US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 45, NOVEMBER 8, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:

1.  A New Generation of Russian Democrats -- Secretary
Christopher
2.  Strengthening the Democracies in Central and Eastern Europe
-- Secretary Christopher
3.  Statements in Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia --
Secretary Christopher


ARTICLE 1:

A New Generation of Russian Democrats
Secretary Christopher
Address at the Academy of the National Economy

Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen, Mr. Aganbegyan,
Deputy Prime Minister Gaidar.  It is a great pleasure and a
distinct honor to be at the Academy of the National Economy
today.  For five years, this institute has fed the Russian
hunger for reform and economic renewal.  It is shaping a
generation of leaders who will contribute richly to the future
of this great country.

The openness to new ideas, the search for a better life--these
are the impulses that inspired Yegor Gaidar to apply his
exceptional talents in economics in the service of your nation. 
They are the impulses that brought you here to learn and to
forge careers in a growing private sector.  And they are
impulses that will serve you well in this challenging, new era.

Academies and institutes such as yours are symbols of a new
attitude in Russia.  You who are here today do not fear
openness; you welcome it.  You do not shun the clash of ideas;
you relish it.  And you do not shrink from the uncertainty that
reform brings; instead, you celebrate its promise. 

I grew up in the 1930s during what we call in America the Great
Depression, in a small farming town on the North Dakota prairie
along the northern border of the United States.  Our house was
at the western edge of town, and it faced the fury of the
northwest wind.  As a result, we endured icy blizzards in the
winter and prairie fires and tumbleweeds in the fall.  Crop
failures and dust storms combined to impoverish many farm
families.  It was the kind of adversity that the Russian people
know so well.

Today, as Russia faces its future, you, too, are enduring some
very difficult times.  Your character is being tested.  But you
are showing that with courage, such adversity can be conquered.

On October 3-4, the world witnessed what we all hope was the
last gasp of the old order in Russia.  The political crisis was
a struggle of the sort well known to students of Russian
history--a battle between reform and reaction.  As the crisis
unfolded, we in America knew what we had to do:  We stood firmly
behind reform.

Let me be clear about our decision to support your President
during this crisis.  The United States does not easily support
the suspension of parliaments.  But these are extraordinary
times.  The steps taken by President Yeltsin were in response to
exceptional circumstances.  The parliament and the constitution
were vestiges of the Soviet communist past, blocking movement to
democratic reform.  By calling elections, President Yeltsin was
once again taking matters to the Russian people to secure their
participation in the transformation of Russia.

Time and again in recent years, the Russian people have
demonstrated their commitment to freedom.  In August 1991,
President Yeltsin stood on top of that tank--and faced down the
forces of reaction.  In April of this year, the people of Russia
cast a resounding vote in favor of reform.  And just three weeks
ago, the defenders of the old order were defeated in their
violent, desperate attempt to reverse the progress that you have
made.

I know that some of you may be tired of politics.  But I will
ask of you what Bill Clinton asked of young Americans when he
ran for President last year:  Do not let your healthy skepticism
harden into cynicism--and do not let the promise of change wilt
into apathy.  As you work to improve your own life, do not
stifle your willingness to work for the common good.

The possibilities for you are immense.  Like no previous
generation in history, you are aware of the cultural and
political changes in the world around you.  From REM to CNN,
from rap music to Rolling Stone magazine, you know the outside
world better than your parents or grandparents--or, indeed,
better than I did when I was growing up.  You know that people
your age can make a difference.

You are the new generation of democrats in Russia.  You are at
the vanguard of a revolution of rising expectations:  for a
decent standard of living; for a humane society; for an
environment that is clean and workplaces that are safe; for a
greater voice in shaping your future.  That is why you are
starting your own businesses, your own political organizations,
your own magazines.  More than any recent generation of
Russians, you have control over your own destiny.  And the
choices you make--in December, in June, and in the coming
years--will change Russia and the world.

As you make these choices, please know this:  The American
people are with you.  When our President spoke to your 
President on the telephone September 21, he said, "History is on
your side."  Bill Clinton was speaking to Boris Yeltsin.  But in
a very real sense, he was speaking to each of you.  History is
on your side--the side of democracy--and so are we.

