1.  Strengthening the Atlantic Alliance Through a Partnership for Peace 
-- Secretary Christopher
2.  The CSCE Vision:  European Security Rooted in Shared Values -- 
Secretary Christopher
3.  Secretary Christopher Visits Europe and the Middle East -- Secretary 
Christopher, Jordanian King Hussein, PLO Chairman Arafat, Egyptian 
President Mubarak, Syrian Foreign Minister Shara
4.  Tightening Economic Sanctions Against Libya -- White House Statement
5.  Advancing Regional Prosperity In Central America -- President 
Clinton, Guatemalan President De Leon
6.  What's in Print:  Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly 
7.  Treaty Actions


Strengthening the Atlantic Alliance Through a Partnership for Peace
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the intervention at the North Atlantic Council Ministerial 
Meeting, NATO Headquarters, Brussels, Belgium, December 2, 1993

I am delighted to be with you for this very important meeting of the 
North Atlantic Council.  First, let me pay tribute to our Secretary 
General.  Manfred Woerner deserves tremendous credit for his leadership, 
determination and dedication.  We are all in his debt.  Let me add that 
I have valued the exchanges that I've had in recent weeks with many of 
my colleagues here today as we have approached this ministerial.

Last June in Athens, on behalf of President Clinton, I proposed a NATO 
summit.  Today, we must ensure that the Brussels summit that is just six 
weeks away is successful for our Alliance and for each of our member 

At the summit, President Clinton will articulate his vision of 
transatlantic security and prosperity--and the strong and unbreakable 
link between the United States and Europe.  The President recognizes 
that American leadership remains indispensable.  And he is determined 
that the United States will continue to provide that leadership because 
it is profoundly in the interest of both the United States and Europe to 
do so.

The security of our Alliance depends not only on our military 
capability.  Security also depends fundamentally on our ability to 
consolidate democratic institutions, ensure respect for human rights, 
and sustain the hard march of economic reform to eventual prosperity.  
Each of these post-Cold War elements of security must advance--or none 
of them will.

Western leaders in the late 1940s created the institutions that enabled 
Western Europe to rebuild and renew itself after the Second World War.  
Their foresight and fortitude and the steadfastness of their successors 
enabled our values to prevail in a long and bitter Cold War.  And 
millions of people, for the first time in their lives, have the chance 
to enjoy political freedom and economic opportunity.

We must resolve to secure and expand the blessings of peace that our 
predecessors did so much to achieve.  We must help to fill the vacuum of 
insecurity and instability that has come with the demise of the Soviet 
empire.  We must build the structures and the patterns of cooperation 
that will help to ensure the success of democracy and free markets in 
the East.  We must move decisively beyond the age of confrontation in 
Europe when the balance of power was a poor substitute for a concert of 
free peoples.  We must infuse this Alliance with the new vision and 
vitality that earned many of our distinguished predecessors the mantle 
of statesmanship.

We have many issues to decide.  But the Alliance must also make an 
historic choice.  That choice is whether to embrace innovation or risk 

We must adapt this Alliance to the new security challenges that confront 
Europe today.  At the same time, we must strengthen the core political 
cooperation, security commitments and military capabilities that have 
kept the 16 strong and free.  We must act to revitalize the Alliance's 
continued central role in European security and in the transatlantic 

We all recognize that our most important summit task is to decide how 
the Atlantic Alliance will reach out to the East.  Two years ago, we 
created the North Atlantic Cooperation Council--the NACC.  With the 
Partnership for Peace, we can now deepen NATO's engagement with the 
East.  We must demonstrate that the West is committed to helping 
Europe's new democracies address some of their most immediate security 
problems.  At the same time, we should signal that we envision an 
evolutionary expansion of the Alliance.  We should make it clear that, 
as a matter of principles, NATO is open to the admission of new members.

We should extend an invitation to join the Partnership for Peace to all 
NACC states and other nations on whom we agree.  Those who join will 
enter a much fuller relationship with NATO.  The Partnership for Peace 
will provide a means for each state to develop a practical working 
relationship to NATO and determine what resources it wants to commit to 
that relationship.  We envision defense cooperation developing in a 
broad range of fields.  The Partnership will be a military relationship 
but, like all of NATO's activities, it will have a strong political 
dimension.  The Allies should provide all participants in the 
Partnership with a pledge of consultation in the event of threats to 
their security.  And for partners once part of the communist world, this 
cooperation will help adapt defense structures to civilian control.

The Partnership will enhance regional stability.  It will develop 
capabilities to meet contingencies, including crisis management, 
humanitarian missions and peace-keeping.  It will develop useful habits 
of cooperation.  It will enable us to develop common military standards 
and procedures.  Peace partners will train side-by-side with NATO 
members and take part in joint exercises.  To ensure operational 
effectiveness, the Partnership should have a planning group in Mons and 
should make full use of the political and military institutions of NATO 
here in Brussels.  Active partners will have permanent representatives 
to take part in the work of these organizations when dealing with 
Partnership matters..

Our new partners should finance their own involvement, but some new NATO 
resources will be necessary.  There will be costs, but of a manageable 
size.  The United States stands ready to contribute its share, and it is 
essential that all Allies do the same.

Let me be clear with respect to a very important issue that the 
Partnership raises.  The Partnership is an important step in its own 
right, but it can also be a key step toward NATO membership.  While many 
factors will enter into decisions about expanding NATO membership, 
active participation in Partnership activities will help prepare 
countries to meet the obligations of membership.

NATO is not an alliance of convenience, but an alliance of commitment.  
Expanded membership must strengthen, not weaken the ability of the 
Alliance to act.

The Partnership will maintain NATO's core purpose and capabilities.  The 
current military and political processes of the Alliance will continue 
undiluted, but the Partnership will multiply the ability of the Alliance 
to meet security needs.

I am pleased that the Partnership for Peace has received the active 
support--and reflects the constructive suggestions--of every NATO ally.  
The Alliance must understand that this Partnership represents a decisive 
commitment to become more fully engaged in security to the East.

This is an historic commitment that our leaders should be prepared to 
make at the January summit.  Today, we should continue our work to make 
sure that next month NATO will take this decisive step to deepen our 
security cooperation with our new Partners.  We want the Partnership to 
begin functioning next year.  Turning former adversaries into partners 
is in the fundamental interest of every member of this Alliance.  We 
must seize this extraordinary opportunity--the opportunity that this 
Alliance has worked so successfully to create.

A second summit objective I want to address is the need to strengthen 
the evolving relationship between NATO and the Western European Union.  
Previous American administrations were ambivalent about the development 
of a distinct European security capability.  Today, the United States 
fully supports efforts to create a strong and effective European 
Security and Defense Identity.  Such an identity is a natural element of 
European integration.  It will make the European Union a more capable 
partner in the pursuit of our mutual interests.

The relationship between NATO and the WEU must be based on mutual trust 
and transparency.  To work effectively and to avoid a costly duplication 
of defense resources, NATO should be prepared to offer the WEU the use 
of common NATO assets in the conduct of its operations.  This would make 
WEU capabilities separable but not separate from the Atlantic Alliance.  
At the same time, as we have agreed, we would expect that the North 
Atlantic Council would consult on issues that affect the security of the 
Allies.  And NATO should have full opportunity in those consultations to 
consider the appropriate response.

These NATO deliberations would not contemplate an Alliance veto over WEU 
actions.  But the use of NATO common assets to support a WEU operation 
would clearly require a decision by the NAC.  This approach would 
safeguard collective Alliance capabilities while supporting the 
development of the European Union.

A third summit objective should be adapting Allied military 
capabilities.  We have made important progress in enabling NATO to 
support the international community's efforts to achieve a peaceful 
settlement in Bosnia.

Building on this model, the United States has proposed the creation of 
Combined Joint Task Forces.  We believe CJTF strikes the right balance.  
It would allow new flexibility for organizing peace-keeping and other 
tasks.  It would enable NATO to take effective action in contingencies 
that do not evoke Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty.  It would also 
enable the WEU to take autonomous actions with NATO support, when 
appropriate.  And it would do all this while preserving the unique 
capabilities of the integrated command for collective defense 
requirements under Article V.  The task force would be tailored in size, 
force mix and nationality for both NATO and non-NATO missions.

The CJTF concept will strengthen existing command arrangements and make 
them more flexible.  It will allow maximum use of limited resources.  It 
will demonstrate that each of our countries is bearing its fair share of 
common responsibilities.  And it will help ensure that NATO and WEU work 
as partners, not rivals, as their relationship evolves.

