infrastructure.
The sixth round of working group plenaries began in
mid-April 1994. All five of the multilateral
working groups have been making progress and moving
from theoretical discussions to concrete projects
which bear significantly on the long-term peace,
stability, and prosperity of the region. Examples
are the communication network and other confidence-
building and regional security enhancing measures
recently agreed to by the Arms Control and Regional
Security Working Group at its meeting in Doha,
Qatar. Another example is the agreement to
rehabilitate small community water systems reached
by the Water Resources Working Group--the first
Israeli proposal adopted in the multilaterals.
Significantly, four of the five working groups, as
well as the Steering Group, held plenaries in the
Middle East. Specifically, the Water Resources
Working Group convened in Muscat, Oman, April 17-19,
1994; the Arms Control and Regional Security Working
Group in Doha, Qatar, May 3-5, 1994; the Refugees
Working Group in Cairo, Egypt, May 10-12, 1994; the
Regional Economic Development Working Group in
Rabat, Morocco, June 15-16, 1994; and the Steering
Group in Tabarka, Tunisia, July 12-13, 1994.
All plenaries were held outside the Middle East
during the first four rounds. The first time
regional parties hosted working groups occurred last
fall during the fifth round--specifically, the
Refugee Working Group in Tunis (October 12-14, 1993)
and the Environment Working Group in Cairo (November
15-16, 1993). Holding the plenaries in regional
sites fosters greater regional cooperation and
underscores participants' commitment to the
multilateral talks, the peace process, and the goal
of regional cooperation. Between plenary sessions,
each of the working groups has sponsored several
intersessional seminars and activities.
A number of concrete projects and useful studies
have emerged from the multilateral process. For
example, a World Bank study of infrastructure needs
in the West Bank and Gaza, commissioned by the
Regional Economic Development Working Group, has
been an invaluable tool for the international donors
effort created by the Conference to Support Middle
East Peace.
The multilaterals are not a substitute for the
bilateral negotiations. They are designed to
complement them and to enhance the possibility of
progress in the bilateral tracks: Syria and Lebanon
have not yet agreed to join the multilateral
process. (###)
ARTICLE 7:
Fact Sheet: Middle East Peace Process--Meetings
Following the Madrid Conference
Madrid Peace Conference
October 30-November 1, 1991
Bilateral Arab-Israeli Negotiations
Round 1 November 3, 1991, Madrid, Spain
Round 2 December 10-18, 1991, Washington, DC
Round 3 January 7-16, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 4 February 24-March 4, 1992, Washington,
DC
Round 5 April 27-30, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 6 Session I: August 24-September 3, 1992
Session II: September 14-24, 1992,
Washington, DC
Round 7 Session I: October 21-29, 1992
Session II: November 9-19, 1992,
Washington, DC
Round 8 December 7-17, 1992, Washington, DC
Resumption April 27-May 13, 1993, Washington, DC
of Talks June 15-July 1, 1993, Washington, DC
August 31-September 14, 1993,
Washington, DC
January 24-February 3, 1994,
Washington, DC
February 15-25, 1994, Washington, DC
U.S.-Jordanian-Israeli Trilateral Economic Committee
1st Session November 4, 1993, Paris, France
2nd Session November 30-December 1, 1993,
Washington, DC
3rd Session February 16-17, 1994,
Washington, DC
4th Session June 6-7, 1994, Washington, DC
Ministerial Meeting July 20, 1994, Dead Sea, Jordan
Multilateral Working Groups
Multilateral Steering Group (U.S./Russia: co-chair)
Round 1 January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2 May 27, 1992, Lisbon, Portugal
Round 3 December 3-4, 1992, London, U.K.