When those demagogues at your White House waved the hammer and
sickle in the name of democracy, you saw the hypocrisy.  When
you heard the defenders of the old system calling for "renewal,"
you knew that they meant a renewal of stagnation and a betrayal
of Russia's youth.  And you had the nerve to chase away both the
gaunt specter of the Soviet past and the new extremists who want
to win with bullets what they cannot win with ballots.

But now you face a different challenge:  national
reconciliation.  Having been "scorched by the deadly breath of
fratricide," as President Yeltsin said, you are returning now to
the heroic task of building an inclusive, self-confident
democracy.

We are truly proud to stand with you and to call Russia our
friend and partner.  That spirit of friendship animates every
student exchange program that links you with your counterparts
in America.  That same commitment inspired the great
Rostropovich to proceed with a concert of our National Symphony
Orchestra in Red Square last month, even as the political crisis
reached its climax.  And that same spirit brought to Russia a
young American just out of law school named Terry Duncan. 
Trying to help a wounded American photographer during the
violence of October 3, he lost his life, and the new generation
of democrats in Russia and America lost a true friend.

But what America and Russia share is not merely friendship. 
What our two nations are building together is a strategic
partnership.  This is a phrase that President Clinton and I have
repeatedly used in our dialogue with Congress and the American
people.  Let me tell you why we use this phrase "strategic
partnership"--and what we mean by it.

With the sweeping changes of the last several years, Russia
remains a very great power.  This is guaranteed by your proud
civilization, your rich culture, your great resources, your
scientific achievements, and your resilient character.  But with
the end of the Cold War, we have an opportunity to be not only
great powers but partners in the joint pursuit of a safer,
freer, more prosperous world.

For decades, our two nations eyed each other with suspicion,
living in fear of mutually assured destruction.  Now we can
pursue mutually reinforcing interests.  Today, we are
cooperating on the global and regional issues that once divided
us.  Where there was once contention, there is now common cause.

This agenda for cooperation is firmly in our shared interest. 
And that is why I have confidence that we will work together.

It is in our shared interest to prevent the proliferation of
nuclear weapons within the former Soviet Union.  Proliferation
would increase both the risks and the costs of conflict among
the new independent states.  That is why we welcomed the 1992
commitment of Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan to sign and
ratify the START I Treaty and to accede to the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty as non-nuclear weapons states.  We
welcome the fact that Belarus has fulfilled these commitments. 
And we are encouraged that Kazakhstan and Ukraine have
reiterated their determination to do the same.  I will be
visiting these three states over the next few days, and I will
be working to ensure that those obligations, taken at Lisbon,
are fulfilled.

It is also in our shared interest to help curb the spread of
weapons of mass destruction outside the former Soviet Union as
well.  Non-proliferation is our arms control agenda for the
1990s.  Many of the world's potential proliferators are Russia's
neighbors, not ours.  We share a common threat--and that is why
we must work together.  Acting alone, we are unlikely to stem
the growing tide of proliferation.  But working together, we
stand a much better chance of succeeding in this absolutely
vital effort.

Let me give you some examples.  Last month, President Clinton
proposed an international ban on the production of plutonium and
uranium for nuclear weapons purposes.  Last week, President
Yeltsin expressed his readiness to work together toward that
end.  Russia's views are also similar to ours with respect to
completing a comprehensive test ban treaty--and urging others
not to test--a very high priority for both of us.  And we are
launching cooperative efforts in the exploration of space.

It is also in our shared interest to promote peace in the Middle
East and in other volatile regions around the globe.  Last month
in Washington, my colleague Foreign Minister Kozyrev and I had
the privilege of witnessing, on the lawn of our White House, the
handshake between Yitzhak Rabin and Yasir Arafat.  But Russia
and America did not merely witness that historic moment; our
cooperation helped to make it possible.  Our work together as
co-sponsors of the Middle East peace process is a wise
investment in our common security.  And it is a testament to our
uncommon ability to turn mistrust into trust and confrontation
into collaboration.

A democratic, productive Russia--a Russia fully engaged in
preserving global peace and fully integrated into the global
economy--that kind of Russia will be a strong partner in
international diplomacy and trade.  That is the course you have
wisely chosen for Russia.  And that is why we support your epic
struggle to make reform work.

You are embarking on an unprecedented journey.  There is no map,
no blueprint for what you are doing.  As you chart this new
course in Russian history, let me share some basic, simple  
convictions drawn from our experience:  Democracy works.  Free
markets work.  And moreover, they work together.  They reinforce
each other.  And together they will strengthen your nation's
security and your prosperity.

