1.  The United States:  A Full Partner In a New Pacific Community -- 
Secretary Christopher 
2.  Supporting U.S. Business In Asia and Around the World -- Secretary 
3.  Fact Sheet:  Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 
4.  Fact Sheet:  U.S. Economic Relations With East Asia and the Pacific
5.  Fact Sheet:  Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
6.  Progress on POW/MIA Issues -- Winston Lord
7.  Feature:  The Pearson Program and U.S. Foreign Policy
8.  Department Statements 
        Cuban Dissident Arrives in the United States
        Terrorism Reward Offer
        Cuba:  Telephone Service


The United States:  A Full Partner In a New Pacific Community
Secretary Christopher
Statement at the Six-plus-Seven Open Session of the ASEAN Post-
Ministerial Conference, Singapore, July 26, 1993 

It is an honor for me to represent the United States at ASEAN's Post- 
Ministerial Conference (PMC).  During his trip to Asia earlier this 
month, President Clinton committed the United States to working with the 
nations of Asia to create "a New Pacific Community," built on shared 
strength, shared prosperity, and a shared commitment to democratic 
values.  The ASEAN nations--and this Post-Ministerial forum--have a 
vital role to play in developing the vision of a New Pacific Community.

Today I'd like to share with you my thoughts on the challenges we face 
together in three areas--security, economics, and democracy.  I'd also 
like to explore with you ways in which we can act together to 
successfully address the global, regional, and national dimensions of 
these challenges.

As the President said at the Korean National Assembly, "We must always 
remember that security comes first."  Let me be clear:  the United 
States will remain actively engaged in Asia.  America is and will remain 
an Asia-Pacific power.  We will abide by our solemn treaty obligations, 
continue our forward military presence, and work with the nations of the 
region to maintain a peaceful and secure Asia.  We will do so because it 
is in the interest of the United States and its Asian partners.

At the top of the security agenda is the need for strong international 
efforts to combat the spread of weapons of mass destruction and their 
means of delivery.

First and foremost, the United States is committed to tough and 
effective global rules to halt the spread of nuclear weapons.  That is 
why President Clinton made the decision to continue our nuclear testing 
moratorium through September 1994 so long as other nations refrain from 
further tests.  That is why the United States is firmly committed to 
negotiating a multilateral, comprehensive test ban treaty.  And that is 
why we will vigorously pursue the indefinite extension of the Non-
Proliferation Treaty in 1995.

North Korea's adherence to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and its full 
compliance with its IAEA safeguards obligations and the North-South 
Denuclearization Declaration are essential.  The United States is 
determined to see a non-nuclear Korean Peninsula.  As you know, we have 
been engaged in intensive discussions with North Korea aimed at bringing 
it back within the fold of nuclear responsibility.  The latest talks in 
Geneva marked three further steps toward resolving these issues:  North 
Korea will begin consultations with the IAEA on outstanding safeguards 
issues; North Korea committed to discuss nuclear and other issues with 
South Korea; and North Korea announced its willingness to convert to 
reactors that are far less suitable for nuclear weapon material 
production.  We are determined to make steady progress toward a solution 
to the nuclear problem and will continue our dialogue with North Korea 
as long as it is productive.  Our vigilance will not cease short of 
North Korea's full compliance with its obligations.

A second major challenge is the proliferation of chemical and biological 
weapons of mass destruction and the missiles that can deliver them.  
This is a growing problem for Asia because economic and technological 
development means the region can now produce chemicals, sophisticated 
electronics, and other products and services that the proliferators want 
but are now denied in Europe and the United States.  Asia is at the 
stage when its participation in international agreements and 
establishment of export-control regimes are most important.  In the near 
future, the United States will launch new efforts to achieve these 
goals.  We look forward to working in concert with all of you.

Another security challenge we face together is the need to respond to 
conflicts around the globe through collective engagement.  This 
challenge of peace-keeping--in places such as Bosnia, Somalia, and 
Cambodia--requires a global response, and the nations of Asia and the 
Pacific have a vital part to play.

