US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 50, DECEMBER 13, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. Strengthening the Atlantic Alliance Through a Partnership for Peace
-- Secretary Christopher
2. The CSCE Vision: European Security Rooted in Shared Values --
Secretary Christopher
3. Secretary Christopher Visits Europe and the Middle East -- Secretary
Christopher, Jordanian King Hussein, PLO Chairman Arafat, Egyptian
President Mubarak, Syrian Foreign Minister Shara
4. Tightening Economic Sanctions Against Libya -- White House Statement
5. Advancing Regional Prosperity In Central America -- President
Clinton, Guatemalan President De Leon
6. What's in Print: Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly
7. Treaty Actions
ARTICLE 1:
Strengthening the Atlantic Alliance Through a Partnership for Peace
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the intervention at the North Atlantic Council Ministerial
Meeting, NATO Headquarters, Brussels, Belgium, December 2, 1993
I am delighted to be with you for this very important meeting of the
North Atlantic Council. First, let me pay tribute to our Secretary
General. Manfred Woerner deserves tremendous credit for his leadership,
determination and dedication. We are all in his debt. Let me add that
I have valued the exchanges that I've had in recent weeks with many of
my colleagues here today as we have approached this ministerial.
Last June in Athens, on behalf of President Clinton, I proposed a NATO
summit. Today, we must ensure that the Brussels summit that is just six
weeks away is successful for our Alliance and for each of our member
nations.
At the summit, President Clinton will articulate his vision of
transatlantic security and prosperity--and the strong and unbreakable
link between the United States and Europe. The President recognizes
that American leadership remains indispensable. And he is determined
that the United States will continue to provide that leadership because
it is profoundly in the interest of both the United States and Europe to
do so.
The security of our Alliance depends not only on our military
capability. Security also depends fundamentally on our ability to
consolidate democratic institutions, ensure respect for human rights,
and sustain the hard march of economic reform to eventual prosperity.
Each of these post-Cold War elements of security must advance--or none
of them will.
Western leaders in the late 1940s created the institutions that enabled
Western Europe to rebuild and renew itself after the Second World War.
Their foresight and fortitude and the steadfastness of their successors
enabled our values to prevail in a long and bitter Cold War. And
millions of people, for the first time in their lives, have the chance
to enjoy political freedom and economic opportunity.
We must resolve to secure and expand the blessings of peace that our
predecessors did so much to achieve. We must help to fill the vacuum of
insecurity and instability that has come with the demise of the Soviet
empire. We must build the structures and the patterns of cooperation
that will help to ensure the success of democracy and free markets in
the East. We must move decisively beyond the age of confrontation in
Europe when the balance of power was a poor substitute for a concert of
free peoples. We must infuse this Alliance with the new vision and
vitality that earned many of our distinguished predecessors the mantle
of statesmanship.
We have many issues to decide. But the Alliance must also make an
historic choice. That choice is whether to embrace innovation or risk
irrelevance.
We must adapt this Alliance to the new security challenges that confront
Europe today. At the same time, we must strengthen the core political
cooperation, security commitments and military capabilities that have
kept the 16 strong and free. We must act to revitalize the Alliance's
continued central role in European security and in the transatlantic
partnership.
We all recognize that our most important summit task is to decide how
the Atlantic Alliance will reach out to the East. Two years ago, we
created the North Atlantic Cooperation Council--the NACC. With the
Partnership for Peace, we can now deepen NATO's engagement with the
East. We must demonstrate that the West is committed to helping
Europe's new democracies address some of their most immediate security
problems. At the same time, we should signal that we envision an
evolutionary expansion of the Alliance. We should make it clear that,
as a matter of principles, NATO is open to the admission of new members.
We should extend an invitation to join the Partnership for Peace to all
NACC states and other nations on whom we agree. Those who join will
enter a much fuller relationship with NATO. The Partnership for Peace
will provide a means for each state to develop a practical working
relationship to NATO and determine what resources it wants to commit to
that relationship. We envision defense cooperation developing in a
broad range of fields. The Partnership will be a military relationship
but, like all of NATO's activities, it will have a strong political
dimension. The Allies should provide all participants in the
Partnership with a pledge of consultation in the event of threats to
their security. And for partners once part of the communist world, this
cooperation will help adapt defense structures to civilian control.
The Partnership will enhance regional stability. It will develop
capabilities to meet contingencies, including crisis management,
humanitarian missions and peace-keeping. It will develop useful habits
of cooperation. It will enable us to develop common military standards
and procedures. Peace partners will train side-by-side with NATO
members and take part in joint exercises. To ensure operational
effectiveness, the Partnership should have a planning group in Mons and
should make full use of the political and military institutions of NATO
here in Brussels. Active partners will have permanent representatives
to take part in the work of these organizations when dealing with
Partnership matters..
Our new partners should finance their own involvement, but some new NATO
resources will be necessary. There will be costs, but of a manageable
size. The United States stands ready to contribute its share, and it is
essential that all Allies do the same.
Let me be clear with respect to a very important issue that the
Partnership raises. The Partnership is an important step in its own
right, but it can also be a key step toward NATO membership. While many
factors will enter into decisions about expanding NATO membership,
active participation in Partnership activities will help prepare
countries to meet the obligations of membership.
NATO is not an alliance of convenience, but an alliance of commitment.
Expanded membership must strengthen, not weaken the ability of the
Alliance to act.
The Partnership will maintain NATO's core purpose and capabilities. The
current military and political processes of the Alliance will continue
undiluted, but the Partnership will multiply the ability of the Alliance
to meet security needs.
I am pleased that the Partnership for Peace has received the active
support--and reflects the constructive suggestions--of every NATO ally.
The Alliance must understand that this Partnership represents a decisive
commitment to become more fully engaged in security to the East.
This is an historic commitment that our leaders should be prepared to
make at the January summit. Today, we should continue our work to make
sure that next month NATO will take this decisive step to deepen our
security cooperation with our new Partners. We want the Partnership to
begin functioning next year. Turning former adversaries into partners
is in the fundamental interest of every member of this Alliance. We
must seize this extraordinary opportunity--the opportunity that this
Alliance has worked so successfully to create.
A second summit objective I want to address is the need to strengthen
the evolving relationship between NATO and the Western European Union.
Previous American administrations were ambivalent about the development
of a distinct European security capability. Today, the United States
fully supports efforts to create a strong and effective European
Security and Defense Identity. Such an identity is a natural element of
European integration. It will make the European Union a more capable
partner in the pursuit of our mutual interests.
The relationship between NATO and the WEU must be based on mutual trust
and transparency. To work effectively and to avoid a costly duplication
of defense resources, NATO should be prepared to offer the WEU the use
of common NATO assets in the conduct of its operations. This would make
WEU capabilities separable but not separate from the Atlantic Alliance.
At the same time, as we have agreed, we would expect that the North
Atlantic Council would consult on issues that affect the security of the
Allies. And NATO should have full opportunity in those consultations to
consider the appropriate response.
These NATO deliberations would not contemplate an Alliance veto over WEU
actions. But the use of NATO common assets to support a WEU operation
would clearly require a decision by the NAC. This approach would
safeguard collective Alliance capabilities while supporting the
development of the European Union.
A third summit objective should be adapting Allied military
capabilities. We have made important progress in enabling NATO to
support the international community's efforts to achieve a peaceful
settlement in Bosnia.
Building on this model, the United States has proposed the creation of
Combined Joint Task Forces. We believe CJTF strikes the right balance.
It would allow new flexibility for organizing peace-keeping and other
tasks. It would enable NATO to take effective action in contingencies
that do not evoke Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty. It would also
enable the WEU to take autonomous actions with NATO support, when
appropriate. And it would do all this while preserving the unique
capabilities of the integrated command for collective defense
requirements under Article V. The task force would be tailored in size,
force mix and nationality for both NATO and non-NATO missions.
The CJTF concept will strengthen existing command arrangements and make
them more flexible. It will allow maximum use of limited resources. It
will demonstrate that each of our countries is bearing its fair share of
common responsibilities. And it will help ensure that NATO and WEU work
as partners, not rivals, as their relationship evolves.