Finally, between now and the summit, we must also prepare the Alliance 
to meet other new challenges that have come in the wake of the Cold War.  
Most urgent is curbing the spread of weapons of mass destruction and the 
means of delivering them.  This threat constitutes the arms control 
agenda of the 1990s.  At the summit, we must make a fundamental Alliance 
commitment to combat proliferation.

The most immediate task is to develop the overall policy framework to 
NATO efforts against proliferation.  We envision a senior group at 16, 
with representatives of both foreign and defense ministers.  NATO 
supports, but should not duplicate, non-proliferation efforts underway 
through other institutions and negotiations.

Our non-proliferation agenda should be consistent with our essential 
mission of protecting the security of our members.  We must adapt 
Alliance military strategy and capabilities to deter the use of weapons 
of mass destruction and protect against their use.  We must intensify 
our individual and collective efforts to isolate states that actively 
pose proliferation threats.

I also want to comment on Bosnia, particularly the humanitarian 
situation.  While we welcome the resumption of the peace negotiations, 
the most pressing fact is that winter has descended.  The United States 
has therefore announced an additional contribution of $150 million to 
increase the food, winterization supplies, refugee assistance and 
medical aid reaching the people of Bosnia.  We are prepared as part of 
this effort to double the number of U.S. flights in the Sarajevo 
airlift, double the amount of relief provided by air drops and begin 
airlifting supplies into Tuzla Airport if it can be opened.  We call 
upon other governments and regional organizations to increase their 
commitments to help the people of Bosnia survive this winter.

Let me raise one final issue that is not on our agenda today but that 
each of our nations must also address.  Last June at our Athens 
ministerial, I made a statement in this forum with respect to the 
Uruguay Round.  Let me repeat that advancing transatlantic security 
requires us to focus not only on renewing the NATO Alliance but also on 
successfully concluding the GATT negotiations.

Our publics and parliaments understand that transatlantic relations 
cannot be overly compartmentalized--either substantively or 

As great Allies and great powers, Europe and the United States share 
great responsibilities.  We are partners in a community of shared values 
and interests.  Our values and interests converge in this Alliance--and 
they converge in a successful conclusion to the Uruguay Round.  Through 
NATO and through GATT, we can reinforce transatlantic security and 
prosperity-- and reaffirm the transatlantic partnership.  We have the 
chance to construct the architecture of a better world. 

Since the end of the Second World War, together we have created and 
sustained a successful liberal trading order.  That system has allowed 
our economies to grow and our people to prosper.  Now we have an 
historic opportunity to open markets further, to the benefit of our 
nations on both sides of the Atlantic.

These are momentous weeks for the West.  By December 15, we have the 
responsibility to come together and lift the global economy.  On January 
10, we have the responsibility to come together and renew the most 
successful Alliance in history.  The United States and Europe share 
these responsibilities--and we must meet them.  (###)


The CSCE Vision:  European Security Rooted in Shared Values 
Secretary Christopher
Statement at the Plenary Session of the Conference on Security and 
Cooperation in Europe, Rome, Italy, November 30, 1993

I want to thank Prime Minister Ciampi and Foreign Minister Andreatta for 
hosting this gathering of ministerial colleagues.

This is the first of several important meetings I will be attending in 
Europe this week--first here and then in Brussels.  In a little over a 
month, President Clinton will attend the NATO summit--the first of three 
trips he will make to Europe in the first half of 1994.  These visits 
underscore the continuing importance the United States attaches to its 
relations with Europe.

I want this important gathering and the world to know that the United 
States remains steadfastly committed to the transatlantic relationship 
and to the security and prosperity of Europe.  There is no region of the 
world to which we are more closely bound.  We are linked not only by 
treaty but by enduring ties of history, culture and shared values.  The 
CSCE vision of comprehensive security is deeply rooted in those shared 
values, and hence I am honored to represent the United States at this 
ministerial meeting of the CSCE.

Three years ago, at the Paris summit, the CSCE outlined a vision of a 
new Europe, built on the foundations of democracy and cooperative 
security.  Since then, significant progress has been achieved.  But our 
vision is far from being fully realized. 

Nations have been reborn and ethnic identities vigorously asserted.  But 
aggressive and often myopic nationalism has emerged, and vicious ethnic 
conflicts have erupted.  The foundations of democratic institutions are 
being laid, but their structures are not all built.  A free press is a 
commonly embraced ideal but is not a common reality.  The hard march 
toward economic reform has begun, but widespread economic hardship 

The CSCE is a creative and inclusive institution.  We must harness its 
unique capabilities to help mold a new Europe secured by democratic 
institutions, respect for human rights and growing prosperity.  That is 
the only basis for a future Europe at peace.

An abiding concern and respect for human dignity is a linchpin of 
American foreign policy.  We recognize that in the United States, we 
have not yet formed a perfect union.  But we are constantly striving to 
ensure that all individuals are accorded respect and protection.

This concern for human rights affects every one of America's 
relationships in the world.  Although it is not the sole principle 
guiding us, an American foreign policy that lacked a commitment to 
international human rights would not be true to our nation's ideals or 

Every CSCE state is pledged to respect and protect the rights of all 
individuals.  On both sides of the Atlantic, we share strong interest in 
building respect for diversity, in enfranchising minorities and in 
offering every person a stake and a say in national life.  As the fall 
of the Soviet empire demonstrates, no state can achieve long-term 
stability and prosperity without an open society and a fundamental 
commitment to human rights.

From its earliest days, the CSCE has helped legitimize international 
concern about how a country treats its citizens.  Human rights must 
remain at the forefront of the CSCE agenda.  

The High Commissioner on National Minorities has contributed 
significantly to the protection of minorities, from the former Yugoslav 
Republic of Macedonia to Slovakia to Albania.  The Office for Democratic 
Institutions and Human Rights has effectively organized human rights 
missions and monitored elections.

Serious human rights abuses still occur in the former Yugoslavia, in 
Turkmenistan, in Tajikistan, in Uzbekistan and in other CSCE states.  We 
must work to stop these violations.

Safeguarding human rights requires free and vigorous media.  As a great 
Justice of the U.S.  Supreme Court, the late Benjamin Cardozo, once 
said, "Freedom of expression is the matrix, the indispensable condition 
of nearly every other form of freedom." 

We must watch carefully to make sure that freedom of expression is not 
merely proclaimed but practiced in the fledgling democracies.  As they 
adopt new constitutions and laws, the CSCE should insist that freedom of 
the press and broadcast media be fully protected and free from state 

Progress has been made in securing freedom for the print media, despite 
persistent restrictions on distribution and on the availability of 
newsprint.  An even greater obstacle to building open societies is the 
lack of progress in broadcast freedom.  Television is democracy's 
"biggest megaphone," and it must not become the captive of any one 

Addressing human rights violations and threats to fundamental freedoms 
is only a part of the challenge we face.  We must also deal with the 
consequences of a conflict that has defied resolution, where the parties 
have, so far, stubbornly refused to end the bloodshed and killing.

This winter, the snows have come early to Bosnia, and the humanitarian 
crisis there has deepened.  In these tragic circumstances, the United 
States will increase its humanitarian efforts to help alleviate the 
suffering.  We will work closely with the UNHCR in identifying the most 
effective uses of that aid.  As the largest single donor country, we 
have already provided well over $400 million in assistance to the former 
Yugoslavia since the outbreak of hostilities in 1991.

Today, I am announcing an additional American contribution  of $150 
million, targeted to programs and organizations providing the most 
critical aspects of winter relief.  Our goal is to increase the food, 
winterization supplies, refugee assistance and medical aid reaching the 
people of Bosnia, through the following steps.

First, we are prepared to double the number of U.S. flights that are 
part of the multi-nation Sarajevo airlift.  This effort, in which the 
United States now flies roughly one-third of all missions, has launched 
a total of 6,000 flights during its 500-day history.  This airborne 
lifeline, the principal means of supply for Sarajevo, has now exceeded 
in duration the Berlin airlift of 1948.

Second, we are prepared to begin airlifting needed supplies to the 
airport at Tuzla upon its opening.  We will also provide the equipment 
needed to keep it open.  That airport could become a crucial point of 
access for humanitarian aid for all groups.  Thus far, the Serbs and 
Croats have made it impossible to use the field for that purpose.  We 
call upon all warring parties to stop their unconscionable conduct that 
blocks the delivery of critically needed supplies through this facility.  
We also call upon the warring parties to live up to their recently 
signed agreements to permit secure land access for relief convoys.  The 
warring parties must see that this is in their best interests.  Full 
access will serve the vital needs of all Bosnia's factions. 