ASEAN has made especially valuable contributions to regional peace.  
Since its founding in 1967, ASEAN has been a force for regional 
stability and cooperation.  I want especially to point to its central 
role in the courageous effort to bring peace and democracy to the long-
suffering people of Cambodia through diplomacy, deployment of units, and 
provision of equipment.

The United States will continue to work with you and others to provide 
the Cambodian people a brighter future.  Since 1986, we have supplied 
some $200 million in humanitarian assistance to meet pressing needs 
throughout Cambodia.  We have contributed more than $500 million to the 
UN peace-keeping mission in Cambodia.  We are committed to continuing to 
help with the difficult task of rebuilding that country.

At the regional level, the post-Cold War dynamic has produced radical 
shifts in old balances of power.  A New Pacific Community must forge a 
new regional balance that promotes stability, regional arms control, and 
the peaceful resolution of disputes.  As ASEAN has recognized and the 
United States has fully supported, we need new regional security 
dialogues to meet common challenges.  This forum is most promising in 
this regard.  Asia is not Europe.  The 1990s are not the Cold War.  
Thus, together we envision not the building of blocs against a common 
threat but rather intensified discussions among nations that may harbor 
apprehension about the intentions of others.

Underlining a change in U.S. policy, President Clinton announced at the 
Korean National Assembly earlier in July that we will participate 
actively in regional security dialogues in Asia.  We believe such 
discussions can complement our bilateral relationships, help reduce 
tensions, enhance openness and transparency, and prevent destabilizing 
arms races.  These dialogues should therefore be inclusive:  The United 
States welcomes the progressive integration of China, Russia, and others 
in this ASEAN-PMC framework.  As the President said, "these arrangements 
can function as overlapping plates of armor . . . covering the full body 
of our common security concerns."  Let me emphasize, however, that 
regional security dialogues in no way supplant America's alliances or 
forward military presence in Asia.  Rather, they are supplements to 
ensure a peaceful and stable Asia in the post-Cold War era.

Let me now turn to the economic dimension.  As Secretary of State, I 
believe our capacity to carry out vital security commitments is 
powerfully advanced by the renewal of America's economic strength at 
home and abroad.  In the long run, only a healthy, self-confident 
America will be able and willing to engage positively in Asia.

Under President Clinton's leadership, America is back as a responsible 
manager of its economy and as a leader on global economic issues.  We 
stand on the verge of reducing our budget deficit by $500 billion over 
the next 5 years.  We are taking tough steps on the deficit and in areas 
such as education, health care, and competitiveness.  And as we saw at 
the G-7 summit, the rest of the world is taking notice.

The United States is prepared to be a full partner in a New Pacific 
Community.  Forty percent of America's trade is now with Asia, 
accounting for more than 2.3 million American jobs.  Only a quarter 
century ago, total U.S. trade with all of East Asia was less than that 
with Latin America--and our trade with the ASEAN countries was a 
fraction of that.  Last year, two-way trans-Pacific trade was $325 
billion, three times that of U.S. trade with Latin America and almost 
50% more than with Western Europe.  Collectively, ASEAN is now our 
fourth- largest trading partner.  

No region depends more on trade than Asia, and no region has more at 
stake in the success of global trade liberalization.  Asian nations have 
asked the United States to keep its market open, and we are determined 
to do so.  Asian nations have asked America to remain engaged in the 
region, and we are determined to do so.  But for the American people to 
appreciate the benefits of such engagement, Asia's markets must be open 
to American goods and services.

Thanks in part to the work at the recent G-7 summit, there is a renewed 
sense of urgency to the drive toward more open markets.  The summit 
leaders reached an important agreement on tariff reductions in the 
Uruguay Round negotiations.  ASEAN and its dialogue partners can make an 
immediate and constructive contribution to the world trading system by 
endorsing the market access breakthrough achieved at the G-7 summit and 
by joining with other nations to push for a successful conclusion of the 
Uruguay Round this year.  This region has much to gain by the successful 
conclusion of the Round and much to lose from a failed negotiation.