Finally, between now and the summit, we must also prepare the Alliance
to meet other new challenges that have come in the wake of the Cold War.
Most urgent is curbing the spread of weapons of mass destruction and the
means of delivering them. This threat constitutes the arms control
agenda of the 1990s. At the summit, we must make a fundamental Alliance
commitment to combat proliferation.
The most immediate task is to develop the overall policy framework to
NATO efforts against proliferation. We envision a senior group at 16,
with representatives of both foreign and defense ministers. NATO
supports, but should not duplicate, non-proliferation efforts underway
through other institutions and negotiations.
Our non-proliferation agenda should be consistent with our essential
mission of protecting the security of our members. We must adapt
Alliance military strategy and capabilities to deter the use of weapons
of mass destruction and protect against their use. We must intensify
our individual and collective efforts to isolate states that actively
pose proliferation threats.
I also want to comment on Bosnia, particularly the humanitarian
situation. While we welcome the resumption of the peace negotiations,
the most pressing fact is that winter has descended. The United States
has therefore announced an additional contribution of $150 million to
increase the food, winterization supplies, refugee assistance and
medical aid reaching the people of Bosnia. We are prepared as part of
this effort to double the number of U.S. flights in the Sarajevo
airlift, double the amount of relief provided by air drops and begin
airlifting supplies into Tuzla Airport if it can be opened. We call
upon other governments and regional organizations to increase their
commitments to help the people of Bosnia survive this winter.
Let me raise one final issue that is not on our agenda today but that
each of our nations must also address. Last June at our Athens
ministerial, I made a statement in this forum with respect to the
Uruguay Round. Let me repeat that advancing transatlantic security
requires us to focus not only on renewing the NATO Alliance but also on
successfully concluding the GATT negotiations.
Our publics and parliaments understand that transatlantic relations
cannot be overly compartmentalized--either substantively or
institutionally.
As great Allies and great powers, Europe and the United States share
great responsibilities. We are partners in a community of shared values
and interests. Our values and interests converge in this Alliance--and
they converge in a successful conclusion to the Uruguay Round. Through
NATO and through GATT, we can reinforce transatlantic security and
prosperity-- and reaffirm the transatlantic partnership. We have the
chance to construct the architecture of a better world.
Since the end of the Second World War, together we have created and
sustained a successful liberal trading order. That system has allowed
our economies to grow and our people to prosper. Now we have an
historic opportunity to open markets further, to the benefit of our
nations on both sides of the Atlantic.
These are momentous weeks for the West. By December 15, we have the
responsibility to come together and lift the global economy. On January
10, we have the responsibility to come together and renew the most
successful Alliance in history. The United States and Europe share
these responsibilities--and we must meet them. (###)
ARTICLE 2:
The CSCE Vision: European Security Rooted in Shared Values
Secretary Christopher
Statement at the Plenary Session of the Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe, Rome, Italy, November 30, 1993
I want to thank Prime Minister Ciampi and Foreign Minister Andreatta for
hosting this gathering of ministerial colleagues.
This is the first of several important meetings I will be attending in
Europe this week--first here and then in Brussels. In a little over a
month, President Clinton will attend the NATO summit--the first of three
trips he will make to Europe in the first half of 1994. These visits
underscore the continuing importance the United States attaches to its
relations with Europe.
I want this important gathering and the world to know that the United
States remains steadfastly committed to the transatlantic relationship
and to the security and prosperity of Europe. There is no region of the
world to which we are more closely bound. We are linked not only by
treaty but by enduring ties of history, culture and shared values. The
CSCE vision of comprehensive security is deeply rooted in those shared
values, and hence I am honored to represent the United States at this
ministerial meeting of the CSCE.
Three years ago, at the Paris summit, the CSCE outlined a vision of a
new Europe, built on the foundations of democracy and cooperative
security. Since then, significant progress has been achieved. But our
vision is far from being fully realized.
Nations have been reborn and ethnic identities vigorously asserted. But
aggressive and often myopic nationalism has emerged, and vicious ethnic
conflicts have erupted. The foundations of democratic institutions are
being laid, but their structures are not all built. A free press is a
commonly embraced ideal but is not a common reality. The hard march
toward economic reform has begun, but widespread economic hardship
persists.
The CSCE is a creative and inclusive institution. We must harness its
unique capabilities to help mold a new Europe secured by democratic
institutions, respect for human rights and growing prosperity. That is
the only basis for a future Europe at peace.
An abiding concern and respect for human dignity is a linchpin of
American foreign policy. We recognize that in the United States, we
have not yet formed a perfect union. But we are constantly striving to
ensure that all individuals are accorded respect and protection.
This concern for human rights affects every one of America's
relationships in the world. Although it is not the sole principle
guiding us, an American foreign policy that lacked a commitment to
international human rights would not be true to our nation's ideals or
interests.
Every CSCE state is pledged to respect and protect the rights of all
individuals. On both sides of the Atlantic, we share strong interest in
building respect for diversity, in enfranchising minorities and in
offering every person a stake and a say in national life. As the fall
of the Soviet empire demonstrates, no state can achieve long-term
stability and prosperity without an open society and a fundamental
commitment to human rights.
From its earliest days, the CSCE has helped legitimize international
concern about how a country treats its citizens. Human rights must
remain at the forefront of the CSCE agenda.
The High Commissioner on National Minorities has contributed
significantly to the protection of minorities, from the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia to Slovakia to Albania. The Office for Democratic
Institutions and Human Rights has effectively organized human rights
missions and monitored elections.
Serious human rights abuses still occur in the former Yugoslavia, in
Turkmenistan, in Tajikistan, in Uzbekistan and in other CSCE states. We
must work to stop these violations.
Safeguarding human rights requires free and vigorous media. As a great
Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, the late Benjamin Cardozo, once
said, "Freedom of expression is the matrix, the indispensable condition
of nearly every other form of freedom."
We must watch carefully to make sure that freedom of expression is not
merely proclaimed but practiced in the fledgling democracies. As they
adopt new constitutions and laws, the CSCE should insist that freedom of
the press and broadcast media be fully protected and free from state
interference.
Progress has been made in securing freedom for the print media, despite
persistent restrictions on distribution and on the availability of
newsprint. An even greater obstacle to building open societies is the
lack of progress in broadcast freedom. Television is democracy's
"biggest megaphone," and it must not become the captive of any one
party.
Addressing human rights violations and threats to fundamental freedoms
is only a part of the challenge we face. We must also deal with the
consequences of a conflict that has defied resolution, where the parties
have, so far, stubbornly refused to end the bloodshed and killing.
This winter, the snows have come early to Bosnia, and the humanitarian
crisis there has deepened. In these tragic circumstances, the United
States will increase its humanitarian efforts to help alleviate the
suffering. We will work closely with the UNHCR in identifying the most
effective uses of that aid. As the largest single donor country, we
have already provided well over $400 million in assistance to the former
Yugoslavia since the outbreak of hostilities in 1991.
Today, I am announcing an additional American contribution of $150
million, targeted to programs and organizations providing the most
critical aspects of winter relief. Our goal is to increase the food,
winterization supplies, refugee assistance and medical aid reaching the
people of Bosnia, through the following steps.
First, we are prepared to double the number of U.S. flights that are
part of the multi-nation Sarajevo airlift. This effort, in which the
United States now flies roughly one-third of all missions, has launched
a total of 6,000 flights during its 500-day history. This airborne
lifeline, the principal means of supply for Sarajevo, has now exceeded
in duration the Berlin airlift of 1948.
Second, we are prepared to begin airlifting needed supplies to the
airport at Tuzla upon its opening. We will also provide the equipment
needed to keep it open. That airport could become a crucial point of
access for humanitarian aid for all groups. Thus far, the Serbs and
Croats have made it impossible to use the field for that purpose. We
call upon all warring parties to stop their unconscionable conduct that
blocks the delivery of critically needed supplies through this facility.
We also call upon the warring parties to live up to their recently
signed agreements to permit secure land access for relief convoys. The
warring parties must see that this is in their best interests. Full
access will serve the vital needs of all Bosnia's factions.