Your movement to greater freedom is not meant to empower any
single party; it will empower all of the Russian people.  By the
same token, the object of American support is not one group of
leaders.  Instead, it is a revolutionary process, the process of
reform.  By "reform," I mean the transformation of the political
system from dictatorship to democracy, the conversion of a
command economy into a market economy, and the development of a
system that meets the genuine needs of people.  This reform also
means the success of a foreign policy that fully respects the
sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of all
states--even as it protects Russia's legitimate interests.

In seven weeks, you will give fresh meaning to the idea of
reform when you vote in your elections.  You have already begun
preparing for this most fundamental civic responsibility by
practicing the forms and expressions of self-government: 
articulating, organizing, and dissenting.

Let me stress that dissent and open debate are not just noisy,
sometimes bothersome consequences of democracy; rather, they are
vital elements of a democratic and civil society.  These
freedoms are a refutation of--and an antidote
to--totalitarianism and dictatorship.

We recognize that governments have a responsibility to preserve
civil order which is, among other things, a precondition for
civil rights.  But even in times of intense political struggle,
the imperative of civil order must be reconciled with free
expression.  Even when battling the forces of reaction, true
democrats have nothing to fear from a free press.  As President
Yeltsin said on Thursday, "We can be sure democracy will survive
as long as there is a free press."  Foreign Minister Kozyrev
repeatedly stressed during our talks yesterday his personal
commitment to a free press as Russia proceeds with your
elections in December.

Russia is being reborn as a democracy, as a nation brave enough
to break with the past and wise enough to plan for the future. 
America celebrates this rebirth with you.  We know that you, the
Russian people, will be making the critical decisions.  But we
stand ready to help you achieve the free and fair elections you
have earned.

The United States has offered assistance around the world to
many countries to support democratic election processes.  We are
prepared to provide, if asked, immediate technical assistance
for the upcoming parliamentary elections that you will have in
December.  Our efforts would focus on the nuts and bolts of free
elections, from voter education to 
poll-watching.  As in all countries where we support the
election process, any assistance we would mobilize here would be
politically neutral, non-partisan, and available to all
participating parties and groups.

In the longer term, U.S. efforts are focused on helping Russia
strengthen its democratic institutions and the rule of law. 
Through judicial reform activities with the American Bar
Association, through people-to-people exchanges, through
training programs in public administration, through efforts to
develop political parties, we want to help you lay a solid
foundation for democratic government.

Russia, like America, is a vast and multiethnic nation. 
Americans draw strength from our diversity, because we are
united by a creed of freedom, individual rights, and equal
opportunity.  Those same ideals can now be a durable thread that
weaves together the sprawling social fabric of Russia.

While democratic reform is necessary for the empowerment of the
Russian people, it is not sufficient.  Economic reform is just
as vital--and its success lies just as much in your generation's
hands, the hands of students like you at institutions like
these.

The transition from a command economy to a market economy can
be, as you know so well, extremely painful.  It can cause
insecurity.  It can disrupt communities.  And it is often
accompanied by corruption and crime.

But the majority of the Russian people understand that this
transition is essential.  They demonstrated that in April.  For
Russia to play her full role in the world, for Russia to build a
21st century economy, for Russia to sustain and develop its
immense resources, there is no other way.

One of Russia's most challenging economic priorities is to
control inflation.  Economic history teaches us that
hyperinflation corrodes living standards--and can crack
democracies.  President Yeltsin and the Finance Ministry are
making serious efforts to address this problem and to lift the
standard of living of each and every Russian.  The move to sound
fiscal and monetary policies is absolutely essential.

Wherever communism is being replaced by markets, privatization
is an important key to economic reform.  It means slashing
subsidies and credits to centralized enterprises.  It means
developing the financial infrastructure to support more foreign
investment.  And privatization depends upon, and in turn
reinforces, democratic reform.  Indeed, the two work together: 
The more that people work in and own private enterprises, the
more likely they are to participate in the democratic process
and reinforce reform.

I'm glad to say that Russia's privatization effort is a
continuing success story--and America's assistance programs are
designed to support it.  Today the private sector here, I'm
told, accounts for a once-inconceivable 25% of Russian GDP. 
More than 4,000 medium and large businesses have been privatized
at the rate of almost 600 a month.  Fifty-seven percent of small
shops and restaurants--some 70,000--have been privatized.