Our belief in the benefits of trade liberalization underlies our 
commitment to APEC as the cornerstone of regional economic cooperation.  
Representing about half the world's GNP, APEC can be a focal point for 
building a New Pacific Community and will provide the framework for 
expanded trade and investment flows through the Asia-Pacific region.

We are looking forward to hosting the APEC Ministerial meeting in 
Seattle this November.  I hope you will join me in using that meeting to 
adopt a trade and investment framework for market-oriented policies, 
provide a greater role for the private sector, and strengthen APEC as an 

Also, as you know, President Clinton would like his APEC colleagues to 
join him immediately after the Ministerial to discuss, in a quiet 
setting, the economic challenges we must meet to realize the vision of a 
New Pacific Community.  The President  believes  we must find 
cooperative solutions to our economic problems--how to sustain growth, 
create jobs, increase the competitiveness of our industries, and improve 
the living standards of all our people.  I hope your leaders will agree 
to attend.

Our successes in the security and economic realms have brought with them 
a strong new impulse toward freedom and democracy.  As President Clinton 
has said, "expanded trade and more open economies not only enrich 
people, they also empower them."  By promoting free markets, we 
strengthen free societies and we strengthen regional peace and 

Democracies are not just a moral imperative; they are a practical 
necessity.  Democracies do not threaten their neighbors.  They do not 
practice terrorism.  They do not spawn refugees.  They respond to the 
needs of their citizens and thereby achieve greater stability and 
prosperity for all.

We respect the religious, social, political, and cultural 
characteristics that make each of our countries unique.  We were pleased 
that, despite differing perspectives, all our countries were able to 
agree at the World Human Rights Conference in Vienna in June that human 
rights are universal.  Cultural, social, and other differences cannot 
justify denying those rights.

Some have argued that democracy is somehow unsuited for Asia and that 
our emphasis on human rights is a mask for Western cultural imperialism.  
They could not be more wrong.  In fact, democracy has been strengthened 
over the last decade around Asia--in Taiwan and Korea, in the 
Philippines and Thailand, in Mongolia and elsewhere.  The yearnings for 
more freedom are not a Western export; they are a human instinct.

ASEAN nations have played a critical role in the transition to democracy 
in Cambodia.  A 90% turnout in the recent Cambodian election, amid 
violence and intimidation, is a tribute to the courage of the Cambodian 
people. That turnout also testifies to the value of our persistent 
efforts together on this issue.  Even in the barren terrain of what was 
once a "killing field," democracy is taking root.  But the international 
community must remain engaged and vigilant in helping the people of 
Cambodia secure a peaceful and prosperous future.

Throughout Asia, we recognize far-sighted and brave individuals whose 
lives and words speak eloquently to the universal appeal of democracy 
and the rule of law.  Last week, President Clinton marked the fourth 
anniversary of the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi, the courageous Burmese 
opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate.  He renewed his call 
to Burma's military leaders "to release unconditionally Nobel Prize 
winner Aung San Suu Kyi and all other prisoners of conscience, to 
respect the results of the 1990 elections, and to undertake genuine 
democratic reforms."

In Asia as in the rest of the world, freedom is linked to development, 
prosperity, and the spread of market principles.  Our work together and 
our shared democratic values will provide an even stronger bond between 
Americans and Asians in the coming century.

Recognizing how far we have come together, I believe we can realize the 
vision of a New Pacific Community, a community of free peoples and 
nations empowered to lift Asia and the Pacific into a new era of peace, 
prosperity, and freedom.

My delegation and I look forward to these discussions at the Post-
Ministerial Conference.  Thank you.  (###)


Supporting U.S. Business In Asia and Around the World
Secretary Christopher
Address before the American Business Council, Singapore, July 27, 1993

Good morning.  I am delighted to be here with you today.  You are the 
vanguard of our competitive efforts in the global marketplace, and your 
leadership helps advance American interests.