Third, our new contribution will intensify the air drop campaign.  Over 
the last eight months, the continuous air drops of food and supplies for 
the most isolated and endangered communities have meant the difference 
between life and death for thousands of Bosnians.  Having flown almost 
80% of the missions, having dropped more than 10 million meals, we know 
that this program is critical.  Our new funds will permit doubling the 
amount of relief we provide in this vital effort.  We will also include 
essential winterization materials in the air drop packages, helping 
those in the most isolated locations to survive a harsh winter.

Fourth, we have decided to use the U.S. military medical facility in 
Zagreb to provide medical services to severely wounded Bosnian children.

We call upon other governments and regional organizations, such as the 
Organization of the Islamic Conference, to increase their commitments to 
help the innocent people of Bosnia survive this winter.  But whatever we 
do to help, it will not be enough.  So long as the armed conflict 
continues, it is not humanly possible to end the suffering of the people 
of Bosnia.  The only answer is to bring the fighting to an end, and the 
only means to that end is a negotiated settlement.  The United States 
encourages and supports diplomatic efforts to produce a peace agreement 
for Bosnia. 

Two specific CSCE activities deserve our unqualified support:  the work 
of the sanctions assistance monitors in the Balkans and the Skopje-based 
mission to contain the Yugoslav conflict.  These activities are not only 
vital to an eventual settlement; they also demonstrate our determination 
to prevent the spread, and raise the cost, of aggression.

We condemn any interference with CSCE monitoring efforts in the former 
Yugoslavia.  The United States regards the Serbian expulsion of CSCE 
monitors from Kosovo, Vojvodina and Sandzak as totally unjustified.  We 
urge the CSCE to continue pressing Serbian authorities to permit the 
monitors to return and to cease all interference with CSCE efforts to 
report on events in these regions.

As we try to ease the pain and end the conflict in the Balkans, we must 
uphold international humanitarian law and insist on justice for the 
victims of war crimes and other human rights abuses.  Those who commit 
atrocities must be held accountable for their actions.  The United 
States fully supports the War Crimes Tribunal, which began its work on 
November 17.  The Tribunal has the authority necessary to bring war 
criminals to justice, whoever they may be and wherever they may be 
found.  No nation that harbors individuals who are indicted and called 
by the Tribunal--or that in any other way interferes with its work--can 
expect to be regarded as members of the international community in good 
standing.  The work of the Tribunal will help to deter those who would 
settle ethnic and territorial disputes through attacks on civilians. 

We must also focus on preventing and resolving conflicts elsewhere on 
the continent.  Today, in Rome, we should reach decisions to strengthen 
CSCE's ability to build a secure Europe.  In particular, we must act to 
improve CSCE's capacity for early warning and prevention of conflicts.

The CSCE is already on the cutting edge of preventive diplomacy.  In 
Moldova, Estonia, Latvia, Georgia, Tajikistan and Nagorno-Karabakh, as 
well as in the former Yugoslavia, CSCE missions are moving to prevent 
conflict, stem its spread and halt open warfare.  The members of those 
missions should feel proud of their performance under difficult and 
dangerous conditions where ethnic strife and human rights violations 
tear the very fabric of states and cultures.  While we have made a good 
beginning, it is only a beginning.  We must do more, particularly in the 
new independent states where CSCE can provide vital assistance to 
reformers seeking to build independent, democratic societies.

In Georgia, we must redouble our efforts to assist the government in 
achieving peace and stability while ensuring respect for human rights 
and the country's territorial integrity.  In Moldova, a strengthened 
mandate for our mission can help all parties create a political 
framework for peace and assist in the early departure of remaining 
Russian forces.  In Tajikistan, quickly establishing a small mission on 
the ground can aid international efforts to promote the political 
reconciliation needed to bring stability to that troubled region. 

In Nagorno-Karabakh, the continued suffering of hundreds of  thousands 
of refugees and the danger of renewed hostilities compel us to intensify 
efforts to end the conflict.  With Italy's leader ship, the Minsk Group 
has made significant progress in finding common ground among the 
parties.  Now it is time for all parties to accept the timetable so 
painstakingly crafted by the negotiators of that forum.  We know that 
Sweden, the new chair of the Minsk Group, will vigorously pursue that 

CSCE's involvement in these conflicts also highlights the challenge to 
reach a consensus on guidelines for CSCE oversight of regional peace-
keeping.  The United States believes the CSCE must be clear about the 
military activities our members consider appropriate.  And it is time to 
develop the instruments to ensure that forces engaged in peace-keeping 
execute their responsibilities with strict neutrality and in good faith.

We must also make better use of the full range of CSCE conflict 
prevention tools, from the "Human Dimension" mechanism to the peaceful 
settlement-of-disputes mechanism agreed to at Stockholm.  At this 
meeting, we will adopt an American proposal to develop a "rapid reaction 
roster."  I am pleased that this decision will allow us to draw more 
fully on diplomats and experts from the public and private sectors--
individuals who are prepared to deploy quickly to reinforce or initiate 
a mission.  The United States has assigned officers as full-time 
monitors to support CSCE missions and has contributed substantial funds.  
We are doing our part, and we urge every CSCE state to do the same.

The CSCE must also do its part by streamlining its decision-making 
process.  CSCE's value depends on its flexibility, its relative lack of 
bureaucracy and its capacity for innovation.  These advantages must be 

The CSCE can also promote regional stability, especially through the 
untapped potential of its Forum on Security Cooperation.  A safe Europe 
cannot permit the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.  The 
CSCE's security principles commit us to refrain from the threat or use 
of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of 
other states.  These principles form the basis of the security 
assurances we are prepared to provide the non-Russian new independent 
states where we seek to eliminate nuclear weapons.  We applaud the 
action of Belarus in ratifying START and adhering to the Nuclear Non-
Proliferation Treaty agreements.  We welcome the move by Kazakhstan to 
ratify START and President Nazarbayev's pledge to adhere to the NPT.  
And we call on Ukraine to ratify the START agreement, adhere to the NPT, 
and meet its obligations under the Lisbon Protocol at the earliest 
possible date.

As we strengthen the CSCE, we must also adapt other regional 
institutions.  We can promote more durable European security through 
interlocking structures, each with complementary roles and strengths.  
NATO stands at the center of transatlantic security, and it will remain 
the central point of engagement for the United States in European 
security.  We are working with our European Allies to adapt NATO to the 
new challenges of an undivided Europe--and to turn former adversaries 
into new partners for peace.

We have proposed to our NATO Allies a Partnership for Peace that will 
extend practical security cooperation to the North Atlantic Cooperation 
Council partners and other European nations.  At the same time, we 
propose to open the door to an evolutionary expansion of NATO's 
membership.  The ministerial meetings of the North Atlantic Council and 
the NACC later this week in Brussels will discuss important initiatives 
to as we approach the NATO summit.

The CSCE vision compels us to recognize that democracy and security are 
sustained by prosperity.  At the 1990 Paris summit, and again at its 
1993 Economic Forum, the CSCE embraced free-market economics as an 
essential part of its vision.

The nations in Central and Eastern Europe that are making the difficult 
transition to free-market democracy must be able to deliver tangible 
benefits to their people.  Their citizens must know that sacrifice will 
be rewarded by the trade policies of the leading industrial nations.  
Our commitment to the new democracies of the East will be measured by 
the degree of market access we provide in the West. 

Opening markets in key sectors--and successfully concluding the Uruguay 
Round by the final December 15 deadline--will point the Central and East 
European nations toward greater prosperity, security and democracy.  
Failure will divide Western nations and deepen hardships for new and old 
democracies alike.

Again, today, we stand at a turning point for this continent.  While the 
transformation of the East has lost some momentum, a Europe that is 
safer, freer and better remains within reach.  Let us redeem the promise 
of a democratic and undivided Europe, a promise embedded in the 
principles of this institution.  Let us reinforce our commitment to CSCE 
as we build a European future of democracy and peace.    (###)


Secretary Christopher Visits Europe and the Middle East 
Secretary Christopher, Jordanian King Hussein, PLO Chairman Arafat, 
Egyptian President Mubarak, Syrian Foreign Minister Shara

Secretary Christopher 
December 1, 1993
Statement at a joint news conference, European Union headquarters, 
Brussels, Belgium.

I have just had some very good meetings with President Delors, his 
Commission colleagues, Belgian Foreign Minister Claes, representing the 
European Council, and Sir Leon Brittan.  This is the first time I've met 
with my European colleagues since the Maastricht Treaty came into force.  
I want to congratulate the European Union on reaching this milestone 
toward greater economic and political integration, a process that we 
strongly support.