In short, countless Russians are becoming their own bosses. 
Rather than taking orders from bureaucrats, you are filling
orders for your own businesses.  Your nation is moving from
vested interests for the few to investment opportunities for the
many.

Like the rise of democracy, the transition to an open economy
involves a revolution of attitudes and skills.  You are learning
how to be managers in a profit-driven world, how to be employees
in a competitive economy, and how to be consumers in an open
market.  You are, in short, learning the ways and means of
economic freedom.

This is a great challenge--and an enormous opportunity--for
young people.  You can change the economic landscape of
Russia--while preserving the bedrock sense of community that is
the enduring source of Russia's strength.

And the United States is ready to help.  Hundreds of American
businesses, from Ben and Jerry's to Honeywell, from Pratt &
Whitney to PepsiCo, are investing in the future of Russia. 
Americans have initiated banking and legal reform efforts, small
business training programs, agribusiness and energy sector
projects, and high-technology ventures.

Our commitment is a real one.  This year alone, the United
States pledged $1.6 billion in bilateral assistance programs. 
In Tokyo last July, we proposed a $3-billion privatization and
restructuring program for Russia, which our G-7 partners have
joined.  And just last month, the U.S. Congress approved the
Clinton Administration's request for an additional $2.5 billion
in technical and humanitarian assistance.

How the Russian people shape and carry out their reforms is, of
course, for you to decide.  America is willing to provide
support to that effort.  And we want to ensure that this
assistance--whether private or public--is coordinated with the
pace of reform and delivered effectively to the people of
Russia.

As you approach the December elections, I am struck by the
immensity of the stakes.  Rarely in the history of democratic
government will single votes, cast by young people in
particular, carry such momentous weight.  I have every
confidence in the outcome.  Every time the Russian people have
had a chance to choose, they have chosen reform over
retrenchment, hope over fear, and the future over the past.

I know most of you are probably tired of foreigners coming here
and quoting to you the famous lines of the poet Fyodor Tyutchev.
 But I cannot resist, because they allow me to make perhaps my
most important point.  Tyutchev once wrote that:

Russia is understood not by the mind,
Nor by a common rule.
She has a special stature of her own:
In Russia one can only believe.

My friends, Bill Clinton and I believe in Russia.  So do your
many American friends.  We believe that the new Russia will not
only survive, it will thrive.  And we believe the new generation
of democrats here today will seize the opportunities and secure
the gains made possible by reform.

Let me conclude with a personal observation about one of my
heroes in public life--one of my predecessors as Secretary of
State--Dean Acheson.  The telling title of Acheson's memoirs was
Present at the Creation, a phrase that referred to his
substantial role in shaping the Marshall Plan and the policies
of containment at the beginning of the Cold War.

Forty-five years later, we are also present at the creation--the
creation of a new Russia.  Our mission is fundamentally
positive:  not to contain communism but to enlarge freedom, not
to engage in strategic deterrence but to advance a strategic
alliance with reform in Russia and throughout the former Soviet
Union.

President Clinton and the people of my country are proud to join
with you in this endeavor for the next generation.  Our two
great nations, in this age of Russian rebirth, have been
liberated to share interests, ideals, and aspirations.  Now let
us share our strength to build a future worthy of the youth of
your country and mine.

Thank you very much.  ###



ARTICLE 2:

Strengthening the Democracies in Central and Eastern Europe
Secretary Christopher
Address to the American Chamber of Commerce, Budapest, Hungary

I am very glad to be here in Budapest.  I regard it as being the
 center of Central Europe in more ways than one--you have such a
central role in both business and democratic development in the
region.

Hungary has inspired neighboring countries toward democracy ever
since the tragic and, in a sense, noble events of 1956, which,
of course, will be commemorated this week.  I remember 
very well those 13 days that shook the world, and I am delighted
that the dreams of that time have finally started to come true
in this part of the world.

Hungary is a central focus in this region for American and other
Western investors.  Hungary has attracted more U.S. investment,
as you know, than any other country in Central and Eastern
Europe.  There are certainly good reasons for this strong vote
of confidence in Hungary by American investors.

Hungary is one of the most stable nations in Central and Eastern
Europe.  And, of course, this stability is an international
magnet.  I don't have to tell you, as business people, that
stability is a key factor to justify investment.  The government
and the Parliament elected in 1990 remain in place.  And we
expect that next year's election will produce another
democratically elected and stable Parliament.