Round 4 July 7, 1993, Moscow, Russia
Round 5 December 15, 1993, Tokyo, Japan
Round 6 July 12-13, 1994, Tabarka, Tunisia
Next Site to be determined
Arms Control and Regional Security (U.S./Russia:
co-lead organizer)
Round 1 January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2 May 11-14, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 3 September 15-17, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 4 May 18-20, 1993, Washington, DC
Round 5 November 2-4, 1993, Moscow, Russia
Round 6 May 3-5, 1994, Doha, Qatar
Next Tunisia
Water Resources (U.S.: lead organizer; Japan and
EU co-lead)
Round 1 January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2 May 14-15, 1992, Vienna, Austria
Round 3 September 16-17, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 4 April 27-29, 1993, Geneva, Switzerland
Round 5 October 26-28, 1993, Beijing, China
Round 6 April 17-19, 1994, Muscat, Oman
Next Greece
Environment (Japan: permanent gavel holder; EU co-
organizer)
Round 1 January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2 May 18-19, 1992, Tokyo, Japan
Round 3 September 26-27, 1992, The Hague,
Netherlands
Round 4 May 24-25, 1993, Tokyo, Japan
Round 5 November 15-16, 1993, Cairo, Egypt
Round 6 April 6-7, 1994, The Hague,
Netherlands
Next Bahrain
Economic Development (EU: lead organizer; U.S. and
Japan co-lead)
Round 1 January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2 May 11-12, 1992, Brussels, Belgium
Round 3 October 29-30, 1992, Paris, France
Round 4 May 4-5, 1993, Rome, Italy
Round 5 November 8-9, 1993, Copenhagen, Denmark
Round 6 June 15-16, 1994, Rabat, Morocco
Next Germany
Refugees (Canada: lead organizer)
Round 1 January 28-29, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 2 May 13-15, 1992, Ottawa, Canada
Round 3 November 11-12, 1992, Ottawa, Canada
Round 4 May 11-13, 1993, Oslo, Norway
Round 5 October 12-14, 1993, Tunis, Tunisia
Round 6 May 10-12, 1994, Cairo, Egypt
Next Turkey (###)
ARTICLE 8:
Country Profile: Jordan
Official Name: Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Geography*
Area: 89,544 sq. km. (34,573 sq. mi.). Cities:
Capital--Amman (pop. 1 million). Other cities--
Irbid (280,000), Az-Zarqa (420,000).
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Jordanian(s).
Population (1992 est.): 3.9 million.
Religions: Sunni Muslim 95%, Christian 5%.
Languages: Arabic (official), English.
Education: Literacy--82%.
Health (1992): Infant mortality rate--37/1,000.
Life expectancy--69 yrs.
Ethnic groups: Mostly Arab, but small communities
of Circassians, Armenians, and Kurds.
Work force (750,000): Government and services--47%.
Manufacturing and mining--25%. Trade--16%.
Agriculture--12%.
Government
Type: Constitutional monarchy.
Independence: May 25, 1946.
Constitution: January 8, 1952.
Branches: Executive--king (chief of state), prime
minister (head of government), Council of Ministers
(cabinet). Legislative--bicameral National Assembly
(appointed Senate, elected Chamber of Deputies).
Judicial--civil, religious, special courts.
Political parties: Wide spectrum of parties
legalized in 1992.
Suffrage: Universal at 19.
Administrative subdivisions: Eight governorates--
Irbid, al-Mafraq, al-Zarqa, Amman, al-Balqa, al-
Karak, al-Tafilah, and Ma'an.
Flag: Three horizontal bands of black, white, and
green joined at the staff by a red triangle with a
white star in the middle.
Economy
GDP (1993 est.): $5.4 billion.
Annual growth rate (1993): 6.2%.
Per capita GNP (1992): $1,150.
Natural resources: Phosphate, potash.
Agriculture: Products--fruits, vegetables, wheat,
olive oil. Land--10% arable.
Industry (30% of GDP): Types--phosphate mining,
manufacturing, cement, and petroleum production.
Trade (1993 est.): Exports--$1.2 billion:
phosphates, fruits, vegetables. Major markets--
Iraq, Saudi Arabia, U.S. Imports--$3.4 billion:
machinery, transportation equipment, cereals,
petroleum products. Major suppliers--U.S., Iraq,
Japan, U.K., Syria.
Principal Government Officials
Chief of State--King Hussein I
Prime Minister--Dr. Abd al-Salam Majali
Ambassador to the United States--Fayez Tarawnah
Ambassador to the United Nations--Adnan Abu Odeh
=====
* From 1949 to 1967, Jordan administered that part
of former mandate Palestine west of the Jordan River
known as the West Bank. Since the 1967 war, when
Israel took control of this territory, the United
States has considered the West Bank to be territory
occupied by Israel. The United States believes that
the final status of the West Bank can be determined
only through negotiations among the parties
concerned on the basis of Security Council
Resolution 242 and 338.
=====
(###)
ARTICLE 9:
Country Profile: Syria
Official Name: Syrian Arab Republic
Geography
Area: 185,180 sq. km. (71,500 sq. mi.), about the
size of North Dakota.