Third, our new contribution will intensify the air drop campaign. Over
the last eight months, the continuous air drops of food and supplies for
the most isolated and endangered communities have meant the difference
between life and death for thousands of Bosnians. Having flown almost
80% of the missions, having dropped more than 10 million meals, we know
that this program is critical. Our new funds will permit doubling the
amount of relief we provide in this vital effort. We will also include
essential winterization materials in the air drop packages, helping
those in the most isolated locations to survive a harsh winter.
Fourth, we have decided to use the U.S. military medical facility in
Zagreb to provide medical services to severely wounded Bosnian children.
We call upon other governments and regional organizations, such as the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, to increase their commitments to
help the innocent people of Bosnia survive this winter. But whatever we
do to help, it will not be enough. So long as the armed conflict
continues, it is not humanly possible to end the suffering of the people
of Bosnia. The only answer is to bring the fighting to an end, and the
only means to that end is a negotiated settlement. The United States
encourages and supports diplomatic efforts to produce a peace agreement
for Bosnia.
Two specific CSCE activities deserve our unqualified support: the work
of the sanctions assistance monitors in the Balkans and the Skopje-based
mission to contain the Yugoslav conflict. These activities are not only
vital to an eventual settlement; they also demonstrate our determination
to prevent the spread, and raise the cost, of aggression.
We condemn any interference with CSCE monitoring efforts in the former
Yugoslavia. The United States regards the Serbian expulsion of CSCE
monitors from Kosovo, Vojvodina and Sandzak as totally unjustified. We
urge the CSCE to continue pressing Serbian authorities to permit the
monitors to return and to cease all interference with CSCE efforts to
report on events in these regions.
As we try to ease the pain and end the conflict in the Balkans, we must
uphold international humanitarian law and insist on justice for the
victims of war crimes and other human rights abuses. Those who commit
atrocities must be held accountable for their actions. The United
States fully supports the War Crimes Tribunal, which began its work on
November 17. The Tribunal has the authority necessary to bring war
criminals to justice, whoever they may be and wherever they may be
found. No nation that harbors individuals who are indicted and called
by the Tribunal--or that in any other way interferes with its work--can
expect to be regarded as members of the international community in good
standing. The work of the Tribunal will help to deter those who would
settle ethnic and territorial disputes through attacks on civilians.
We must also focus on preventing and resolving conflicts elsewhere on
the continent. Today, in Rome, we should reach decisions to strengthen
CSCE's ability to build a secure Europe. In particular, we must act to
improve CSCE's capacity for early warning and prevention of conflicts.
The CSCE is already on the cutting edge of preventive diplomacy. In
Moldova, Estonia, Latvia, Georgia, Tajikistan and Nagorno-Karabakh, as
well as in the former Yugoslavia, CSCE missions are moving to prevent
conflict, stem its spread and halt open warfare. The members of those
missions should feel proud of their performance under difficult and
dangerous conditions where ethnic strife and human rights violations
tear the very fabric of states and cultures. While we have made a good
beginning, it is only a beginning. We must do more, particularly in the
new independent states where CSCE can provide vital assistance to
reformers seeking to build independent, democratic societies.
In Georgia, we must redouble our efforts to assist the government in
achieving peace and stability while ensuring respect for human rights
and the country's territorial integrity. In Moldova, a strengthened
mandate for our mission can help all parties create a political
framework for peace and assist in the early departure of remaining
Russian forces. In Tajikistan, quickly establishing a small mission on
the ground can aid international efforts to promote the political
reconciliation needed to bring stability to that troubled region.
In Nagorno-Karabakh, the continued suffering of hundreds of thousands
of refugees and the danger of renewed hostilities compel us to intensify
efforts to end the conflict. With Italy's leader ship, the Minsk Group
has made significant progress in finding common ground among the
parties. Now it is time for all parties to accept the timetable so
painstakingly crafted by the negotiators of that forum. We know that
Sweden, the new chair of the Minsk Group, will vigorously pursue that
objective.
CSCE's involvement in these conflicts also highlights the challenge to
reach a consensus on guidelines for CSCE oversight of regional peace-
keeping. The United States believes the CSCE must be clear about the
military activities our members consider appropriate. And it is time to
develop the instruments to ensure that forces engaged in peace-keeping
execute their responsibilities with strict neutrality and in good faith.
We must also make better use of the full range of CSCE conflict
prevention tools, from the "Human Dimension" mechanism to the peaceful
settlement-of-disputes mechanism agreed to at Stockholm. At this
meeting, we will adopt an American proposal to develop a "rapid reaction
roster." I am pleased that this decision will allow us to draw more
fully on diplomats and experts from the public and private sectors--
individuals who are prepared to deploy quickly to reinforce or initiate
a mission. The United States has assigned officers as full-time
monitors to support CSCE missions and has contributed substantial funds.
We are doing our part, and we urge every CSCE state to do the same.
The CSCE must also do its part by streamlining its decision-making
process. CSCE's value depends on its flexibility, its relative lack of
bureaucracy and its capacity for innovation. These advantages must be
maintained.
The CSCE can also promote regional stability, especially through the
untapped potential of its Forum on Security Cooperation. A safe Europe
cannot permit the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The
CSCE's security principles commit us to refrain from the threat or use
of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of
other states. These principles form the basis of the security
assurances we are prepared to provide the non-Russian new independent
states where we seek to eliminate nuclear weapons. We applaud the
action of Belarus in ratifying START and adhering to the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty agreements. We welcome the move by Kazakhstan to
ratify START and President Nazarbayev's pledge to adhere to the NPT.
And we call on Ukraine to ratify the START agreement, adhere to the NPT,
and meet its obligations under the Lisbon Protocol at the earliest
possible date.
As we strengthen the CSCE, we must also adapt other regional
institutions. We can promote more durable European security through
interlocking structures, each with complementary roles and strengths.
NATO stands at the center of transatlantic security, and it will remain
the central point of engagement for the United States in European
security. We are working with our European Allies to adapt NATO to the
new challenges of an undivided Europe--and to turn former adversaries
into new partners for peace.
We have proposed to our NATO Allies a Partnership for Peace that will
extend practical security cooperation to the North Atlantic Cooperation
Council partners and other European nations. At the same time, we
propose to open the door to an evolutionary expansion of NATO's
membership. The ministerial meetings of the North Atlantic Council and
the NACC later this week in Brussels will discuss important initiatives
to as we approach the NATO summit.
The CSCE vision compels us to recognize that democracy and security are
sustained by prosperity. At the 1990 Paris summit, and again at its
1993 Economic Forum, the CSCE embraced free-market economics as an
essential part of its vision.
The nations in Central and Eastern Europe that are making the difficult
transition to free-market democracy must be able to deliver tangible
benefits to their people. Their citizens must know that sacrifice will
be rewarded by the trade policies of the leading industrial nations.
Our commitment to the new democracies of the East will be measured by
the degree of market access we provide in the West.
Opening markets in key sectors--and successfully concluding the Uruguay
Round by the final December 15 deadline--will point the Central and East
European nations toward greater prosperity, security and democracy.
Failure will divide Western nations and deepen hardships for new and old
democracies alike.
Again, today, we stand at a turning point for this continent. While the
transformation of the East has lost some momentum, a Europe that is
safer, freer and better remains within reach. Let us redeem the promise
of a democratic and undivided Europe, a promise embedded in the
principles of this institution. Let us reinforce our commitment to CSCE
as we build a European future of democracy and peace. (###)
ARTICLE 3:
Secretary Christopher Visits Europe and the Middle East
Secretary Christopher, Jordanian King Hussein, PLO Chairman Arafat,
Egyptian President Mubarak, Syrian Foreign Minister Shara
Secretary Christopher
December 1, 1993
Statement at a joint news conference, European Union headquarters,
Brussels, Belgium.
I have just had some very good meetings with President Delors, his
Commission colleagues, Belgian Foreign Minister Claes, representing the
European Council, and Sir Leon Brittan. This is the first time I've met
with my European colleagues since the Maastricht Treaty came into force.
I want to congratulate the European Union on reaching this milestone
toward greater economic and political integration, a process that we
strongly support.
My visit this week, and the three trips across the Atlantic that
President Clinton will make between January and July, underscore the
profound importance the United States attaches to relations with Europe.