We look to Hungary and the other nations of Central and Eastern
Europe to sustain democratic and free-market reform.  This
country and this century have had enough of the so-called "easy
solutions" offered by authoritarians on the right or the left.

It is time to move forward.  As one of the great poets of this
country has said, "What counts in life is not where you come
from, but where you're going." 

The lessons that Hungary offers are that free markets--free
enterprise--work; that tolerance and diversity are central to an
open society; and that ethnic hatred, xenophobia, and
anti-Semitism must be firmly rejected as ugly remembrances of
the past.

Budapest is therefore an ideal location to discuss America's
ties not only with Hungary, but with all of Central and Eastern
Europe. 

America's policy toward this region has three major objectives: 
First, we want to reinforce new democratic institutions; second,
we want to see the opening of markets and the expansion of
trade; and third, we want to strengthen both the bilateral and
multilateral security relations with Hungary and the other
nations in this area. 
We believe that peace in Europe is indivisible.  The security of
Central and Eastern Europe concerns us all. Therefore, we want
to construct a strong fabric of security relations throughout
Europe--East and West.  To achieve that end, we will make full
and effective use of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and
NATO.

The issue of NATO expansion is being considered carefully in
Washington and in other alliance capitals.  It is an issue that
will be on the agenda at the NATO summit that will convene in
Brussels next January.  In the meantime, we are working to
strengthen security cooperation between Europe's old and new
democracies.

Again on the issue of NATO expansion, I will be discussing this
subject with the Foreign Minister later today, and Assistant
Secretary Oxman will meet with the Deputy Foreign Ministers of
the Visegrad countries later in the afternoon to explain this
proposal:  The United States believes that the time has now come
to transform NATO's relationship with all of the new democracies
in the East--a thoroughly inclusive process--and to that end, we
are proposing what is called a "Partnership for Peace."

Today, before this audience, I wish to pay particular attention
to trade and investment--and their important role in ensuring
the success of democratic forces.  For Central and Eastern
Europe, economic prosperity depends on open markets.  Hungary
and other nations making the transition to free market democracy
must know that their great sacrifices will be supported--not
stymied--by the trade policies of the West. 

The United States has already eliminated most barriers to goods
from Central and Eastern Europe.  Today, the vast majority of
exports from Hungary enter the United States on a duty-free
basis.  We seek to eliminate more of the remaining barriers
through the Uruguay Round of the GATT negotiations. 
Unfortunately, the countries of Western Europe, which are really
the natural market for goods from Hungary, are not as open.  We
urge the European Community to accelerate the opening of its
markets to goods from Central and Eastern Europe.  At the same
time, the Central and Eastern European states should remove
obstacles--work hard to remove the obstacles to trade within the
region and with the states of the former Soviet Union.  Progress
in that direction, however useful, should not be seen as an
alternative to greater market access to the European Community. 
Both are necessary, and I'll be urging my colleagues in the
European Community to open their markets to access from Hungary
and other nations in Central and Eastern Europe. 

Investment is another key component in building economic
prosperity.  American business is doing its part here in Central
and Eastern Europe.  American investment in this region as a
whole now exceeds $5 billion, which certainly represents a vote
of confidence both in the present and the future.  And, as you
know, the United States has $2.5 billion invested in
Hungary--our largest investment in the region.

The Clinton Administration is supporting American firms doing
business here.  We are providing financial and technical
assistance; trying to eliminate burdensome regulations and
controls; and working to ensure that our firms have a fair
opportunity to compete. 

The Central and Eastern European countries certainly need our
assistance--and deserve our assistance--as well as trade and
investment.  The United States has made assistance commitments
to this region of over $8 billion--60% of that in the form of 
grants.  We have created enterprise funds in Hungary and other
countries in the region, and we are considering establishing
additional enterprise funds.  Those funds address the great need
for loans and investment in the growing private sector.  Private
enterprise will help democratic institutions take a firmer hold
throughout this region. 

President Clinton is committed to enlarging the sway of
democratic values around the world.  Our support for democracy
has taken many concrete forms, reflecting our belief that new
democracies need material as well as moral backing.  For
example, in Hungary we have provided equipment and library
materials for the Parliament.  We have provided technical
assistance for the election process at the national and local
levels.  We are helping to finance the new American Journalism
Center in Budapest, as well as training programs for Hungarian
journalists.