My visit this week, and the three trips across the Atlantic that 
President Clinton will make between January and July, underscore the 
profound importance the United States attaches to relations with Europe.  
We are linked across the Atlantic by shared values and common interests; 
we are linked through NATO; and, we are linked through trade and 
investment.  The United States remains committed to a dynamic 
partnership with Europe.  I am confident that our partnership will 
demonstrate its strength as we face two defining challenges in the next 
six weeks.

 First is the NATO summit that will take place here in Brussels on 
January 10.  The summit presents an historic opportunity to adapt the 
NATO Alliance, the most successful in history, to the new security 
challenges of this post-Cold War era. Our centerpiece proposal for the 
summit is the Partnership for Peace, which extends the benefits of 
cooperation eastward.  In that way, the Alliance can help simultaneously 
to consolidate the new democracies and strengthen European stability.  
On Friday, I will meet with the former communist states in the North 
Atlantic Cooperation Council.  We will discuss the Partnership and other 
ways we can work more closely together to prevent and resolve conflicts.

My meetings today have emphasized a number of vital areas where we are 
working closely together with the European Union--areas such as Russia, 
the Middle East, and our mutual concern for the economy, for growth and 
jobs in all of our countries.  However, the focus of our discussions 
was, it is fair to say, on the Uruguay Round.  Security in the post-Cold 
War world depends as much on strong economies as on strong arsenals.  
Advancing transatlantic security requires us to focus not only on 
renewing the NATO Alliance, but also on successfully concluding the GATT 

As Secretary of State, I am committed to placing economic security at 
the heart of American foreign policy.  I wanted to meet with European 
Union leaders today with the Uruguay Round deadline looming--and such an 
important opportunity pending.

Since the end of the Second World War, the United States and Europe have 
created and sustained a liberal trading order.  That system has helped 
produce unprecedented growth and prosperity for the United States and 
for Europe.  Now we have the chance to multiply once again the benefits 
of open markets to each and every one of our nations.

The stakes are absolutely immense.  A broad, market-opening agreement 
will spur growth an both sides of the Atlantic and around the world.  It 
will provide an immediate boost to business confidence.  It will expand 
the world's economy by more than $200 billion a year.  It will create 
jobs to lift our peoples' hopes and break the grip of recession and 
stagnant job growth.

On the other hand, a failure would threaten the economic recovery of 
Europe, the United States and, indeed, the world as a whole.  There is 
no doubt in my mind that the failure of the Uruguay Round would not be 
good for the relationship between the United States and Europe and, 
indeed, almost certainly would not be good for the European Union 
itself.  It would threaten a rash of unilateral actions.

Our recent NAFTA debate in the United States was highly contentious.  
But the outcome demonstrates the resolve of the Clinton Administration 
and the U.S. Congress to open markets and expand trade.  And at the APEC 
meetings in Seattle, the United States joined the leaders and ministers 
of Asia-Pacific nations in committing to open trade and to a successful 
conclusion of the Uruguay Round.  What NAFTA and the APEC meeting tell 
us is that the future lies in fewer trade barriers, not more; in greater 
global economic integration, not less.  The whole world is watching to 
see whether these events will carry us to a successful conclusion of the 
Uruguay Round.

None of the remaining tradeoffs will be easy for any of us, but they 
must be made by the final December 15 deadline.  There will be no 
December 16 for the round.

Twice before in relatively recent history when a deadline loomed and a 
Uruguay Round agreement was within reach, we fell short.  Now the United 
States, the European Union--and each member of the European Union--have 
a responsibility to do better.  We have a responsibility to meet 
flexibility with flexibility.  We have a responsibility to the people of 
our nations, to the transatlantic community and to the world as a whole.  
As great powers, we owe a responsibility to the individuals in the 
countries that will be hurt if the agreement fails and helped if the 
agreement succeeds.  We have a strong responsibility to complete this 

As partners for prosperity and security, we have a responsibility to 
lead.  Once again, the world is looking to the United States and Europe, 
and I think and hope that this time we will meet the challenge and have 
a successful Uruguay Round.

Secretary Christopher
December 2, 1993
Remarks at the NACC intervention, Brussels, Belgium.

Mr. Secretary General:  We meet today to help prepare the NATO summit 
meeting that will take place here in five weeks' time.  Yesterday, the 
North Atlantic Council reviewed progress toward the summit and set a 
final work program.  Today, we review with our cooperation partners the 
goals for this summit and the principal ideas that we discussed.  It is 
appropriate that we do this, because so much of what we hope to achieve 
on January 10-11 will affect the future of every country represented 
around this table.

For some time, NATO has recognized that the security of Europe and the 
North Atlantic region is indivisible.  We all have a stake in each 
other's success; we depend on one another to build a stake in each 
other's success; we depend on one another to build a safe and secure 
future to replace the turmoil and conflict that has made up so much of 
the past.  We, thus, meet at a time of both hope and expectation.

I believe I can speak for everyone in NATO in saying that this Alliance 
is committed to the task of helping to extend eastward the benefits of 
security and stability that we have come to enjoy in the Western part of 
the continent and across the Atlantic.  That commitment is not in 
question; what we meet now to discuss are the best means to achieve this 
historic purpose.

Earlier this fall, the United States introduced several proposals into 
Alliance discussion.  At the core of our concern to extend security 
eastward is what we call the Partnership for Peace.  Let me say a few 
words about it this morning.

If adopted by NATO at the summit, the Partnership for Peace will become 
a solemn undertaking by each member of this Alliance to reach out to 
nations in the East and to bring them into the work of the West--to 
promote not only their security, but also our own.  Every cooperation 
partner represented around this table, as well as some other European 
countries, will be invited to join on an equal footing.  And each will 
decide for itself how deeply it chooses to be engaged.

We have in mind four grand objectives:  

First, as a NACC activity, the Partnership of Peace will be tangible 
evidence that NATO is prepared to support efforts by individual 
countries in the East to transform societies, enrich democracy and build 
productive market economies.  This will be added assurance that each 
member has NATO as its partner in peace;  

Second, the new Partnership will help NACC states recreate military 
structures, attitudes and practices, consonant with principles of 
democracy and peaceful development;  

Third, members of the Partnership for Peace will earn the right to 
consult with NATO when their security is under challenge;  and 

Fourth, all members of the new Partnership for Peace that choose to take 
part--NACC states and others--will be enlisted in NATO's endeavors, 
including crisis management and peace-keeping--indeed, in the work of 
providing security on the continent, both East and West.

We know that the success of this new Partnership will transform the way 
in which all of us think about security in Europe and what we do about 
it.  It is given to this generation of power balances and blocs in 
confrontation as the essence of European security.  We are charged to 
preserve--and to the utmost of our ability to extend eastward--what has 
been achieved within the West.  This includes the strength and unity of 
the NATO Alliance, the energy and purpose of the European Union, the 
indissoluble links across the Atlantic Alliance.  For others, it will 
become an end in itself, strengthening their national security while 
contributing to that of others.  For all, it will testify to a common 
purpose, reflected in an unprecedented commitment to democratic 
development, free institutions and shared security. 

Secretary Christopher
December 5, 1993
Opening statement at a news conference following a meeting with Syrian 
President Asad and Foreign Minister Shara, Damascus, Syria.

I've just come from a meeting with President Asad that lasted almost 
four hours.  Foreign Minister Shara of Syria was also along, and I was 
accompanied by Dennis Ross, our Middle East coordinator.  We discussed a 
number of subjects relating to the peace process.  The meeting was long 
and detailed and quite intense.  I would say that it was constructive 
from my standpoint.  I felt the discussion revealed a desire to move 
forward in the peace process, but I want to make it clear that I'm not 
able to give you anything in detail tonight.

I'll be returning to Israel the day after tomorrow and reporting to 
Prime Minister Rabin at that time, and, of course, I'll be reporting to 
President Clinton either tonight or tomorrow, so you'll understand that 
I'm not able to go into detail with respect to the meeting.

I will say that I felt a strong desire on the part of President Asad to 
move forward with the peace process, and I felt the same way with the 
meeting last night with Prime Minister Rabin.  The meeting, I think, was 
just another step in the process that's going to be long and requires a 
good deal of hard work and patience.

I'll be coming back here on Thursday--President Asad has agreed to meet 
with me late on Thursday morning.  After that, I would think that 
probably Foreign Minister Shara and I will be having a press conference 
in which we can give you a more detailed readout.