We are linked across the Atlantic by shared values and common interests;
we are linked through NATO; and, we are linked through trade and
investment. The United States remains committed to a dynamic
partnership with Europe. I am confident that our partnership will
demonstrate its strength as we face two defining challenges in the next
six weeks.
First is the NATO summit that will take place here in Brussels on
January 10. The summit presents an historic opportunity to adapt the
NATO Alliance, the most successful in history, to the new security
challenges of this post-Cold War era. Our centerpiece proposal for the
summit is the Partnership for Peace, which extends the benefits of
cooperation eastward. In that way, the Alliance can help simultaneously
to consolidate the new democracies and strengthen European stability.
On Friday, I will meet with the former communist states in the North
Atlantic Cooperation Council. We will discuss the Partnership and other
ways we can work more closely together to prevent and resolve conflicts.
My meetings today have emphasized a number of vital areas where we are
working closely together with the European Union--areas such as Russia,
the Middle East, and our mutual concern for the economy, for growth and
jobs in all of our countries. However, the focus of our discussions
was, it is fair to say, on the Uruguay Round. Security in the post-Cold
War world depends as much on strong economies as on strong arsenals.
Advancing transatlantic security requires us to focus not only on
renewing the NATO Alliance, but also on successfully concluding the GATT
negotiations.
As Secretary of State, I am committed to placing economic security at
the heart of American foreign policy. I wanted to meet with European
Union leaders today with the Uruguay Round deadline looming--and such an
important opportunity pending.
Since the end of the Second World War, the United States and Europe have
created and sustained a liberal trading order. That system has helped
produce unprecedented growth and prosperity for the United States and
for Europe. Now we have the chance to multiply once again the benefits
of open markets to each and every one of our nations.
The stakes are absolutely immense. A broad, market-opening agreement
will spur growth an both sides of the Atlantic and around the world. It
will provide an immediate boost to business confidence. It will expand
the world's economy by more than $200 billion a year. It will create
jobs to lift our peoples' hopes and break the grip of recession and
stagnant job growth.
On the other hand, a failure would threaten the economic recovery of
Europe, the United States and, indeed, the world as a whole. There is
no doubt in my mind that the failure of the Uruguay Round would not be
good for the relationship between the United States and Europe and,
indeed, almost certainly would not be good for the European Union
itself. It would threaten a rash of unilateral actions.
Our recent NAFTA debate in the United States was highly contentious.
But the outcome demonstrates the resolve of the Clinton Administration
and the U.S. Congress to open markets and expand trade. And at the APEC
meetings in Seattle, the United States joined the leaders and ministers
of Asia-Pacific nations in committing to open trade and to a successful
conclusion of the Uruguay Round. What NAFTA and the APEC meeting tell
us is that the future lies in fewer trade barriers, not more; in greater
global economic integration, not less. The whole world is watching to
see whether these events will carry us to a successful conclusion of the
Uruguay Round.
None of the remaining tradeoffs will be easy for any of us, but they
must be made by the final December 15 deadline. There will be no
December 16 for the round.
Twice before in relatively recent history when a deadline loomed and a
Uruguay Round agreement was within reach, we fell short. Now the United
States, the European Union--and each member of the European Union--have
a responsibility to do better. We have a responsibility to meet
flexibility with flexibility. We have a responsibility to the people of
our nations, to the transatlantic community and to the world as a whole.
As great powers, we owe a responsibility to the individuals in the
countries that will be hurt if the agreement fails and helped if the
agreement succeeds. We have a strong responsibility to complete this
round.
As partners for prosperity and security, we have a responsibility to
lead. Once again, the world is looking to the United States and Europe,
and I think and hope that this time we will meet the challenge and have
a successful Uruguay Round.
Secretary Christopher
December 2, 1993
Remarks at the NACC intervention, Brussels, Belgium.
Mr. Secretary General: We meet today to help prepare the NATO summit
meeting that will take place here in five weeks' time. Yesterday, the
North Atlantic Council reviewed progress toward the summit and set a
final work program. Today, we review with our cooperation partners the
goals for this summit and the principal ideas that we discussed. It is
appropriate that we do this, because so much of what we hope to achieve
on January 10-11 will affect the future of every country represented
around this table.
For some time, NATO has recognized that the security of Europe and the
North Atlantic region is indivisible. We all have a stake in each
other's success; we depend on one another to build a stake in each
other's success; we depend on one another to build a safe and secure
future to replace the turmoil and conflict that has made up so much of
the past. We, thus, meet at a time of both hope and expectation.
I believe I can speak for everyone in NATO in saying that this Alliance
is committed to the task of helping to extend eastward the benefits of
security and stability that we have come to enjoy in the Western part of
the continent and across the Atlantic. That commitment is not in
question; what we meet now to discuss are the best means to achieve this
historic purpose.
Earlier this fall, the United States introduced several proposals into
Alliance discussion. At the core of our concern to extend security
eastward is what we call the Partnership for Peace. Let me say a few
words about it this morning.
If adopted by NATO at the summit, the Partnership for Peace will become
a solemn undertaking by each member of this Alliance to reach out to
nations in the East and to bring them into the work of the West--to
promote not only their security, but also our own. Every cooperation
partner represented around this table, as well as some other European
countries, will be invited to join on an equal footing. And each will
decide for itself how deeply it chooses to be engaged.
We have in mind four grand objectives:
First, as a NACC activity, the Partnership of Peace will be tangible
evidence that NATO is prepared to support efforts by individual
countries in the East to transform societies, enrich democracy and build
productive market economies. This will be added assurance that each
member has NATO as its partner in peace;
Second, the new Partnership will help NACC states recreate military
structures, attitudes and practices, consonant with principles of
democracy and peaceful development;
Third, members of the Partnership for Peace will earn the right to
consult with NATO when their security is under challenge; and
Fourth, all members of the new Partnership for Peace that choose to take
part--NACC states and others--will be enlisted in NATO's endeavors,
including crisis management and peace-keeping--indeed, in the work of
providing security on the continent, both East and West.
We know that the success of this new Partnership will transform the way
in which all of us think about security in Europe and what we do about
it. It is given to this generation of power balances and blocs in
confrontation as the essence of European security. We are charged to
preserve--and to the utmost of our ability to extend eastward--what has
been achieved within the West. This includes the strength and unity of
the NATO Alliance, the energy and purpose of the European Union, the
indissoluble links across the Atlantic Alliance. For others, it will
become an end in itself, strengthening their national security while
contributing to that of others. For all, it will testify to a common
purpose, reflected in an unprecedented commitment to democratic
development, free institutions and shared security.
Secretary Christopher
December 5, 1993
Opening statement at a news conference following a meeting with Syrian
President Asad and Foreign Minister Shara, Damascus, Syria.
I've just come from a meeting with President Asad that lasted almost
four hours. Foreign Minister Shara of Syria was also along, and I was
accompanied by Dennis Ross, our Middle East coordinator. We discussed a
number of subjects relating to the peace process. The meeting was long
and detailed and quite intense. I would say that it was constructive
from my standpoint. I felt the discussion revealed a desire to move
forward in the peace process, but I want to make it clear that I'm not
able to give you anything in detail tonight.
I'll be returning to Israel the day after tomorrow and reporting to
Prime Minister Rabin at that time, and, of course, I'll be reporting to
President Clinton either tonight or tomorrow, so you'll understand that
I'm not able to go into detail with respect to the meeting.
I will say that I felt a strong desire on the part of President Asad to
move forward with the peace process, and I felt the same way with the
meeting last night with Prime Minister Rabin. The meeting, I think, was
just another step in the process that's going to be long and requires a
good deal of hard work and patience.
I'll be coming back here on Thursday--President Asad has agreed to meet
with me late on Thursday morning. After that, I would think that
probably Foreign Minister Shara and I will be having a press conference
in which we can give you a more detailed readout.