One of the key pillars of America's foreign policy today is the 
promotion of America's economic security.  We cannot be influential 
abroad unless we are strong at home.  But in this new era, if we are to 
be strong at home we must encourage our businesses to engage actively 
abroad.  More than 7 million Americans are working in export-related 
jobs.  And many of your companies are front-line fighters for American 

Nowhere is that more clear than inJSingapore and in the Asia-Pacific 
region.  This is a region of dynamic economic growth and sweeping social 
change.  Last year, U.S. firms shipped more than $128 billion in 
products to Asia.  Collectively, the ASEAN countries are our fourth-
largest export market.

Because of the efforts of the Clinton Administration, the United States 
is better prepared than ever to seize these new opportunities.  America 
is back as a responsible manager of its economy and as a leader on 
global economic issues.  The President's economic package, which will 
cut our budget deficit by half a trillion dollars over the next 5 years, 
is nearing final approval.  We are taking the tough steps to get our 
house in order.  And as we saw at the G-7 summit earlier this month, our 
allies and trading partners are taking notice.

I am also confident because American businesses are becoming more 
competitive.  Our manufacturing sector is again robust.  Our services 
sector, probably the world's most advanced, makes a vast positive 
contribution to the U.S. balance of trade.  Our cultural industry is 
influencing the global economy in countless ways.

As you press on with your work here, I want you to know that you are not 
acting alone.  I recently sent a message to all ambassadors making it 
clear that I expect each of them to take personal charge of promoting 
our commercial interests--and to engage their embassies in a sustained 
effort to help the American business community.

On a policy level, the Clinton Administration is working to eliminate 
unfair obstacles to American businesses here in the Pacific Rim and 
around the world.  Our goal is simple:  to open markets, not close them; 
to create more trade and jobs, not less.

Our first trade policy priority is a successful conclusion to the 
Uruguay Round by December 15. Difficult work lies ahead if we are to 
conclude successfully the Round this year.  But our breakthrough in 
Tokyo on market access has enabled us to resume negotiations in Geneva 
with renewed urgency.  We hope that the spirit of cooperation that 
prevailed at the G-7 summit can be sustained as we work with all our 
trading partners to resolve the outstanding issues.

Consistent with our Uruguay Round efforts, the United States also 
supports regional trade liberalization.  The dismantling of barriers to 
trade and investment on a regional basis, consistent with GATT, will 
spur economic growth and bolster support for the global multilateral 
trading system.  Regional trade liberalization will make it easier for 
American firms to be actively engaged in the Pacific Rim markets.

Members of the evolving Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum are 
already developing a comprehensive work program to promote regional 
trade liberalization.  I encourage you to meet with our embassy staff to 
discuss how your business can become involved in one of APEC's 10 
established working groups.

Finally, the United States seeks to expand trade not only through global 
and regional initiatives, but also through balanced bilateral 
initiatives.  For instance, we were successful in Tokyo in crafting a 
new economic framework with Japan.  Its objectives are to promote global 
growth, pry open markets, and redress persistent imbalances in our two 
economies.  While there are still difficult negotiations ahead, we 
expect the outcome to be a substantial increase in access for U.S. 
goods, services, and investment in the Japanese market.

What the Clinton Administration does in these areas is important.  But, 
ultimately, you are the ones who create wealth.  You are the ones who 
find the niches and crack the markets.  Your vision, savvy, and 
determination enable Americans to share in the great opportunities in 
the Asia-Pacific region.  So I salute your hard work here.  And I pledge 
our government's sustained support.  Your success is America's success, 
and President Clinton and I are committed to both.