I do have something quite important to report tonight, though.  I'm very 
pleased to announce that for humanitarian reasons, Syria has agreed to 
invite a small team of congressional staffers to visit Syria and Lebanon 
at the beginning of next month to help resolve the questions of the 
Israeli missing in action.  The team will come from the House Foreign 
Affairs Committee, which, of course, is chaired by Lee Hamilton.  The 
Syrian Government has offered to facilitate the 

work of this team to help it in making contacts with those who may have 
information about the Israeli MIAs.  This is an important humanitarian 
gesture by the Syrian Government.  I welcome it.  I'm going to be 
meeting with the families of the missing in action when I return to 
Israel later this week, and I'll be very pleased to have this to report 
to them.

As I say, I don't have very much in detail to report to you about the 
meeting today, except that I did feel that it was a constructive, 
positive exchange between the President and myself which went on, as I 
said, for nearly four hours.  After I finish here tonight, a senior 
Administration official will be here to answer more of your questions as 
to any of the details that we might be able to make available tonight.  
I don't want to foreshadow that we're really going to be making 
available more details on Thursday than we can tonight.  

King Hussein and Secretary Christopher
December 6, 1993
Remarks following a meeting, Amman, Jordan.

King Hussein.  Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.  Once again, it is 
a very great pleasure to be with you and to repeat our deep gratitude 
for the spirit of partnership and friendship at this very interesting 
moment in the life of this region that brought Secretary Christopher 
back to Jordan during his tour of the area, and his much appreciated 
work together with the many friends we have had the opportunity to 
welcome.  Our meetings went extremely well.  Our talks were as always 
frank, friendly, and in the spirit of partners seeking a common 
objective for a better future for all the peoples of this region.  Once 
again, sir, a very hearty welcome.

Secretary Christopher.  Thank you.  I express great gratitude on my own 
behalf and on behalf of all the members of the party from the United 
States for the warm hospitality of King Hussein and all the members of 
his government.  I think we have become accustomed to the warmth of this 
hospitality, which is only matched by this beautiful day, but we 
certainly appreciate it.  Your Majesty, it is wonderful to be here 

We had a good conversation, a good deal of which was devoted to the 
peace process.  All who are here know that the King has long been a 
leader in the peace process, and the initialing of the agenda in 
Washington between Israel and Jordan was a very important step.

The document between the King and the Foreign Minister is an important 
indication of the movement in this direction.  The King indicated that 
he desires to proceed, in a deliberate but effective way, to move 
forward in the peace process.  

We discussed the need for a comprehensive peace, and I told the King of 
President Clinton's commitment in this regard.  Before I left the United 
States, the message that President Clinton gave me was to emphasize to 
all leaders in this region the U.S. commitment to a comprehensive peace 
and his direction to me to work in that regard.

We also discussed economic issues at some length.  The trilateral group 
that was set up in Washington between the Crown Prince and Foreign 
Minister Peres, with U.S. participation, is something that we all depend 
upon to provide an economic spark for this region.  We discussed 
investment and trade issues.  We discussed the tremendous promise of 
tourism, which could create a whole industry and hundreds of thousands 
of jobs.  We also discussed the donors' conference, which is going to 
play an important part in the development of the West Bank, and the 
World Bank's leadership in this area.  We discussed a number of options 
such as possible conferences in the trade and investment areas.  So, I 
would say, economic development occupied a good deal of our discussion.  
The third area we discussed was military issues and the military 
relationship with the United States cooperating with Jordan and looking 
toward meetings in 1994 to enhance that cooperation.  It was a very 
useful meeting between countries who have a long, friendly relationship.  
Thank you again, your Majesty. 

Secretary Christopher and PLO Chairman Arafat
December 6, 1993
Opening remarks at a news conference, Amman, Jordan.

Secretary Christopher.  Good evening.  I have just finished a good 
discussion with PLO Chairman Arafat.  We covered a variety of issues 
pertaining to the implementation of the Israeli-PLO Declaration of 

It is my firm belief that timely implementation of this agreement offers 
the very best opportunity for the Israelis and the Palestinians to put 
an end to the conflict between them.  Implementation will produce a 
turning point for both the Palestinians and the Israelis.  It will mark 
the beginning of a new day in the Middle East, with new hopes and new 
possibilities.  Much hard work certainly lies ahead, but both parties 
have demonstrated their commitment to the historic agreement that they 
signed three months ago.  In my talks with Mr. Arafat, he made it clear 
that he is determined not to allow this opportunity to slip away and to 
keep  focused on achieving concrete results. 

It is essential that the Palestinians be prepared now to make the key 
political and economic decisions, and the Chairman and I discussed 
those.  They are difficult decisions, and I know he faces many 
difficulties in confronting them.  When those decisions are taken, the 
international community can help more quickly develop the territories 
and help the Palestinians build the essential institutions.

Credible structures to receive the assistance need to be put in place, 
and  the Chairman enlightened me about the structures that he has been 
setting up to receive and handle the assistance.  So it was a useful 
meeting, particularly in that respect.

It is up to the parties themselves, of course, to reach agreements 
through their negotiations, and I think they are working hard to do so 
against some tough deadlines.  The United States will continue to try to 
help build international support for these negotiations and to address 
the specific requirements that the parties identify as necessary to 
implement the agreements.  I indicated to Chairman Arafat in this 
connection that the United States is looking for ways to make available 
non-lethal assistance to the Palestinian police force.

There are so many who would like this agreement to fail and who would 
use violence and terror to bring that about.  We cannot allow them to 
succeed--to undermine what the Israelis and the Palestinians achieved on 
September 13 and what they can achieve in the future.  Thank you very 

Chairman Arafat.  It is my pleasure to meet with Secretary Christopher  
here in Amman, a brotherly country with whom we have very strong ties.  
From here I send my highest regards to His Majesty, King Hussein, for 
facilitating this meeting.  This meeting was positive and fruitful, and 
we have talked freely and frankly.

I would like to thank Secretary Christopher for his patience and for 
listening to our troubles--either those which are related to the 
escalation in our occupied territories or problems that we are facing on 
the negotiating track.  I assured the Secretary--so that he can convey 
our assurances to President Clinton--that we are committed fully to the 
peace process.

We have also agreed on the importance of the efforts that are being 
exerted by Secretary Christopher and the American Administration, in 
general, to narrow the gaps between us and the Israelis during the 
negotiations regarding withdrawal or the problems surrounding the 
Jericho issue and the release of prisoners.  We truly hope to reach an 
agreement to implement the agreement we signed on September 13, and to 
be able to implement that agreement on December 13.

I would also like to thank Secretary Christopher for his efforts 
regarding his work with the World Bank and the donors who are trying to 
help the Palestinian people to start their new lives and to build 
infrastructure that has been totally destroyed over the years.

The meeting was useful, positive, and fruitful.

Secretary Christopher.  [following news conference] I think that 
Chairman Arafat did not ask me to interfere.  I have said before that 
the agreement was negotiated between the Israelis and the PLO.  They are 
the best ones to interpret the provisions.  They are having face-to-face 
discussion with respect to that.  So, I think that it is quite important 
that no one tries to interpose themselves into those discussions.

All that being said, I heard the urgency that the Chairman attaches to a 
prompt conclusion to the first set of agreements and, certainly, when I 
see Prime Minister Rabin, I will pass on to him the concern that 
Chairman Arafat has for a prompt resolution of the outstanding issues.  
I think that will not put me in a position of interfering in any way 
with the parties.

President Mubarak and Secretary Christopher
December 8, 1993
Remarks at news conference, Cairo, Egypt, December 8, 1993.

President Mubarak.  We welcome Secretary Christopher to Cairo.  He had 
very good talks in Syria, Israel, Jordan, and he met with Chairman 
Yassir Arafat.  We are just working to push the implementation of the 
Declaration of Principles forward and to push the peace process as a 
whole forward, especially on the Palestinian side.

We had good discussions on all these points, and we are still working 
hard--side by side with the United States--so as peace, some time, will 
be felt all over this area.

Secretary Christopher.  It is a great pleasure to be back in Egypt and 
to have a chance to talk to President Mubarak.  I think all the world 
knows how much he has contributed to the peace process and what a vital 
role he has played, and I'm glad to know that he is going to continue to 
play that role.

President Mubarak made a fundamental point in our discussions this 
morning:  The implementation of the Declaration of Principles is 
absolutely essential if we are going to move forward in this situation.  
That is the key to bringing an end to the violence, to show people that 
there is a new reality, that improvement can take place on the ground, 
in the lives of the people.  The President's point is so fundamental 
that it ought to be remembered by all the parties.