Cities: Capital--Damascus (4 million). Other
cities--Aleppo (1.5 million), Homs (400,000).
Terrain: Coastal zone, mountains, deserts, and a
large eastern plateau containing the Euphrates
River.
Climate: Predominantly dry.
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective-- Syrian(s).
Population (1993): 14.3 million.
Annual growth rate (1993): 3.8%.
Ethnic groups: Arab 90%; Kurds, Armenians,
Circassians, Turks.
Religions: Sunni Muslims 74%, other Muslim sects
16%, Christians 10%, small Jewish and Yazidi
communities.
Languages: Arabic (official), English, French,
Kurdish, Armenian.
Education: Years compulsory--primary 6 years.
Attendance--94%. Literacy--78%.
Health (1993): Infant mortality rate--
44/1,000. Life expectancy--65 yrs. male, 67 yrs.
female.
Work force (1993 est., 3.7 million): Services
(including government)--36%. Agriculture--32%.
Industry and commerce--32%.
Government
Type: Republic, under Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party
regimes, since March 1963.
Independence: April 17, 1946.
Constitution: March 12, 1973.
Branches: Executive--president
(chief of state) and prime minister (head of
government). Legislative--People's Council.
Judicial--Supreme Court.
Administrative subdivisions: 13 provinces and city
of Damascus (administered as a separate unit).
Political parties: Arab Socialist Resurrection
(Ba'ath) Party, Syrian Arab Socialist Party, Arab
Socialist Union, Syrian Communist Party, Arab
Socialist Unionist Movement, Democratic Socialist
Union Party.
Suffrage: Universal at 18.
Flag: A red band (top), white band with two green
stars, black band.
Economy
GDP (1992 est.): $22 billion.
Real annual growth rate (1992 est.): 6.5%.
Per capita GDP: $2,200.
Natural resources: Crude oil and natural gas,
phosphates, asphalt, rock salt, marble, gypsum.
Agriculture (27% of GDP): Products--cotton, wheat,
barley, sugar beets, fruits, vegetables.
Industry (22% of GDP): Types--Mining, manufacturing
(textiles, food processing), construction,
petroleum.
Trade (1992): Exports--$4 billion: petroleum,
textiles, phosphates, fruits and vegetables, cotton.
Imports--$2.8 billion: machinery and metal
products, foodstuffs.
Principal Government Officials
President--Hafiz al-Asad
Prime Minister--Mahmud al-Zubi
Foreign Minister--Faruq al-Sharaa
Ambassador to the United States--Walid al-Moualem
Ambassador to the United Nations--Vacant
(###)
ARTICLE 10:
Country Profile: Lebanon
Official Name: Republic of Lebanon
Geography
Area: 10,452 sq. km. (4,015 sq. mi.); about half
the size of New Jersey.
Cities: Capital--Beirut (pop. 1 mil-lion). Other
cities--Tripoli (240,000), Sidon (110,000), Tyre
(60,000), Zahleh (55,000).
Terrain: Narrow coastal plain backed by the Lebanon
Mountains, the fertile Al Biqa' (Bekaa Valley), and
the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, which extend to the
Syrian border.
Climate: Typically Mediterranean, resembling that
of southern California.
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Lebanese (sing.
and pl.).
Population (1993 est.): 3.6 million.
Annual growth rate (1993 est): 1.8%.
Ethnic groups: Arab 95%, Armenian 4%, other 1%.
Religions: Christian (Maronite, Greek Orthodox,
Greek Catholic, Roman Catholic, Protestant, Armenian
Apostolic, other), Muslim (Sunni, Shi'a, other), and
Druze.
Languages: Arabic (official), French (official),
English, Armenian.
Education: Years compulsory--5. Attendance--93%.
Literacy--80%.
Health (1993): Infant mortality rate--41/1,000.
Life expectancy--69 yrs.
Work force (1993, 650,000): Industry, commerce, and
services--79%. Agriculture--11%. Government--10%.
Government
Type: Parliamentary republic.
Independence: 1943.
Constitution: May 26, 1926 (amended).
Branches: Executive--president (chief of state,
elected by simple majority of parliament for 6-year
term), Council of Ministers (appointed).
Legislative--unicameral parliament (108-member
National Assembly elected for 4-year renewable
terms; last parliamentary elections in 1992).
Judicial--secular and religious courts; combination
of Ottoman, civil, and canon law; no judicial review
of legislative acts.