Now I'd like to introduce Joan Spero, Under Secretary of State for 
Economic and Agricultural Affairs.  We plan to add "business" to her job 
title to reflect the President's determination to support American 
companies more aggressively around the world.  As a former executive 
vice president at American Express and as the former U.S. Ambassador to 
the UN Economic and Social Committee, Joan is extremely well-qualified 
to address issues of concern to you.   (###)


Fact Sheet:  Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)

Secretary Christopher met in Singapore, July 26-28, with the foreign 
ministers of the six ASEAN countries at the annual ASEAN Post-
Ministerial Conference (PMC).  The PMC immediately follows the Annual 
Ministerial Meeting (AMM) of the six ASEAN foreign ministers.  The 
ministers also invite their counterparts from Australia, Canada, the 
European Community, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea to the Post-
Ministerial Conference to discuss world and regional issues.

The six ASEAN countries have a total population of more than 330 million 
people.  Covering more than 3 million square kilometers (1.2 million sq. 
mi.), the ASEAN countries straddle strategic sea routes linking the 
Pacific Ocean with the Middle East, Africa, and Europe.

Rich in natural resources, with a talented and hard-working population 
and market-oriented development policies, the ASEAN countries grew more 
rapidly than most developing nations during the 1980s.  Their trade with 
the rest of the world slipped to $144 billion in 1985 because of 
slackening world trade and falling commodity prices but rebounded 
quickly and by 1991 reached $343 billion.  Two-way trade with the U.S. 
totaled $60 billion in 1992, making ASEAN the United States' fifth most 
important trading partner.

What Is ASEAN?
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations was created in August 1967 
with the signing of the Bangkok Declaration by the five original member 
nations (Brunei Darussalam became the sixth member on January 7, 1984, 
shortly after its independence).  ASEAN's major purposes are to 
strengthen regional cohesion and self-reliance, emphasizing economic, 
social, and cultural cooperation.

It evolved slowly because of the member countries' varied historical and 
colonial heritages and because their economies largely compete against 
each other.  Cooperation increased after the U.S. withdrawal from 
Vietnam in 1975.  The first two ASEAN summit conferences of heads of 
government, held in 1976 and 1977, initiated much closer collaboration 
in political as well as economic and social matters.  A third ASEAN 
summit was held in Manila in December 1987 and a fourth in Singapore in 
January 1992.  Future summits will be held every 3 years.

ASEAN has a loosely organized structure of ministerial meetings, 
committees, and a small secretariat located in Jakarta.  Although the 
six countries have agreed to upgrade the position of ASEAN secretary 
general, they have not favored the development of a strong, central 
coordinating body.

Economic Growth
ASEAN countries averaged annual real gross domestic product growth of 
more than 5% during 1978-90, one of the economic success stories among 
developing countries.  The average slipped to 0.6% in 1985 but rose to 
almost 6% in 1992.  Future prospects for the ASEAN economies, which are 
generally among the better managed in the developing world, remain 

Regional Cooperation
ASEAN led efforts in the United Nations to oppose Vietnam's occupation 
of Cambodia and end the civil war there.  The United Nations convened 
the International Conference on Kampuchea in July 1981 at ASEAN's 
request.  Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas served as co-chairman 
of the Paris International Conference on Cambodia, where he and 
officials from the other ASEAN countries joined others in negotiating 
the 1991 peace settlement.  Several ASEAN countries contributed to the 
peace-keeping forces in Cambodia under UN command, and the ASEAN 
countries, as a group, pledged in 1992 to play an active role in 
international efforts to reconstruct Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia.  With 
the end of hostilities in Southeast Asia, Vietnam and Laos have 
expressed interest in working with ASEAN, which has welcomed accession 
to the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation by all countries in 
Indochina.  Laos, Vietnam, and Papua New Guinea have now acceded to that 

External Relations
ASEAN has strengthened its ties with the United States and other 
industrialized countries through periodic economic "dialogues" and the 
post-ministerial consultations.  The ASEAN governments take a 
constructive, creative approach to important world issues in the United 
Nations and other forums.

The U.S.-ASEAN relationship is substantial and expanding.  Deputy 
Secretary Wharton made a visit to each of the ASEAN countries in May 
1993.  Secretaries of State have regularly attended PMC meetings since 
1979.  These annual meetings permit a regular and comprehensive review 
of matters of interest to the United States and to ASEAN countries and 
underscore the importance of the region to U.S. foreign policy.