Egypt will continue to play its vital role, he assured me, in moving the 
Declaration of Principles forward, as well as in the remainder of the 
peace process.  I gave him a report of my meetings in the other capitals 
and told him that I will be leaving the region in a couple of days with 
a sense of optimism about what can be accomplished if the parties focus 
on the negotiations and on the possibilities of the future.  We need to 
develop a spirit of reconciliation, a sense that good relations are 
possible in this region between all the parties who have so long sought 

We discussed a number of other regional issues.  As you know, Egypt has 
just hosted a very important conference for the Organization of African 
Unity.  I have heard reports on the conference and on the vital role 
that the President has played in seeking a sounder method to resolve 
disputes throughout Africa.  I am delighted to be here to have an 
opportunity to talk to the President again and to discuss with him the 
importance of negotiation for resolving the problems of Africa and of 
the Middle East.  

Mr. President, thank you very much for receiving me here.  I am 
delighted to have a chance to reinforce the great sense of U.S. and 
Egyptian cooperation and the friendship between our countries. 

Foreign Minister Shara and Secretary Christopher
December 9, 1993
Opening remarks following a meeting, Damascus, Syria.

Foreign Minister Shara.  Ladies and gentlemen:  First of all, I would 
like to thank you for being patient with us.  We are late one hour.

Before giving the floor to Secretary Christopher, I would like to 
describe the talks he had with His Excellency, President Hafez al-Asad.  
Those talks were positive and fruitful and were conducted in a cordial 
and frank atmosphere.  We appreciated the efforts that have been exerted 
by Secretary Christopher during his tour in the region.  These efforts 
will help to push the peace process forward.  We hope the region might 
witness the achievement of a just and comprehensive peace.

Secretary Christopher has prepared a statement which contains a number 
of steps which, generally, have been agreed upon, and I hope these steps 
will pave the way for the resumption of the next round of peace talks in 
Washington.  Mr. Secretary.

Secretary Christopher.  Thank you.  I have just had a productive 
discussion with President Asad and Foreign Minister Shara.  I also spoke 
on the phone this morning to Prime Minister Hariri of Lebanon.

On the basis of these talks and my other meetings in the region, I am 
pleased to announce that the parties have agreed to resume negotiations 
in Washington, DC.  To help prepare for those negotiations and to try to 
increase the likelihood that they make progress, we have agreed on some 
new steps.

First, I have invited Lebanon and Syria to send the heads of their 
delegation to Washington in early January for preparatory consultations 
with the United States on the key substantive issues.

Second, following these consultations with the United States, all 
delegation heads will come to Washington on or about January 18 to meet 
with their counterparts for simplified and streamlined talks.  We and 
the other parties believe that these discussions are the best way to 
prepare for a fully productive next round.

Third, it is expected that the heads of delegations, in consultation 
with the co-sponsors, will recommend that the formal negotiations resume 
at the end of the month or in February.

Taken together, we believe that these steps will energize the peace 

From the outset of the Clinton Administration, we have set as our 
objective a comprehensive and secure peace.  Since the summer, a 
breakthrough has been achieved on the Israeli-Palestinian track, and 
negotiations between Jordan and Israel have moved forward.  With the 
resumption of negotiations in January, I believe that genuine progress 
can also be made on the Syrian and the Lebanese tracks.

Against this background, President Clinton and President Asad have 
agreed to meet in Geneva in mid-January.  President Clinton has met with 
the other heads of government involved in the peace process his first 
year in office.  Such discussions, at the highest level, are important 
to our role as a full partner and active intermediary in the peace 
process.  President Clinton views this meeting with President Asad as an 
opportunity to discuss the requirements for reaching a peace agreement 
between Israel and Syria pursuant to UN Resolutions 242 and 338.  These 
meetings--this meeting, in particular, in Geneva--will help put in place 
a vital cornerstone in our efforts to build a comprehensive and lasting 
peace for all the people of this troubled region.   (###)


Tightening Economic Sanctions Against Libya
Statement released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, 
Washington, DC, December 3, 1993.

The White House, today, announced new measures to tighten economic 
sanctions against Libya.  These measures are pursuant to the imposition 
by the world community of new sanctions against Libya under UN Security 
Council Resolution 883 and are designed to bring to justice the 
perpetrators of terrorist attacks against Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA 
Flight 772.  The actions signal that Libya cannot continue to defy 
justice and flout the will of the international community with impunity.

UN Security Council Resolution 883 freezes assets owned or controlled by 
the Government of Libya on a worldwide basis and bans provision of 
equipment for refining and transporting oil.  It tightens the 
international air embargo and other measures imposed in 1992 under UN 
Security Council Resolution 748.  It is the result of close cooperation 
between the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, whose 
citizens were the principal victims of Libyan-sponsored terrorist 
attacks against Pan Am Flight 103 and UTA Flight 772, and consultations 
with Russia and other friends and allies.

The President has instructed the Secretary of Commerce to reinforce our 
current trade embargo against Libya by prohibiting the sale from foreign 
countries to Libya of U.S.-origin products, including equipment for 
refining and transporting oil.

The President also is renewing for another year the national emergency 
with respect to Libya pursuant to the International Emergency Economic 
Powers Act.  This renewal extends the current comprehensive financial 
and trade embargo against Libya in effect since 1986.  Under these 
sanctions, all trade with Libya is controlled by the Department of the 
Treasury, and all assets owned or controlled by the Libyan Government in 
the United States or in possession of U.S. persons are frozen.

The United States continues to believe that still stronger measures, 
including a worldwide oil embargo, should be enacted if Libya continues 
to defy the international community.  We remain determined to ensure 
that perpetrators of these acts of terrorism are brought to justice.  
The families of the victims in the murderous Lockerbie bombing and other 
acts of Libyan terrorism deserve nothing less.   (###)


Advancing Regional Prosperity In Central America
President Clinton, Guatemalan President De Leon
News conference held by the President and leaders of the Central 
American countries--Presidents Cristiani of El Salvador, Endara of 
Panama, Callejas of Honduras, Calderon of Costa Rica, Chamorro of 
Nicaragua, and De Leon of Guatemala, and Prime Minister Esquivel of 
Belize, Washington, DC, November 30, 1993

President Clinton.  Good morning.   This morning, it was my great honor 
to welcome seven outstanding Central American leaders to the White 
House:  President Cristiani of El Salvador, President Endara of Panama, 
President Callejas of Honduras, President Calderon of Costa Rica, 
President Chamorro of Nicaragua, President De Leon of Guatemala, and 
Prime Minister Esquivel of Belize.

These leaders have made a historic contribution to our hemisphere by 
helping to build democracy and peace in a region that, until very 
recently, was riven by civil strife.  I'm grateful that they were able 
to break away from the Miami conference on the Caribbean, which they are 
attending with leaders from the private sector from throughout the 
Caribbean Basin, to discuss ways to advance regional prosperity.

President De Leon has struggled heroically on behalf of democracy and 
human rights in Guatemala, and he has just achieved an important 
political accord that will bring more accountable government to his 
nation.  President Cristiani played a central role in ending El 
Salvador's civil war and has been critical to the success of the peace 
accords.  President Chamorro has worked hard to bring reconciliation and 
democracy to Nicaragua.  I want to acknowledge President Callejas for 
his leadership in consolidating democracy in Honduras, and President 
Calderon for advancing Costa Rica's traditions of social justice and the 
rule of law.  President Endara has safeguarded Panama's return to 
democracy, and Prime Minister Esquivel has earned praise for his 
government's sound economic policies and his own personal integrity.

For years, few regions of our world endured more suffering than Central 
America.  But, today, few regions are better poised to reap the benefits 
of the end of the Cold War.  This is the first time in the 20th century 
that all of these nations have come here to the White House to meet the 
President of the United States--every one of them being headed by 
democratically elected leaders.  It is a historic and very important 

The people of Central America are clearly dedicated to the harvest of 
reconstruction and renewal.  They are healing divided societies, 
reviving stalled economies, and working toward closer integration among 
themselves and their other neighbors.  My message today to these 
distinguished leaders and to the millions whom they represent is simple:  
The United States will be there as your partner to help.  We will not 
make the mistake of abandoning this region when its dramatic recovery is 
not yet complete.  We will remain engaged to help Central America attain 
peace, consolidate democracy, protect human rights, and achieve 
sustainable development.  Our nation has a direct stake in Central 
America's stability and prosperity.  The United States exports $6 
billion in goods to these countries, supporting over 100,000 American 

Today, we discussed steps that Central America's nations can take to 
strengthen our economic ties, including further trade liberalization and 
better protection of worker rights, intellectual property, and the 
environment.  We also discussed the impact of the North American Free 
Trade Agreement, which all of these leaders strongly supported.  The 
Vice President is leaving this afternoon for Mexico where he will 
deliver a major address on American engagement in Latin America.  This 
morning, we agreed that NAFTA's historic passage can serve as a catalyst 
for the expansion of free trade to other market democracies throughout 
the hemisphere--something I have long supported.  And we shared concerns 
about NAFTA's potential short-term effects on the flow of trade and 
investment to Central America.  I pledged that my Administration will 
work with Congress and Central American governments to design 
affirmative strategies to stimulate regional trade.