I do have something quite important to report tonight, though. I'm very
pleased to announce that for humanitarian reasons, Syria has agreed to
invite a small team of congressional staffers to visit Syria and Lebanon
at the beginning of next month to help resolve the questions of the
Israeli missing in action. The team will come from the House Foreign
Affairs Committee, which, of course, is chaired by Lee Hamilton. The
Syrian Government has offered to facilitate the
work of this team to help it in making contacts with those who may have
information about the Israeli MIAs. This is an important humanitarian
gesture by the Syrian Government. I welcome it. I'm going to be
meeting with the families of the missing in action when I return to
Israel later this week, and I'll be very pleased to have this to report
to them.
As I say, I don't have very much in detail to report to you about the
meeting today, except that I did feel that it was a constructive,
positive exchange between the President and myself which went on, as I
said, for nearly four hours. After I finish here tonight, a senior
Administration official will be here to answer more of your questions as
to any of the details that we might be able to make available tonight.
I don't want to foreshadow that we're really going to be making
available more details on Thursday than we can tonight.
King Hussein and Secretary Christopher
December 6, 1993
Remarks following a meeting, Amman, Jordan.
King Hussein. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Once again, it is
a very great pleasure to be with you and to repeat our deep gratitude
for the spirit of partnership and friendship at this very interesting
moment in the life of this region that brought Secretary Christopher
back to Jordan during his tour of the area, and his much appreciated
work together with the many friends we have had the opportunity to
welcome. Our meetings went extremely well. Our talks were as always
frank, friendly, and in the spirit of partners seeking a common
objective for a better future for all the peoples of this region. Once
again, sir, a very hearty welcome.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you. I express great gratitude on my own
behalf and on behalf of all the members of the party from the United
States for the warm hospitality of King Hussein and all the members of
his government. I think we have become accustomed to the warmth of this
hospitality, which is only matched by this beautiful day, but we
certainly appreciate it. Your Majesty, it is wonderful to be here
again.
We had a good conversation, a good deal of which was devoted to the
peace process. All who are here know that the King has long been a
leader in the peace process, and the initialing of the agenda in
Washington between Israel and Jordan was a very important step.
The document between the King and the Foreign Minister is an important
indication of the movement in this direction. The King indicated that
he desires to proceed, in a deliberate but effective way, to move
forward in the peace process.
We discussed the need for a comprehensive peace, and I told the King of
President Clinton's commitment in this regard. Before I left the United
States, the message that President Clinton gave me was to emphasize to
all leaders in this region the U.S. commitment to a comprehensive peace
and his direction to me to work in that regard.
We also discussed economic issues at some length. The trilateral group
that was set up in Washington between the Crown Prince and Foreign
Minister Peres, with U.S. participation, is something that we all depend
upon to provide an economic spark for this region. We discussed
investment and trade issues. We discussed the tremendous promise of
tourism, which could create a whole industry and hundreds of thousands
of jobs. We also discussed the donors' conference, which is going to
play an important part in the development of the West Bank, and the
World Bank's leadership in this area. We discussed a number of options
such as possible conferences in the trade and investment areas. So, I
would say, economic development occupied a good deal of our discussion.
The third area we discussed was military issues and the military
relationship with the United States cooperating with Jordan and looking
toward meetings in 1994 to enhance that cooperation. It was a very
useful meeting between countries who have a long, friendly relationship.
Thank you again, your Majesty.
Secretary Christopher and PLO Chairman Arafat
December 6, 1993
Opening remarks at a news conference, Amman, Jordan.
Secretary Christopher. Good evening. I have just finished a good
discussion with PLO Chairman Arafat. We covered a variety of issues
pertaining to the implementation of the Israeli-PLO Declaration of
Principles.
It is my firm belief that timely implementation of this agreement offers
the very best opportunity for the Israelis and the Palestinians to put
an end to the conflict between them. Implementation will produce a
turning point for both the Palestinians and the Israelis. It will mark
the beginning of a new day in the Middle East, with new hopes and new
possibilities. Much hard work certainly lies ahead, but both parties
have demonstrated their commitment to the historic agreement that they
signed three months ago. In my talks with Mr. Arafat, he made it clear
that he is determined not to allow this opportunity to slip away and to
keep focused on achieving concrete results.
It is essential that the Palestinians be prepared now to make the key
political and economic decisions, and the Chairman and I discussed
those. They are difficult decisions, and I know he faces many
difficulties in confronting them. When those decisions are taken, the
international community can help more quickly develop the territories
and help the Palestinians build the essential institutions.
Credible structures to receive the assistance need to be put in place,
and the Chairman enlightened me about the structures that he has been
setting up to receive and handle the assistance. So it was a useful
meeting, particularly in that respect.
It is up to the parties themselves, of course, to reach agreements
through their negotiations, and I think they are working hard to do so
against some tough deadlines. The United States will continue to try to
help build international support for these negotiations and to address
the specific requirements that the parties identify as necessary to
implement the agreements. I indicated to Chairman Arafat in this
connection that the United States is looking for ways to make available
non-lethal assistance to the Palestinian police force.
There are so many who would like this agreement to fail and who would
use violence and terror to bring that about. We cannot allow them to
succeed--to undermine what the Israelis and the Palestinians achieved on
September 13 and what they can achieve in the future. Thank you very
much.
Chairman Arafat. It is my pleasure to meet with Secretary Christopher
here in Amman, a brotherly country with whom we have very strong ties.
From here I send my highest regards to His Majesty, King Hussein, for
facilitating this meeting. This meeting was positive and fruitful, and
we have talked freely and frankly.
I would like to thank Secretary Christopher for his patience and for
listening to our troubles--either those which are related to the
escalation in our occupied territories or problems that we are facing on
the negotiating track. I assured the Secretary--so that he can convey
our assurances to President Clinton--that we are committed fully to the
peace process.
We have also agreed on the importance of the efforts that are being
exerted by Secretary Christopher and the American Administration, in
general, to narrow the gaps between us and the Israelis during the
negotiations regarding withdrawal or the problems surrounding the
Jericho issue and the release of prisoners. We truly hope to reach an
agreement to implement the agreement we signed on September 13, and to
be able to implement that agreement on December 13.
I would also like to thank Secretary Christopher for his efforts
regarding his work with the World Bank and the donors who are trying to
help the Palestinian people to start their new lives and to build
infrastructure that has been totally destroyed over the years.
The meeting was useful, positive, and fruitful.
Secretary Christopher. [following news conference] I think that
Chairman Arafat did not ask me to interfere. I have said before that
the agreement was negotiated between the Israelis and the PLO. They are
the best ones to interpret the provisions. They are having face-to-face
discussion with respect to that. So, I think that it is quite important
that no one tries to interpose themselves into those discussions.
All that being said, I heard the urgency that the Chairman attaches to a
prompt conclusion to the first set of agreements and, certainly, when I
see Prime Minister Rabin, I will pass on to him the concern that
Chairman Arafat has for a prompt resolution of the outstanding issues.
I think that will not put me in a position of interfering in any way
with the parties.
President Mubarak and Secretary Christopher
December 8, 1993
Remarks at news conference, Cairo, Egypt, December 8, 1993.
President Mubarak. We welcome Secretary Christopher to Cairo. He had
very good talks in Syria, Israel, Jordan, and he met with Chairman
Yassir Arafat. We are just working to push the implementation of the
Declaration of Principles forward and to push the peace process as a
whole forward, especially on the Palestinian side.
We had good discussions on all these points, and we are still working
hard--side by side with the United States--so as peace, some time, will
be felt all over this area.
Secretary Christopher. It is a great pleasure to be back in Egypt and
to have a chance to talk to President Mubarak. I think all the world
knows how much he has contributed to the peace process and what a vital
role he has played, and I'm glad to know that he is going to continue to
play that role.
President Mubarak made a fundamental point in our discussions this
morning: The implementation of the Declaration of Principles is
absolutely essential if we are going to move forward in this situation.
That is the key to bringing an end to the violence, to show people that
there is a new reality, that improvement can take place on the ground,
in the lives of the people. The President's point is so fundamental
that it ought to be remembered by all the parties.
Egypt will continue to play its vital role, he assured me, in moving the
Declaration of Principles forward, as well as in the remainder of the
peace process. I gave him a report of my meetings in the other capitals
and told him that I will be leaving the region in a couple of days with
a sense of optimism about what can be accomplished if the parties focus
on the negotiations and on the possibilities of the future. We need to
develop a spirit of reconciliation, a sense that good relations are
possible in this region between all the parties who have so long sought
that.