You won't be surprised to know that we strongly believe that a
free press--including television and radio--represents the best
defense against those who would try to block the path to
democratic and market reform.  We strongly believe that a
democratic, prosperous, and secure Central and Eastern Europe
will be able to prevent the kind of violence and barbarity that
now rages just south of Hungary's borders.  A commitment to
liberal values gives hope that peace and freedom will prevail.

As I conclude, I want to say a few words to the American
business community--if I can be so bold as to offer advice to
you who are so knowledgeable.  Yes, invest in Hungary.  Yes,
help its economy grow.   And let's inject a healthy dose of
American optimism into a country that is blessed with Hungary's
great talent.  ###



ARTICLE 3:

Statements in Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus, and Latvia
Secretary Christopher

Almaty, Kazakhstan, October 24, 1993
Opening statement at a news conference with President
Nazarbayev.
hank you very much.  As the President said, he and I have just
had very friendly and constructive discussions on the
U.S.-Kazakhstan relationship.  The President was able not only
to produce some very good discussions, but a very beautiful,
clear day that we could all enjoy.

We welcome the many steps that Kazakhstan has taken since
independence.  Your country, Mr. President, has certainly earned
a respected place in the international community for its
forward-looking stance on issues that are absolutely crucial to
its national peace and security.

I am here on President Clinton's behalf.  We attach such very
great importance to our relations with Kazakhstan, and we want
to develop that relationship in many dimensions.  I think that
today's announcements are a reflection of a greatly expanded
relationship.  For example, the tax treaty we just signed
strengthens the foundations for the commercial ties between our
countries.  Our policy of strengthening these relationships has
not only strong support here, but strong support back in the
United States.  Only last week, as the President said, the
United States Senate ratified the Bilateral Investment Treaty,
which will encourage even further investment from the United
States in Kazakhstan.  The President is really quite determined
to increase our commercial interests here.

I have also announced today a comprehensive and substantial
economic assistance package, which includes an award of
technical support for privatization in a Central Asian
Enterprise Fund, and humanitarian activities include a
contribution of medical equipment.  The value of this package in
all is about $140 million.

We are also announcing today a new initiative to address the
environmental crisis in the Aral Sea, which will focus on
providing safe drinking water, encouraging effective regional
water banks.  We will also conduct a health and environmental
study of Semipalatinsk.  All, I hope, will aid in the
improvement in environment and health.

Today, we also established a new defense security cooperation
agreement under the leadership of Department of Defense
Assistant Secretary Allison and Chief of Staff Kazamov, which
will hold its first meeting within the next three months.

We presented, this morning, to President Nazarbayev our proposed
text for a comprehensive bilateral agreement on scientific and
technical cooperation.  The President said to me at lunch how
important he thought it was that we work swiftly on this
agreement; and, Mr. President, I will work, myself, to do that.

On one or two other security matters, I took the occasion of
this meeting to explain to President Nazarbayev President
Clinton's proposal for a Partnership for Peace in NATO.  This is
an inclusive proposal which would permit Kazakhstan, as well as
all the other members of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council,
to become part of a partnership which would engage in joint
exercises, joint planning--and there could be, one day, NATO
expansion.  This is an endeavor that President Clinton thinks is
quite desirable in order to make sure that NATO does cast its
vision to the East.

I would like to conclude with a few observations about another
objective of my mission and one that really concerns first
principles about how to avert the single greatest danger ever to
threaten humanity--the nuclear danger.  It exists these days 
in the form of proliferation--in the spread of weapons of mass
destruction.

Non-proliferation is a common cause that unites President
Nazarbayev and President Clinton and all responsible leaders of
this region and, indeed, the world.  These weapons are still on
the territory of this young, independent country, as well as on
the territories of Ukraine and Belarus.  All three of these
countries willingly and wisely last year signed the Lisbon
Protocol, committing them to ratify the START I Treaty and
accede to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and be
non-nuclear weapons states.  We believe that the NPT, which has
been in force for a quarter of a century, is one of the world's
most important agreements.  More than 150 countries have acceded
to this agreement, reflecting a very strong international
consensus behind non-proliferation.  This gives special urgency
to the implementation of the Lisbon Protocol.  We applaud
Kazakhstan, and I applaud President Nazarbayev's statement, as
being the first country to ratify the START I Treaty.