As our economic relationship evolves, so must the nature of U.S. support 
for economic development in Central America.  We will continue bilateral 
aid programs.  At the same time, the region's rising credit worthiness 
has allowed international financial institutions to increase their role, 
and we strongly support that.  We will work to develop a new, more 
mature economic partnership with Central America based on trade 
expansion, multilateral support for economic reforms, and better 
coordination of bilateral and multilateral aid programs.

These leaders, today, have told us that they seek to work together to 
become a model region for sustainable development.  And we are prepared 
to work with them in that enterprise.  I can think of no more important 
common endeavor.

With the elections of the last several years, democracy has taken root 
in Central America's rugged terrain.  Now the challenge facing this 
region is to build democratic institutions that endure, that are honest, 
that are responsive, that are effective.  We are prepared to work 
closely with Central America to promote reform in the judiciary, the 
civil service, education, and health care.  Good governance will advance 
our mutual objectives:  to bolster democracy, promote social 
opportunity, and clear the path for freer trade.

Just a few years ago, this morning's meeting would have been literally 
unthinkable.  Now, in the midst of this great progress, it would be 
unthinkable for us not to meet.  The prosperity and security of this 
hemisphere that we share depends more than ever on our continued 

It is now my honor to introduce President De Leon who will also speak 
for his fellow Central American leaders.  Mr. President.

President De Leon.  Thank you very much.  Good morning.  At this time of 
great and transcendent changes in the world order--in Central America, 
in the United States, and especially in our reciprocal relations--today, 
we just had a presidential meeting which we consider not only a very 
pleasant one, but an extremely constructive one.  We were able to 
exchange with President Clinton, whom we would like to thank for his 
invitation, our points of view on issues and problems of great 
importance having to do with our bilateral relationship as well as 
recent events in Central America on the one hand, and in the United 
States on the other.

I would like to summarize what we have discussed as follows:  As far as 
democracy and governance--first of all, we underscored the efforts made 
in our region for the consolidation of pluralistic and participatory 
systems, giving special priority to respect for individual, civil, and 
political human rights, which has allowed great progress, in recent 
years, in the solution of the great conflicts we have.

We showed that we Central American countries continue to work to achieve 
true participatory democracy involving growth with social justice and 
without confrontation, and that solidarity and dialogue are essential 
principles to which we are giving priority as the underpinnings of the 
strengthening of our democracies.

As to economic and social development and the fight against poverty, on 
these points we said to President Clinton that the magnitude of the 
problem of poverty in our countries is of great importance.  It is a 
problem which will have to be solved with political will and solidarity.  
The fight against poverty, we said, is not just a matter of supporting 
social welfare investment, but it is a matter of supporting productive 
investment through private investment, supporting the productive sector, 
and supporting the insertion of our economies into the world market.

We have to fight the scourge of poverty through consistent management of 
our economic and our social policies.  We told the President that we are 
emerging with great difficulty and with degrees of difference from one 
country to the other, emerging from a deep and prolonged recession which 
punished those least able to defend themselves especially badly.  I am 
talking here about the poorest of the poor.

As far as economic adjustment is concerned, with great optimism we told 
the President that we Central Americans are now looking toward the 
future with a positive vision.  We are transforming antiquated schemes.  
Now the societies realize that they have to assume costs but with an 
attitude of solidarity in order to achieve peace, development, 
democracy, and, especially, the respect for human rights--both 
individual and economic, social and cultural.

We emphasized that governments must become more efficient as 
administrators and public servants allowing the state to act where it 
must and generate conditions so that the private sector can act in a 
more decentralized and participatory manner.  Regarding self-effort and 
external assistance, we discussed how happy we Central Americans are to 
be making our own efforts and advancing toward positive results--a 
demonstration of which is the recent signing of the Protocol to the 
Treaty of Central American Economic Integration.  At the same time, 
though, we recalled that these internal efforts must be supported, as 
they have been, by external cooperation.  And here the support offered 
by the United States has, and will continue to have, great importance.

We also told President Clinton that we feel that this particular 
historic moment is the very worst one to be cutting back on cooperation-
-external cooperation.  It is the best time to maintain it and increase 
it, convinced that democracy is more than the simple and mere holding of 
regular elections.

Finally, on the NAFTA and the Caribbean Basin Initiative, the Central 
American presidents said in this meeting--in this presidential summit 
meeting--that our bilateral agenda with the United States is going to be 
very strongly influenced not only by the changes in Central America, but 
also by the historic decision of Canada, the United States, and Mexico 
to form an expanded free trade area.

We said that we applaud this decision which marks a fundamental and 
positive change in inter-American relations, and we feel that this does 
constitute a creative answer to the emerging international reordering. 
We also considered that NAFTA implies the need for the Central American 
region to redouble its efforts and to become stronger so that we can 
expand to serve more competitive markets.

We made two proposals to President Clinton.  First of all, we expressed 
our great interest in initiating consultations to incorporate the 
Central American countries into the North American Free Trade Agreement 
and, at the same time, that  real possibilities be considered to make 
the CBI benefits equal to the NAFTA benefits.  We said that we felt that 
this should be done within the framework of respect for the environment.  
We had a very favorable response to our suggestion that Central America 
should become a model area of sustainable development in the 
environmental framework.

We have taken the political decision to suggest this, and President 
Clinton has decided to give this idea his backing.  We also said that we 
would be very appreciative of any support that the U.S. Government could  
give to the negotiations, within the framework of the Uruguay Round, to 
expand liberalization of world trade for products of interest to us.  We 
are grateful for the efforts that the United States has made to increase 
our access to the European Common Market, and we are hoping that there 
will be a negotiated solution with the European Community.

Finally, and given the welcome and the interest which was so 
emphatically shown by President Clinton to the regional proposals we 
made, the presidents of the Central American region wish to repeat our 
satisfaction at the fruitfulness and constructive nature of this 
meeting.  We have decided to set up a high-level commission among us to 
follow up the process of incorporation of Central America into the North 
American Free Trade Agreement.  This constitutes a very important way to 
combat poverty in Central America and, thus, achieve peace and 
consolidate democracy and development with social equity for the entire 
Central American isthmus.  (###)


What's in Print:   Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly

Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly (formerly Geographic Notes) is 
published by the Office of the Geographer, Bureau of Intelligence and 
Research, U.S. Department of State.  The Quarterly contains analyses as 
well as maps and other graphics that provide a geographic perspective on 
foreign policy-related topics such as boundary and sovereignty disputes, 
maritime issues, international migration and refugee flows, 
transnational environmental problems, and issues concerning political 
and economic geography.

The recently released summer 1993 issue (Vol. 3, No. 2) contains 
geographic and economic profiles of the new states of Central Asia; the 
texts of these profiles also are reproduced on the back of a special map 
insert.  This issue also includes the list, "Nations in the World as of 
August 26, 1993."  For each nation, the list provides its short-form 
name, long-form name, and capital; U.S. diplomatic relations; and UN 

Other items in this issue include articles on UN Security Council 
reform, the Belarus-Ukraine and the Russia-Kazakhstan border areas, and 
world hunger.

Subscriptions and copies of individual issues are available from the 
Superintendent of Documents, P.O. Box 371954, Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954.  
Subscription prices are $7.00 per year (four issues) for domestic orders 
and $8.75 per year for foreign.  Single-issue prices are $2.75 domestic 
and $3.44 foreign.  FAX your order using your credit card (MasterCard or 
VISA) or GPO Deposit Account number, to (202) 512-2233.

Inquiries related to publication content should be directed to:  Editor, 
Geographic and Global Issues Quarterly, Office of the Geographer, U.S. 
Department of State, Washington, DC     20520-6510.  (###)


Treaty Actions

Convention on the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral 
awards.  Done at New York June 10, 1958.  Entered into force June 7, 
1959; for the U.S. Dec. 29, 1970.  TIAS 6997; 21 UST 2517.  Succession:  
Czech Republic, Sept. 30, 1993.

Chemical Weapons
Convention on the prohibition of the development, production, 
stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction, with 
annexes.  Done at Paris Jan. 13, 1993.1  Signatures:  Djibouti, Sept. 
28, 1993; Maldives, Oct. 4, 1993; Swaziland, Sept. 23, 1993.