We discussed a number of other regional issues. As you know, Egypt has
just hosted a very important conference for the Organization of African
Unity. I have heard reports on the conference and on the vital role
that the President has played in seeking a sounder method to resolve
disputes throughout Africa. I am delighted to be here to have an
opportunity to talk to the President again and to discuss with him the
importance of negotiation for resolving the problems of Africa and of
the Middle East.
Mr. President, thank you very much for receiving me here. I am
delighted to have a chance to reinforce the great sense of U.S. and
Egyptian cooperation and the friendship between our countries.
Foreign Minister Shara and Secretary Christopher
December 9, 1993
Opening remarks following a meeting, Damascus, Syria.
Foreign Minister Shara. Ladies and gentlemen: First of all, I would
like to thank you for being patient with us. We are late one hour.
Before giving the floor to Secretary Christopher, I would like to
describe the talks he had with His Excellency, President Hafez al-Asad.
Those talks were positive and fruitful and were conducted in a cordial
and frank atmosphere. We appreciated the efforts that have been exerted
by Secretary Christopher during his tour in the region. These efforts
will help to push the peace process forward. We hope the region might
witness the achievement of a just and comprehensive peace.
Secretary Christopher has prepared a statement which contains a number
of steps which, generally, have been agreed upon, and I hope these steps
will pave the way for the resumption of the next round of peace talks in
Washington. Mr. Secretary.
Secretary Christopher. Thank you. I have just had a productive
discussion with President Asad and Foreign Minister Shara. I also spoke
on the phone this morning to Prime Minister Hariri of Lebanon.
On the basis of these talks and my other meetings in the region, I am
pleased to announce that the parties have agreed to resume negotiations
in Washington, DC. To help prepare for those negotiations and to try to
increase the likelihood that they make progress, we have agreed on some
new steps.
First, I have invited Lebanon and Syria to send the heads of their
delegation to Washington in early January for preparatory consultations
with the United States on the key substantive issues.
Second, following these consultations with the United States, all
delegation heads will come to Washington on or about January 18 to meet
with their counterparts for simplified and streamlined talks. We and
the other parties believe that these discussions are the best way to
prepare for a fully productive next round.
Third, it is expected that the heads of delegations, in consultation
with the co-sponsors, will recommend that the formal negotiations resume
at the end of the month or in February.
Taken together, we believe that these steps will energize the peace
process.
From the outset of the Clinton Administration, we have set as our
objective a comprehensive and secure peace. Since the summer, a
breakthrough has been achieved on the Israeli-Palestinian track, and
negotiations between Jordan and Israel have moved forward. With the
resumption of negotiations in January, I believe that genuine progress
can also be made on the Syrian and the Lebanese tracks.
Against this background, President Clinton and President Asad have
agreed to meet in Geneva in mid-January. President Clinton has met with
the other heads of government involved in the peace process his first
year in office. Such discussions, at the highest level, are important
to our role as a full partner and active intermediary in the peace
process. President Clinton views this meeting with President Asad as an
opportunity to discuss the requirements for reaching a peace agreement
between Israel and Syria pursuant to UN Resolutions 242 and 338. These
meetings--this meeting, in particular, in Geneva--will help put in place
a vital cornerstone in our efforts to build a comprehensive and lasting
peace for all the people of this troubled region. (###)
ARTICLE 4:
Tightening Economic Sanctions Against Libya
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary,
Washington, DC, December 3, 1993.
The White House, today, announced new measures to tighten economic
sanctions against Libya. These measures are pursuant to the imposition
by the world community of new sanctions against Libya under UN Security
Council Resolution 883 and are designed to bring to justice the
perpetrators of terrorist attacks against Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA
Flight 772. The actions signal that Libya cannot continue to defy
justice and flout the will of the international community with impunity.
UN Security Council Resolution 883 freezes assets owned or controlled by
the Government of Libya on a worldwide basis and bans provision of
equipment for refining and transporting oil. It tightens the
international air embargo and other measures imposed in 1992 under UN
Security Council Resolution 748. It is the result of close cooperation
between the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, whose
citizens were the principal victims of Libyan-sponsored terrorist
attacks against Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA Flight 772, and consultations
with Russia and other friends and allies.
The President has instructed the Secretary of Commerce to reinforce our
current trade embargo against Libya by prohibiting the sale from foreign
countries to Libya of U.S.-origin products, including equipment for
refining and transporting oil.
The President also is renewing for another year the national emergency
with respect to Libya pursuant to the International Emergency Economic
Powers Act. This renewal extends the current comprehensive financial
and trade embargo against Libya in effect since 1986. Under these
sanctions, all trade with Libya is controlled by the Department of the
Treasury, and all assets owned or controlled by the Libyan Government in
the United States or in possession of U.S. persons are frozen.
The United States continues to believe that still stronger measures,
including a worldwide oil embargo, should be enacted if Libya continues
to defy the international community. We remain determined to ensure
that perpetrators of these acts of terrorism are brought to justice.
The families of the victims in the murderous Lockerbie bombing and other
acts of Libyan terrorism deserve nothing less. (###)
ARTICLE 5:
Advancing Regional Prosperity In Central America
President Clinton, Guatemalan President De Leon
News conference held by the President and leaders of the Central
American countries--Presidents Cristiani of El Salvador, Endara of
Panama, Callejas of Honduras, Calderon of Costa Rica, Chamorro of
Nicaragua, and De Leon of Guatemala, and Prime Minister Esquivel of
Belize, Washington, DC, November 30, 1993
President Clinton. Good morning. This morning, it was my great honor
to welcome seven outstanding Central American leaders to the White
House: President Cristiani of El Salvador, President Endara of Panama,
President Callejas of Honduras, President Calderon of Costa Rica,
President Chamorro of Nicaragua, President De Leon of Guatemala, and
Prime Minister Esquivel of Belize.
These leaders have made a historic contribution to our hemisphere by
helping to build democracy and peace in a region that, until very
recently, was riven by civil strife. I'm grateful that they were able
to break away from the Miami conference on the Caribbean, which they are
attending with leaders from the private sector from throughout the
Caribbean Basin, to discuss ways to advance regional prosperity.
President De Leon has struggled heroically on behalf of democracy and
human rights in Guatemala, and he has just achieved an important
political accord that will bring more accountable government to his
nation. President Cristiani played a central role in ending El
Salvador's civil war and has been critical to the success of the peace
accords. President Chamorro has worked hard to bring reconciliation and
democracy to Nicaragua. I want to acknowledge President Callejas for
his leadership in consolidating democracy in Honduras, and President
Calderon for advancing Costa Rica's traditions of social justice and the
rule of law. President Endara has safeguarded Panama's return to
democracy, and Prime Minister Esquivel has earned praise for his
government's sound economic policies and his own personal integrity.
For years, few regions of our world endured more suffering than Central
America. But, today, few regions are better poised to reap the benefits
of the end of the Cold War. This is the first time in the 20th century
that all of these nations have come here to the White House to meet the
President of the United States--every one of them being headed by
democratically elected leaders. It is a historic and very important
moment.
The people of Central America are clearly dedicated to the harvest of
reconstruction and renewal. They are healing divided societies,
reviving stalled economies, and working toward closer integration among
themselves and their other neighbors. My message today to these
distinguished leaders and to the millions whom they represent is simple:
The United States will be there as your partner to help. We will not
make the mistake of abandoning this region when its dramatic recovery is
not yet complete. We will remain engaged to help Central America attain
peace, consolidate democracy, protect human rights, and achieve
sustainable development. Our nation has a direct stake in Central
America's stability and prosperity. The United States exports $6
billion in goods to these countries, supporting over 100,000 American
jobs.
Today, we discussed steps that Central America's nations can take to
strengthen our economic ties, including further trade liberalization and
better protection of worker rights, intellectual property, and the
environment. We also discussed the impact of the North American Free
Trade Agreement, which all of these leaders strongly supported. The
Vice President is leaving this afternoon for Mexico where he will
deliver a major address on American engagement in Latin America. This
morning, we agreed that NAFTA's historic passage can serve as a catalyst
for the expansion of free trade to other market democracies throughout
the hemisphere--something I have long supported. And we shared concerns
about NAFTA's potential short-term effects on the flow of trade and
investment to Central America. I pledged that my Administration will
work with Congress and Central American governments to design
affirmative strategies to stimulate regional trade.