Administrative subdivisions: Five provinces--
Beirut, North Lebanon, South Lebanon, Mount Lebanon,
and Al Biqa' (Bekaa Valley)--each headed by a
governor.
Political parties: Organized along sectarian lines
around individuals whose followers are motivated by
religious, clan, and ethnic considerations.
Suffrage: Universal at 21.
Flag: Two horizontal red bands with white center
band; green and brown cedar tree is centered.
Economy (all figures based on recent economic
performance; 1993 figures unavailable)
GDP (1992): $4 billion.
Annual growth rate (1992): 10%.
Natural resources: Limestone.
Agriculture (7.2% of GDP in 1992): Products--citrus
fruit, vegetables, olives, sugar beets, tobacco.
Land--240,000 hectares under cultivation.
Industry (21% of GDP in 1992): Types--cement
production, ready-made clothing, electrical
equipment, light industry, refining.
Trade (1992): Exports--$500 million. Major
markets--Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates,
Switzerland, France, Jordan. Imports--$4.8 billion.
Major suppliers--Italy, Syria, France, Germany, U.S.
Principal Government Officials
President--Elias Hrawi
Prime Minister--Rafiq al-Hariri
Foreign Minister--Fares Bouez
Ambassador to the United States--Riad Tabbarah
Ambassador to the United Nations--Samir Mubarak
(###)
ARTICLE 11:
Country Profile: Israel
Official Name: State of Israel
Geography
Area: 20,325 sq. km.1 (7,850 sq. mi.); about the
size of New Jersey.
Cities: Capital--Jerusalem.2 Other cities--Tel
Aviv, Haifa.
Terrain: Plains, mountains, desert, and coast.
Climate: Temperate, except in desert areas.
People
Population (1992): 5.2 million.
Annual growth rate: 4.7%.
Ethnic groups: Jewish 4.2 million; non-Jewish
950,000.
Religions: Judaism, Islam, Christianity, Druze.
Languages: Hebrew, Arabic, English. Education:
Years compulsory--12. Literacy--Jewish 95%; Arab
87%.
Health (1992): Infant mortality rate--8.9/1,000.
Life expectancy--76 yrs.
Work force (1.9 million): Public and community
services--30%. Industry--22%. Commerce,
restaurants, hotels-- 14%. Finance and business--
10%. Personal and other services--7%. Transport,
storage, and communications--6%. Agriculture,
forestry, and fisheries--4%. Construction--6%.
Electricity and water--1%.
Government
Type: Parliamentary democracy.
Independence: May 14, 1948.
Constitution: None.
Branches: Executive--president (chief of state);
prime minister (head of government). Legislative--
unicameral, Knesset. Judicial--Supreme Court.
Administrative subdivisions: Six administrative
districts.
Political parties: Labor Party, Meretz (left-wing
coalition between Ratz, Mapam, and Shinui), Likud
(Herut-Liberal alliance), and various other
religious, right-wing, and predominantly Arab
political movements. A total of 10 parties
represented in current Knesset.
Suffrage: Universal at 18.
Flag: White field on which is centered a blue six-
pointed Star of David bordered above and below by
blue horizontal stripes (design based on Jewish
prayer shawl).
Economy
GDP (1993 est.): $68 billion.
Annual growth rate: 3.5%.
Per capita GDP: $12,500.
Natural resources: Copper, phosphate, bromide,
potash, clay, sand, sulphur, bitumen, manganese.
Agriculture: Products--citrus and other fruits,
vegetables, beef, dairy, poultry products.
Industry: Types--food processing, diamond cutting
and polishing, textiles and clothing, chemicals,
metal products, transport equipment, electrical
equipment, high-technology electronics.
Trade (1993): Exports--$13.89 billion: polished
diamonds, citrus and other fruits, chemical and oil
products, electrical and electronic products,
textiles and clothing, processed foods. Tourism is
also an important foreign exchange earner. Imports-
-$20.51 billion: military equipment, rough
diamonds, oil, chemicals, machinery, iron and steel,
textiles, vehicles, ships, and aircraft. Major
partners--U.S., Germany, U.K., France, Belgium,
Luxembourg.
Principal Government Officials
President--Ezer Weizman
Prime Minister--Yitzhak Rabin
Foreign Minister--Shimon Peres
Ambassador to the United States--Dr. Itamar
Rabinovich
Ambassador to the United Nations--Gad Yaacobi
(###)
[END OF DISPATCH VOL 5., SUPPLEMENT NO. 7]
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