Consular Relations
Convention on consular relations.  Done at Vienna Apr. 24, 1963.  
Entered into force Mar. 19, 1967; for the U.S. Dec. 24, 1969.  TIAS 
6820; 21 UST 77.  Succession deposited:  Macedonia, Aug. 18, 1993.

Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations.  Done at Vienna Apr. 18, 
1961.  Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the U.S. Dec. 13, 1972.  
TIAS 7502; 23 UST 3227.  Successions:   Macedonia, Aug. 18, 1993; 
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Optional protocol to the Vienna convention on diplomatic relations 
concerning the compulsory settlement of disputes.  Done at Vienna Apr. 
18, 1961.  Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the U.S. Dec. 13, 1972.  
TIAS 7502; 23 UST 3374.  Succession deposited:  Macedonia, Aug. 18, 

Environmental Modification
Convention on the prohibition of military or any other hostile use of 
environmental modification techniques, with annex.  Done at Geneva May 
18, 1977.  Entered into force Oct. 5, 1978; for the U.S. Jan 17, 1980.  
TIAS 9614; 31 UST 333.  Accession:  Uruguay, Sept. 16, 1993.

Agreement establishing the International Fund for Agricultural 
Development.  Done at Rome June 13, 1976.  Entered into force Nov. 30, 
1977.  TIAS 8765; 28 UST 8435.  Accession deposited:  Kyrgyz Republic, 
Sept. 10, 1993.

Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights.  Adopted  by the 
UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966.  Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976; 
for the U.S. Sept. 8, 1992.  Accession:  Nigeria, July 29, 1993.  
Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.
Optional protocol to the international covenant on civil and political 
rights.  Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966.  Entered into 
force Mar. 23, 1976.2  Accession:  Germany, Aug. 25, 1993.
International covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights.  
Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 16, 1966.  Entered into force 
Jan. 3, 1976.2  Accessions:   Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Nigeria, July 29, 
1993.  Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.

Investment Disputes
Convention on the settlement of investment disputes between states and 
nationals of other states.  Done at Washington  Mar. 18, 1965.  Entered 
into force Oct. 14, 1966.  TIAS 6090; 17 UST 1270.  Signatures:  
Colombia, May 18, 1993; Venezuela, Aug. 18, 1993.  Ratifications 
deposited:  Costa Rica, Apr. 27, 1993; Czech Republic, Mar. 23, 1993; 
Micronesia, June 24, 1993; Peru, Aug. 9, 1993.

Instrument for the amendment of the constitution of the International 
Labor Organization.  Done at Montreal Oct. 9, 1946.  Entered into force 
Apr. 20, 1948; re-entered into force for the U.S. Feb. 18, 1980.  TIAS 
1868; 62 Stat. 3485.  Acceptance deposited:  Turkmenistan, Sept. 24, 

Single convention on narcotic drugs, 1961.  Done at New York Mar. 30, 
1961.  Entered into force Dec. 13, 1964; for the U.S.  June 24, 1967.  
TIAS 6298; 18 UST 1407.  Accessions:  Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Dominica, 
Sept. 24, 1993.

Protocol amending the single convention on narcotic drugs, 1961.  Done 
at Geneva Mar. 25, 1972.  Entered into force Aug. 8, 1975.  TIAS 8118; 
26 UST 1439.  Accessions:  Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Dominica, Sept. 24, 
1993; Dominican Republic, Sept. 21, 1993.

Convention on psychotropic substances.  Done at Vienna Feb. 21, 1971.  
Entered into force Aug. 16, 1976; for the U.S. July 15, 1980.  TIAS 
9725; 32 UST 543.  Accessions:   Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Dominica, 
Sept. 24, 1993; Netherlands, Sept. 8, 1993.  Succession:   Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.

UN convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic 
substances, with annex and final act.  Done at Vienna Dec. 20, 1988.  
Entered into force Nov. 11, 1990.  [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-4.  
Accessions:  Azerbaijan, Sept. 22, 1993; Dominican Republic, Sept. 21, 

Convention for the protection of producers of phonograms against 
unauthorized duplication of their phonograms.  Done at Geneva Oct. 29, 
1971.  Entered into force Apr. 18, 1973; for the U.S. Mar. 10, 1974.  
TIAS 7808; 25 UST 309.  Accession deposited:  Greece, Nov. 2, 1993.

Convention establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization.  
Done at Stockholm July 14, 1967.  Entered into force Apr. 26, 1970; for 
the U.S. Aug. 25, 1970.  TIAS 6932; 21 UST 1749.
Accession deposited:  Estonia, Nov. 5, 1993.

Convention relating to the status of refugees, with schedule and annex.  
Signed at Geneva July 28, 1951.  Entered into force Apr. 22, 1954.2  
TIAS 6577.  Accession:  Bahamas, Sept. 15, 1993;3,4 St. Vincent and the 
Grenadines, Nov. 3, 1993.  Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 

Protocol relating to the status of refugees.  Done at New York  Jan. 31, 
1967.  Entered into force   Oct. 4, 1967; for the U.S. Nov. 1, 1968.  
TIAS 6577; 19 UST 6223.  Accession:  Bahamas, Sept. 15, 1993.3,4  
Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.

Scientific Cooperation
Agreement to establish a science and technology center in Ukraine.  Done 
at Kiev Oct. 25, 1993.  Enters into force on the 30th day following the 
date of last notification that each signatory has completed all 
necessary internal procedures.

Convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against 
internationally protected persons, including diplomatic agents.  Adopted 
by the UN General Assembly Dec. 14, 1973.  Entered into force Feb. 20, 
1977.  TIAS 8532; 28 UST 1975.  Accession:  Antigua and Barbuda, July 
19, 1993.
Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.

Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading 
treatment or punishment.  Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 10, 
1984.  Entered into force June 26, 1987.2  [Senate] Treaty Doc. 100-20.  
Accession:  Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993.  Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, 
Sept. 1, 1993.

Vienna convention on the law of treaties, with annex.  Done at Vienna 
May 23, 1969.  Entered into force Jan. 27, 1980.2  Succession:   Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993. 

United Nations
Convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations.  
Adopted by the UN General Assembly on Feb. 13, 1946.  Entered into force 
Sept. 17, 1946; for the U.S. Apr. 29, 1970.  TIAS 6900; 21 UST 1418.  
Succession:   Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993; Macedonia, Aug. 18, 

Weapons, Conventional
Convention on prohibitions or restrictions on the use of certain 
conventional weapons which may be deemed to be excessively injurious or 
to have indiscriminate effects, with annexed protocols.  Adopted at 
Geneva Oct. 10, 1980.  Entered into force Dec. 2, 1983.2  Succession:   
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.

Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against 
women.  Adopted by the UN General Assembly Dec. 18, 1979.  Entered into 
force Sept. 3, 1981.2 Accessions:  Armenia, Sept. 13, 1993; Bahamas, 
Oct. 6, 1993; Tajikistan, Oct. 26, 1993.  Succession:   Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Sept. 1, 1993.


Agreement amending and extending the memorandum of understanding of Aug. 
2 and 26, 1982, as extended, for scientific cooperation in the earth 
sciences.  Signed at Reston and Santiago Apr. 30 and Aug. 27, 1993.  
Entered into force Aug. 27, 1993; effective Aug. 2, 1992.

Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical 
cooperation in the earth and mapping sciences, with annexes.  Signed at 
Georgetown July 21, 1993.  Entered into force July 21, 1993.

Postal money order agreement.  Signed at Jakarta and Washington Sept. 21 
and Nov. 1, 1993.  Entered into force Dec. 1, 1993.

Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of 
certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the U.S. Government 
and its agencies, with annexes.  Signed at Kingston Oct. 22, 1993.  
Enters into force following signature and receipt by Jamaica of written 
notice from the U.S. that all necessary domestic legal requirements have 
been fulfilled.

Consolidated program and project grant agreement for sector policy 
reform program and SPR technical support project, with annexes.  Signed 
at Amman Sept. 1, 1993.  Entered into force Sept. 1, 1993.

Agreement amending the agreement of May 10, 1992, regarding the 
consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of certain debts owed to, 
guaranteed by, or insured by the U.S. Government and its agencies.  
Effected by exchange of notes at Amman Oct. 7 and Nov. 1, 1993.  Entered 
into force Nov. 1, 1993.

Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical 
cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes.  Signed at Reston and 
Rabat Aug. 27 and Oct. 11, 1993.  Entered into force Oct. 11, 1993.

Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical 
cooperation in the earth sciences, with annexes.  Signed at Reston and 
Harare Aug. 12 and Sept. 28, 1993.  Entered into force Sept. 28, 1993.
1 Not in force.
2 Not in force for the U.S.
3 With reservation(s).
4 With declaration(s).  (###)


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