As our economic relationship evolves, so must the nature of U.S. support
for economic development in Central America. We will continue bilateral
aid programs. At the same time, the region's rising credit worthiness
has allowed international financial institutions to increase their role,
and we strongly support that. We will work to develop a new, more
mature economic partnership with Central America based on trade
expansion, multilateral support for economic reforms, and better
coordination of bilateral and multilateral aid programs.
These leaders, today, have told us that they seek to work together to
become a model region for sustainable development. And we are prepared
to work with them in that enterprise. I can think of no more important
common endeavor.
With the elections of the last several years, democracy has taken root
in Central America's rugged terrain. Now the challenge facing this
region is to build democratic institutions that endure, that are honest,
that are responsive, that are effective. We are prepared to work
closely with Central America to promote reform in the judiciary, the
civil service, education, and health care. Good governance will advance
our mutual objectives: to bolster democracy, promote social
opportunity, and clear the path for freer trade.
Just a few years ago, this morning's meeting would have been literally
unthinkable. Now, in the midst of this great progress, it would be
unthinkable for us not to meet. The prosperity and security of this
hemisphere that we share depends more than ever on our continued
cooperation.
It is now my honor to introduce President De Leon who will also speak
for his fellow Central American leaders. Mr. President.
President De Leon. Thank you very much. Good morning. At this time of
great and transcendent changes in the world order--in Central America,
in the United States, and especially in our reciprocal relations--today,
we just had a presidential meeting which we consider not only a very
pleasant one, but an extremely constructive one. We were able to
exchange with President Clinton, whom we would like to thank for his
invitation, our points of view on issues and problems of great
importance having to do with our bilateral relationship as well as
recent events in Central America on the one hand, and in the United
States on the other.
I would like to summarize what we have discussed as follows: As far as
democracy and governance--first of all, we underscored the efforts made
in our region for the consolidation of pluralistic and participatory
systems, giving special priority to respect for individual, civil, and
political human rights, which has allowed great progress, in recent
years, in the solution of the great conflicts we have.
We showed that we Central American countries continue to work to achieve
true participatory democracy involving growth with social justice and
without confrontation, and that solidarity and dialogue are essential
principles to which we are giving priority as the underpinnings of the
strengthening of our democracies.
As to economic and social development and the fight against poverty, on
these points we said to President Clinton that the magnitude of the
problem of poverty in our countries is of great importance. It is a
problem which will have to be solved with political will and solidarity.
The fight against poverty, we said, is not just a matter of supporting
social welfare investment, but it is a matter of supporting productive
investment through private investment, supporting the productive sector,
and supporting the insertion of our economies into the world market.
We have to fight the scourge of poverty through consistent management of
our economic and our social policies. We told the President that we are
emerging with great difficulty and with degrees of difference from one
country to the other, emerging from a deep and prolonged recession which
punished those least able to defend themselves especially badly. I am
talking here about the poorest of the poor.
As far as economic adjustment is concerned, with great optimism we told
the President that we Central Americans are now looking toward the
future with a positive vision. We are transforming antiquated schemes.
Now the societies realize that they have to assume costs but with an
attitude of solidarity in order to achieve peace, development,
democracy, and, especially, the respect for human rights--both
individual and economic, social and cultural.
We emphasized that governments must become more efficient as
administrators and public servants allowing the state to act where it
must and generate conditions so that the private sector can act in a
more decentralized and participatory manner. Regarding self-effort and
external assistance, we discussed how happy we Central Americans are to
be making our own efforts and advancing toward positive results--a
demonstration of which is the recent signing of the Protocol to the
Treaty of Central American Economic Integration. At the same time,
though, we recalled that these internal efforts must be supported, as
they have been, by external cooperation. And here the support offered
by the United States has, and will continue to have, great importance.
We also told President Clinton that we feel that this particular
historic moment is the very worst one to be cutting back on cooperation-
-external cooperation. It is the best time to maintain it and increase
it, convinced that democracy is more than the simple and mere holding of
regular elections.
Finally, on the NAFTA and the Caribbean Basin Initiative, the Central
American presidents said in this meeting--in this presidential summit
meeting--that our bilateral agenda with the United States is going to be
very strongly influenced not only by the changes in Central America, but
also by the historic decision of Canada, the United States, and Mexico
to form an expanded free trade area.
We said that we applaud this decision which marks a fundamental and
positive change in inter-American relations, and we feel that this does
constitute a creative answer to the emerging international reordering.
We also considered that NAFTA implies the need for the Central American
region to redouble its efforts and to become stronger so that we can
expand to serve more competitive markets.
We made two proposals to President Clinton. First of all, we expressed
our great interest in initiating consultations to incorporate the
Central American countries into the North American Free Trade Agreement
and, at the same time, that real possibilities be considered to make
the CBI benefits equal to the NAFTA benefits. We said that we felt that
this should be done within the framework of respect for the environment.
We had a very favorable response to our suggestion that Central America
should become a model area of sustainable development in the
environmental framework.
We have taken the political decision to suggest this, and President
Clinton has decided to give this idea his backing. We also said that we
would be very appreciative of any support that the U.S. Government could
give to the negotiations, within the framework of the Uruguay Round, to
expand liberalization of world trade for products of interest to us. We
are grateful for the efforts that the United States has made to increase
our access to the European Common Market, and we are hoping that there
will be a negotiated solution with the European Community.
Finally, and given the welcome and the interest which was so
emphatically shown by President Clinton to the regional proposals we
made, the presidents of the Central American region wish to repeat our
satisfaction at the fruitfulness and constructive nature of this
meeting. We have decided to set up a high-level commission among us to
follow up the process of incorporation of Central America into the North
American Free Trade Agreement. This constitutes a very important way to
combat poverty in Central America and, thus, achieve peace and
consolidate democracy and development with social equity for the entire
Central American isthmus. (###)
ARTICLE 6:
What's in Print: Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly
Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly (formerly Geographic Notes) is
published by the Office of the Geographer, Bureau of Intelligence and
Research, U.S. Department of State. The Quarterly contains analyses as
well as maps and other graphics that provide a geographic perspective on
foreign policy-related topics such as boundary and sovereignty disputes,
maritime issues, international migration and refugee flows,
transnational environmental problems, and issues concerning political
and economic geography.
The recently released summer 1993 issue (Vol. 3, No. 2) contains
geographic and economic profiles of the new states of Central Asia; the
texts of these profiles also are reproduced on the back of a special map
insert. This issue also includes the list, "Nations in the World as of
August 26, 1993." For each nation, the list provides its short-form
name, long-form name, and capital; U.S. diplomatic relations; and UN
membership.
Other items in this issue include articles on UN Security Council
reform, the Belarus-Ukraine and the Russia-Kazakhstan border areas, and
world hunger.
Subscriptions and copies of individual issues are available from the
Superintendent of Documents, P.O. Box 371954, Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954.
Subscription prices are $7.00 per year (four issues) for domestic orders
and $8.75 per year for foreign. Single-issue prices are $2.75 domestic
and $3.44 foreign. FAX your order using your credit card (MasterCard or
VISA) or GPO Deposit Account number, to (202) 512-2233.
Inquiries related to publication content should be directed to: Editor,
Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly, Office of the Geographer, U.S.
Department of State, Washington, DC 20520-6510. (###)
ARTICLE 7:
Treaty Actions
Multilateral
Arbitration
Convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral
awards. Done at New York June 10, 1958. Entered into force June 7,
1959; for the U.S. Dec. 29, 1970. TIAS 6997; 21 UST 2517. Succession:
Czech Republic, Sept. 30, 1993.
Chemical Weapons
Convention on the prohibition of the development, production,
stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction, with
annexes. Done at Paris Jan. 13, 1993.1 Signatures: Djibouti, Sept.
28, 1993; Maldives, Oct. 4, 1993; Swaziland, Sept. 23, 1993.