Regional Security
Since the collapse of the former Soviet Union and the end of the Cold 
War, interest in multilateral security discussions has increased in 
ASEAN.  The 1992 ASEAN summit decided to add regional security issues to 
the PMC agenda, and the first systematic discussions of security issues 
occurred at the Manila PMC in 1992.  

In 1993, ASEAN convened a first meeting of senior officials from the PMC 
countries to discuss regional security.  That meeting laid the 
groundwork for a decision at the 1993 AMM/PMC that China, Russia, 
Vietnam, and others be brought into a broadly based multilateral 
security discussion in 1994.  Those countries will participate in an 
expanded PMC Senior Officials Meeting on regional security in 1994 and 
also in a ministerial-level "ASEAN Regional Forum," including the same 
countries, which will meet the day before the PMC in 1994.

Bilateral Economic Cooperation
ASEAN governments support private sector entrepreneurial growth, 
domestic and foreign investment, and an open world trading system.  U.S. 
business people have found ASEAN countries to be good places to trade 
and invest.  Several avenues have developed over the last 15 years to 
foster better cooperation and interchange.  The U.S./ASEAN Council for 
Business and Technology was established in 1979 to bring together 
private sector leaders to discuss common interests and the enhancement 
of trade and investment relations.  The Private Investment and Trade 
Opportunities project is a joint effort by the United States and ASEAN 
private sectors and government to expand trade, investment, and 
technology transfer between the United States and ASEAN.

Frequent official and unofficial U.S.-ASEAN consultations increase 
understanding of common interests and provide opportunities to consult 
on a wide range of issues.  The U.S.-ASEAN Dialogue began in September 
1977 in Manila.  Subsequent dialogues have been held at 18-month 
intervals, with the 11th and most recent in May 1993.  An Economic 
Coordinating Committee (ECC) was established at the third dialogue in 
Manila.  It comprises senior officials of the ASEAN embassies in 
Washington, their counterparts in the U.S. Government, and private 
sector representatives.  The ECC generally meets monthly to review 
cooperative activities and economic issues.  The U.S. Trade 
Representative and ASEAN ambassadors signed a memorandum of 
understanding in December 1990 to establish regular, ministerial-level 
trade consultations and a working group of senior officials to explore 
mechanisms to enhance trade and investment relations under a program 
known as the ASEAN-U.S. Initiative.

Regional Trade and Economic Cooperation
The ASEAN members agreed at their third summit to accelerate efforts to 
reduce tariffs on intra-ASEAN trade to promote industrial development.  
ASEAN leaders took an important step toward this goal in January 1992, 
when they established the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA).  The AFTA is 
designed to eliminate most tariffs between the member countries over the 
next 15 years.  ASEAN also is trying to foster cooperative industrial 
investment projects with government or private sector involvement.  


Fact Sheet:  U.S. Economic Relations With East Asia and the Pacific

The East Asian and Pacific region is the world's most economically 
dynamic area.  Japan has become the second- largest market economy and, 
with the United States, one of  the world's leading aid donors.   The 
region's newly industrialized economies (NIEs)--Hong Kong, Singapore, 
South Korea, and Taiwan--have maintained high economic growth rates over 
the last two decades.  In the process, they have achieved "middle-
income" levels of per capita GNP and have become major participants in 
international trade.  Thailand and Malaysia are fast approaching 
development levels close to those of the NIEs.

Over the last decade, the East Asian and Pacific region has surpassed 
Western Europe to become the largest regional trading partner of the 
United States, both as a supplier of U.S. imports and as a customer for 
its exports.  In 1992, U.S. two-way trade with the region was more than 
$344 billion, 51% more than transatlantic trade.  American direct 
investment in the region reached $66 billion in 1991, 15% of total U.S. 
overseas investment.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)--Brunei, Indonesia, 
Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand--is America's fourth-
largest source of imports and its sixth-largest export market.  In 1992, 
U.S. trade with ASEAN was $60 billion.  In the preceding decade, total 
U.S. trade with the ASEAN countries grew at an average annual rate of 
17%.  The United States in 1991 exported more to Singapore than to 
Italy, more to Malaysia than to the countries of the former Soviet 
Union, and more to Indonesia than to Central and Eastern Europe 
combined.  The United States also is the leading export market for 
Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines and is the second-largest  
export market for Malaysia.  U.S. direct investment in ASEAN totaled $16 
billion in 1992.