President Nazarbayev today restated his commitment that
Kazakhstan will have acceded to the NPT by the end of this year,
which is a very, very important development.  Proceeding from
this premise, President Clinton looks forward to developing a
close, personal relationship with President Nazarbayev and looks
forward to building with him a democratic partnership that will
serve our common goals.  Thank you very much.


Kiev, Ukraine, October 25, 1993
Opening statement at a news conference following meeting with
President Kravchuk.

Good afternoon.  I have just come from a series of very
productive meetings with President Kravchuk, Foreign Minister
Zlenko, and leaders of the Rada.  My first visit to Ukraine
comes at a time of intense activity in the building of a new
partnership between the United States and Ukraine.

On behalf of the President, I stressed to Ukrainian leaders our
continuing support for the independence, sovereignty, and
security of Ukraine and for the prosperity of the Ukrainian
people.  We are firmly convinced that these objectives can be
best assured through the closest possible relationship between
our two countries--and through Ukraine's full and rapid
integration into the community of democratic nations.  In less
than two years of independence, Ukraine has made dramatic
progress in building democracy and strengthening tolerance for
ethnic and religious diversity.  These fundamental values form
the foundation of a durable and dynamic U.S.-Ukrainian
partnership.

Looking ahead to the future, we believe it is essential to move
economic issues to the center of the U.S.-Ukraine relationship. 
President Clinton is determined to build a strong U.S.-Ukrainian
economic relationship.

To that end, I assured President Kravchuk that we want to move
rapidly in three areas:

First, increased American bilateral assistance--up to $330
million in economic and denuclearization assistance in 1994.  I
want to stress that this represents our minimum commitment to
you for 1994--and it is substantially more than we provided in
1993.  We will provide more support when Ukraine takes some
fundamental steps toward reform.

Second, a dramatic expansion of American private trade and
investment.  We expect to provide Ukraine with access to greatly
reduced tariffs on its exports to the United States under our
generalized system of preferences.  We will also take steps to
help Ukraine join the GATT.  And I have also proposed to Foreign
Minister Zlenko a joint commission to remove barriers to trade.

Third, U.S. support for substantial macroeconomic support
channeled through the international financial institutions,
should Ukraine promote a fundamental economic reform program. 
This could result in several billion dollars from the
multilateral institutions to support a reform program.

If international support is to have the desired impact, it must
build upon a concrete Ukrainian commitment to implement more
substantial and broad-based market economic reforms. Last week,
President Clinton sent a team of our best experts to deepen our
bilateral economic relations.  Today, I issued a return
invitation for an early visit by a team of Ukrainian experts
to continue these important discussions.

We also talked about important security issues.  President
Kravchuk and the leaders of the Rada reaffirmed today their
commitment to the Lisbon Protocol and their aspiration for
Ukraine to be a non-nuclear weapons state.

The Rada leaders pointed to the October 1991 Ukrainian
Declaration of Sovereignty as their commitment to a non-nuclear
future for Ukraine.

In our meeting that concluded an hour ago, President Kravchuk
clarified his government's position on several points.

--  He told me that he will press for the ratification of START
I and accession to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty during
the current session of the Rada.

--  He assured me that the provisions of the Lisbon Protocol
apply to all strategic offensive arms in Ukraine.

--  In this connection, President Kravchuk made a point of
clearing up any misunderstanding there may have been about his
government's commitment to the elimination of all nuclear 
weapons in Ukraine.

In our meetings with Ukrainian leaders today we did not just
seek assurances; we provided some of our own.  At President
Clinton's request, I briefed President Kravchuk on our proposals
for the new Partnership for Peace as the basis for the evolution
of NATO.  I stressed to him that our goal is an inclusive
security structure for a new Europe--one in which we hope
Ukraine will play a key part.

President Kravchuk reacted positively to this idea, and we hope
Ukraine will participate actively as a partner with NATO in the
military cooperation this initiative offers.  We believe that
Ukraine's integration into the new European security order that
we are forging is fundamental to this country's long-term
security.


Minsk, Belarus, October 26, 1993
Opening statement at a news conference with Chairman of the
Supreme Soviet Shushkevich.

Good afternoon.  I'd like to thank Chairman Shushkevich, Prime
Minister Kevich, Foreign Minister Kravchanka, and all of the
people here who have helped in inviting me and my colleagues to
come to Minsk.