Consular Relations
Convention on consular relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 24, 1963.
Entered into force Mar. 19, 1967; for the U.S. Dec. 24, 1969. TIAS
6820; 21 UST 77. Succession deposited: Macedonia, Aug. 18, 1993.
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 18,
1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the U.S. Dec. 13, 1972.
TIAS 7502; 23 UST 3227. Successions: Macedonia, Aug. 18, 1993;
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplomatic relations
concerning the compulsory settlement of disputes. Done at Vienna Apr.
18, 1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the U.S. Dec. 13, 1972.
TIAS 7502; 23 UST 3374. Succession deposited: Macedonia, Aug. 18,
1993.
Environmental Modification
Convention on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of
environmental modification techniques, with annex. Done at Geneva May
18, 1977. Entered into force Oct. 5, 1978; for the U.S. Jan 17, 1980.
TIAS 9614; 31 UST 333. Accession: Uruguay, Sept. 16, 1993.
Finance
Agreement establishing the International Fund for Agricultural
Development. Done at Rome June 13, 1976. Entered into force Nov. 30,
1977. TIAS 8765; 28 UST 8435. Accession deposited: Kyrgyz Republic,
Sept. 10, 1993.
Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights. Adopted by the
UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976;
for the U.S. Sept. 8, 1992. Accession: Nigeria, July 29, 1993.
Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Optional protocol to the international covenant on civil and political
rights. Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into
force Mar. 23, 1976.2 Accession: Germany, Aug. 25, 1993.
International covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights.
Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force
Jan. 3, 1976.2 Accessions: Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Nigeria, July 29,
1993. Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Investment Disputes
Convention on the settlement of investment disputes between states and
nationals of other states. Done at Washington Mar. 18, 1965. Entered
into force Oct. 14, 1966. TIAS 6090; 17 UST 1270. Signatures:
Colombia, May 18, 1993; Venezuela, Aug. 18, 1993. Ratifications
deposited: Costa Rica, Apr. 27, 1993; Czech Republic, Mar. 23, 1993;
Micronesia, June 24, 1993; Peru, Aug. 9, 1993.
Labor
Instrument for the amendment of the constitution of the International
Labor Organization. Done at Montreal Oct. 9, 1946. Entered into force
Apr. 20, 1948; re-entered into force for the U.S. Feb. 18, 1980. TIAS
1868; 62 Stat. 3485. Acceptance deposited: Turkmenistan, Sept. 24,
1993.
Narcotics
Single convention on narcotic drugs, 1961. Done at New York Mar. 30,
1961. Entered into force Dec. 13, 1964; for the U.S. June 24, 1967.
TIAS 6298; 18 UST 1407. Accessions: Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Dominica,
Sept. 24, 1993.
Protocol amending the single convention on narcotic drugs, 1961. Done
at Geneva Mar. 25, 1972. Entered into force Aug. 8, 1975. TIAS 8118;
26 UST 1439. Accessions: Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Dominica, Sept. 24,
1993; Dominican Republic, Sept. 21, 1993.
Convention on psychotropic substances. Done at Vienna Feb. 21, 1971.
Entered into force Aug. 16, 1976; for the U.S. July 15, 1980. TIAS
9725; 32 UST 543. Accessions: Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Dominica,
Sept. 24, 1993; Netherlands, Sept. 8, 1993. Succession: Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
UN convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic
substances, with annex and final act. Done at Vienna Dec. 20, 1988.
Entered into force Nov. 11, 1990. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-4.
Accessions: Azerbaijan, Sept. 22, 1993; Dominican Republic, Sept. 21,
1993.
Phonograms
Convention for the protection of producers of phonograms against
unauthorized duplication of their phonograms. Done at Geneva Oct. 29,
1971. Entered into force Apr. 18, 1973; for the U.S. Mar. 10, 1974.
TIAS 7808; 25 UST 309. Accession deposited: Greece, Nov. 2, 1993.
Property
Convention establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization.
Done at Stockholm July 14, 1967. Entered into force Apr. 26, 1970; for
the U.S. Aug. 25, 1970. TIAS 6932; 21 UST 1749.
Accession deposited: Estonia, Nov. 5, 1993.
Refugees
Convention relating to the status of refugees, with schedule and annex.
Signed at Geneva July 28, 1951. Entered into force Apr. 22, 1954.2
TIAS 6577. Accession: Bahamas, Sept. 15, 1993;3,4 St. Vincent and the
Grenadines, Nov. 3, 1993. Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1,
1993.
Protocol relating to the status of refugees. Done at New York Jan. 31,
1967. Entered into force Oct. 4, 1967; for the U.S. Nov. 1, 1968.
TIAS 6577; 19 UST 6223. Accession: Bahamas, Sept. 15, 1993.3,4
Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Scientific Cooperation
Agreement to establish a science and technology center in Ukraine. Done
at Kiev Oct. 25, 1993. Enters into force on the 30th day following the
date of last notification that each signatory has completed all
necessary internal procedures.
Terrorism
Convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against
internationally protected persons, including diplomatic agents. Adopted
by the UN General Assembly Dec. 14, 1973. Entered into force Feb. 20,
1977. TIAS 8532; 28 UST 1975. Accession: Antigua and Barbuda, July
19, 1993.
Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Torture
Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment. Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 10,
1984. Entered into force June 26, 1987.2 [Senate] Treaty Doc. 100-20.
Accession: Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993. Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Sept. 1, 1993.
Treaties
Vienna convention on the law of treaties, with annex. Done at Vienna
May 23, 1969. Entered into force Jan. 27, 1980.2 Succession: Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
United Nations
Convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations.
Adopted by the UN General Assembly on Feb. 13, 1946. Entered into force
Sept. 17, 1946; for the U.S. Apr. 29, 1970. TIAS 6900; 21 UST 1418.
Succession: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993; Macedonia, Aug. 18,
1993.
Weapons, Conventional
Convention on prohibitions or restrictions on the use of certain
conventional weapons which may be deemed to be excessively injurious or
to have indiscriminate effects, with annexed protocols. Adopted at
Geneva Oct. 10, 1980. Entered into force Dec. 2, 1983.2 Succession:
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Women
Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women. Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 18, 1979. Entered into
force Sept. 3, 1981.2 Accessions: Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Bahamas,
Oct. 6, 1993; Tajikistan, Oct. 26, 1993. Succession: Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Bilateral
Chile
Agreement amending and extending the memorandum of understanding of Aug.
2 and 26, 1982, as extended, for scientific cooperation in the earth
sciences. Signed at Reston and Santiago Apr. 30 and Aug. 27, 1993.
Entered into force Aug. 27, 1993; effective Aug. 2, 1992.
Guyana
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical
cooperation in the earth and mapping sciences, with annexes. Signed at
Georgetown July 21, 1993. Entered into force July 21, 1993.
Indonesia
Postal money order agreement. Signed at Jakarta and Washington Sept. 21
and Nov. 1, 1993. Entered into force Dec. 1, 1993.
Jamaica
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of
certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the U.S. Government
and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Kingston Oct. 22, 1993.
Enters into force following signature and receipt by Jamaica of written
notice from the U.S. that all necessary domestic legal requirements have
been fulfilled.
Jordan
Consolidated program and project grant agreement for sector policy
reform program and SPR technical support project, with annexes. Signed
at Amman Sept. 1, 1993. Entered into force Sept. 1, 1993.
Agreement amending the agreement of May 10, 1992, regarding the
consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of certain debts owed to,
guaranteed by, or insured by the U.S. Government and its agencies.
Effected by exchange of notes at Amman Oct. 7 and Nov. 1, 1993. Entered
into force Nov. 1, 1993.
Morocco
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical
cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes. Signed at Reston and
Rabat Aug. 27 and Oct. 11, 1993. Entered into force Oct. 11, 1993.
Zimbabwe
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical
cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes. Signed at Reston and
Harare Aug. 12 and Sept. 28, 1993. Entered into force Sept. 28, 1993.
________
1 Not in force.
2 Not in force for the U.S.
3 With reservation(s).
4 With declaration(s). (###)
END OF DISPATCH VOL 4, NO 50
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