Transportation also links the United States more closely to East Asia 
and the Pacific.  In 1993, air traffic on Pacific routes is expected to 
overtake Atlantic traffic on a passenger- mile basis.  By the year 2000, 
the Pacific market is projected to account for almost half of total 
international traffic.  

U.S. Support for Economic Reforms
The achievements of the successful Asian economies can be attributed 
largely to market-oriented, outward-looking strategies of growth, 
together with the high value these societies have traditionally placed 
on education, discipline, and hard work.  The United States contributes 
to this success and supports economic reforms by providing:

--  The principal market for the region's exports;

--  Leadership in promoting an open international trade and financial 

--  Economic assistance to the region's developing nations; and

--  A military security umbrella.

The Philippines and Indonesia have economic reforms underway that, if 
sustained, will enable them to capitalize on their impressive potential.  
Australia and New Zealand also are engaged in difficult economic 
restructuring and trade liberalization efforts.  Some Pacific island 
mini-countries are not yet fully participating in the region's economic 
success.  Implementation of market-oriented reforms has boosted the 
economies of Laos and, to a lesser extent, Vietnam, but both countries 
remain poor.

China experienced rapid economic growth during most of the 1980s as it 
moved toward a more market-oriented system.  

Trade Success and Imbalances
More than 40% of U.S. total trade is now conducted with the East Asian 
and Pacific region.  However, this dramatic expansion has been 
accompanied by the development of large, recurring trade deficits with 
some U.S. trade partners.  In 1992, the United States had trade deficits 
with Japan ($49.5 billion), China ($18 billion), Taiwan ($9.5 billion), 
and South Korea ($2 billion).  On the other hand, the United States had 
a $5-billion trade surplus with Australia in 1992.

There is particular concern about the size of Japan's trade surplus.  
The U.S. and Japan have just concluded agreement on a "Framework for a 
New Economic Partnership" that is expected to contribute to a 
significant reduction in both countries' external imbalances.

In addition, the NIEs, particularly South Korea and Taiwan, also have 
reduced import barriers to a limited extent.  This has helped reduce the 
overall U.S. trade deficit with the East Asian and Pacific region from 
$107 billion in 1987 to about $87 billion in 1992.

East Asian and Pacific countries have come to recognize that their 
growth and export successes require them to bear a much larger burden 
for the health of the world economy.  Consequently, they are undertaking 
appropriate adjustments to help correct international imbalances by:

--  Ensuring realistic exchange rates;
--  Lowering barriers to imported goods, services, and investment; and
--  Adopting macroeconomic and structural policies that encourage growth 
through increased domestic demand as well as exports.

The United States, in turn, must maintain its efforts to reduce domestic 
fiscal imbalances and to keep its import markets open.

Increasing Regional Cooperation
The United States has been working with East Asian and Pacific economies 
for several years to strengthen regional economic cooperation.  U.S. 
officials have had extensive consultation with ASEAN, the Asian 
Development Bank, the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the 
Pacific, the South Pacific Council, the South Pacific Forum, and the 
Pacific Economic Cooperation Conference.  Many of the region's leaders 
recently have called for more intensive consultation among the market-
oriented economies of the East Asian and Pacific region on macro-
economic issues, structural reform, and the health of the world trading 
system, particularly the current Uruguay Round of the General Agreement 
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).  The U.S. played a key role in the 
formation of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), a regional forum 
based on those principles.