As you know, my visit here follows up on the Chairman's visit to
Washington to meet with President Clinton last July.  I'm here
to reinforce the very encouraging process that we have of
building stronger relationships with this dynamic, new country. 
I have also come here to reiterate in person the very strong
commitment the United States has to the independence and
sovereignty of Belarus and the other new independent states.

A central purpose of my trip through this region, from Moscow to
Almaty to Kiev and now to Minsk, has been to make progress on
the twin imperatives of denuclearization and non-proliferation. 
I wanted particularly to stop here in Minsk because there is no
better place to emphasize progress in these two areas than here
in Belarus.

The United States values very highly the historic steps that
Belarus has taken to remove nuclear weapons left on its soil by
the former Soviet Union.  By ratifying the START Treaty and by
adhering to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Belarus serves
as a shining example to states throughout the region.  And, by
doing what it's done, it's earned the gratitude and respect of
the entire international community.

When I met with both the Prime Minister, who I understand is
also Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and the Chairman of 
the Parliament, I discussed President Clinton's proposal on the
future of NATO.  I stressed that the new initiative, the
Partnership for Peace that we are proposing, will open the way
for cooperation between Belarus and NATO in such areas as joint
military planning and exercises.  In the event of a security
threat to any country which is a member of this Partnership for
Peace, that country--for example, if it were Belarus--would have
the same right to consultations that are available to NATO
members.

This was a new idea to both the Prime Minister and the Chairman.
 They expressed great interest in studying the idea and
indicated that they felt that it had great promise and they
would be studying it promptly.

In my meetings here, I repeatedly emphasized the desire of the
United States--the commitment of the United States--to broaden
our bilateral relationships with Belarus.  In that connection, I
emphasized the importance of encouragement of private U.S.
businesses to invest and do business here in Belarus.  In that
connection, we reiterated and re-emphasized our joint commitment
to complete negotiations on a Bilateral Investment Treaty this
year.  We are quite determined to complete that treaty this
year.

Finally, I stressed the very strong interest the United States
has in continuation of democratic reform here in Belarus.  In
that connection, I was greatly encouraged to hear from both the
Prime Minister and the Chairman of their intention to hold early
parliamentary elections next March.  This would be a sharp
acceleration of the democratic process here, a sharp
acceleration of the democratization trend which has been so
evident.

I told them that I welcomed that news very much.  Indeed, I
indicated that the United States would be pleased to organize
and provide technical assistance and advice in connection with
the organization and holding of such elections.

Mr. Chairman, thank you, not only for the courtesy of asking me
to go first, but for the very warm hospitality that you have
extended to me.  Thank you very much.  


Riga, Latvia, October 27, 1993
Statement at a press conference following a meeting with Foreign
Ministers Velliste of Estonia, Andrejevs of Latvia, and Gylys of
Lithuania.

I would like first to express my deep appreciation to Foreign
Minister Andrejevs for so graciously hosting our meeting with
the Estonian and Lithuanian Foreign Ministers.

The restoration of the sovereignty and independence of the
Baltic states captured the imagination of Europe and the world 
only a few years ago.  The United States is impressed by the
remarkable progress that has been made in reviving democratic
institutions and reestablishing free-market economies.

The United States remains committed to close and constructive
relations with free and independent Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania.   To continue building close relations between the
United States and the Baltic countries, the United States is
pushing for the new, $50-million Baltic-American Enterprise
Fund.  We plan to have it operating by the beginning of next
year.

The United States warmly welcomed the recent withdrawal of all
Russian military forces from Lithuania.  We continue to support
the early, unconditional, and rapid withdrawal of remaining
Russian forces from Latvia and Estonia.  I raised this issue
during my meetings in Moscow last week.  Also, we are committed
to building 5,000 new housing units in Russia for Russian forces
withdrawing from the Baltics and elsewhere.

Today, I discussed issues of concern with representatives of the
ethnic Russian community in Latvia.  The treatment of ethnic
Russians in Estonia and Latvia has been raised on several
occasions by the Russian Government.  International observers
have found no evidence of human rights violations in these
countries, but it is our hope that the issue of the political
rights of ethnic Russians will be addressed by the Latvian
Government.  Practical solutions can be achieved on this
difficult issue.  The United States welcomes the constructive
role played by the United Nations, the CSCE, and the Council of
Europe in promoting a resolution of the differences between
Russia and the Baltic countries. (###)


END OF DISPATCH VOL 4, NO 45

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