The United States works actively with its East Asian and Pacific 
partners to promote APEC as a vehicle for regional economic cooperation.  
At the invitation of then-Australian Prime Minister Hawke, the first 
APEC ministerial conference convened in Canberra in November 1989.  A 
second ministerial meeting took place in Singapore in July 1990, leading 
to the creation of work projects in various areas of interest to the 
original APEC members.  Since then, annual ministerial meetings have 
been held in Seoul, South Korea, and in Bangkok, Thailand.  Ministerials 
are planned for the United States in November 1993 and Indonesia in 
1994. (###)


Fact Sheet:  Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)


The Asia-Pacific region, comprised of some of the more dynamic economies 
in the world, has experienced unprecedented growth in the last two 
decades.  Economic relations among economies of the region also have 
increased dramatically, fueled by growing trade and financial flows.  

Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) was established to better 
manage the effects of growing interdependence in the Pacific region and 
sustain economic growth.  A new vehicle for multilateral cooperation 
among the market-oriented economies of the region was needed.  APEC 
began in 1989 as an informal grouping of 12 Asia-Pacific economies 
formed to meet that need.  In November 1991, APEC admitted the People's 
Republic of China, Chinese Taipei, and Hong Kong, bringing membership to 

APEC provides a forum for discussion on a broad range of economic issues 
of importance to the region.  The APEC chair rotates annually among 
members and is responsible for hosting an annual ministerial meeting.  
Foreign and economic ministers from the members first met in Canberra, 
Australia, in November 1989.  Since then, annual ministerial meetings 
have been held in Singapore, Seoul, South Korea, and Bangkok, Thailand.

The United States now holds the APEC chair and will host the 1993 APEC 
Ministerial Meeting in Seattle, Washington, November 17-19, 1993.  The 
United States has been hosting periodic lower-level meetings throughout 
1992-93 to lay the groundwork for a productive ministerial that will 
focus on trade liberalization throughout the Asia-Pacific region.  

U.S.-APEC Relations
The United States works closely with members of APEC, which is an 
important part of U.S. engagement in the Asia-Pacific region.  President 
Clinton has underscored that the United States is "committed to making 
[APEC] a vehicle for liberalization in the region."

In 1992, U.S. trade across the Pacific ($344 billion) was 51% greater 
than trade with Western Europe ($228 billion).  U.S. foreign direct 
investment in economies belonging to the APEC group was more than $145 
billion in 1992, about 30% of total U.S. foreign direct investment.

APEC Progress
APEC has made remarkable progress since November 1989.  With the 
addition of three members at the Seoul meeting in 1991 and the 
establishment of a permanent secretariat in September 1992, APEC has 
grown from an informal dialogue group to a formalized institution that 
involves all major economies of the region.  Its priority continues to 
be to encourage market-oriented solutions to the adjustment problems 
associated with quickly growing economies.  To that end, APEC has made 
significant contributions to negotiations during the Uruguay Round of 
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and is considering moves 
toward regional trade liberalization.  APEC senior officials oversee 10 
working groups, covering broad areas of economic, educational, and 
environmental cooperation.  In addition, APEC has two ad hoc groups, one 
on regional trade liberalization and one on economic policy.  The 
working groups are:

Trade and Investment Data.  Develops consistent and reliable data in 
merchandise trade, trade in services, and investment.

Trade Promotion.  Develops proposals to exchange trade and industrial 
information and to promote economic and trade missions among economies 
of the region.  Organizes international seminars and meetings to promote 
trade, an Asia-Pacific trade fair, and a training course on trade 

Investment and Industrial Science and Technology.  Promotes investment 
in the APEC region through such activities as an investment and 
technology information network for the Asia-Pacific region.

Human Resource Development. 
Seeks ways to exchange information among Asia-Pacific economies in such 
areas as business administration, industrial training and innovation, 
project management, and development planning.  In this working group, 
the United States hosted an APEC education ministerial in Washington, 
DC, in August 1992 and sponsors the APEC Partnership for Education, 
which promotes university partnerships between U.S. and Asian/South 
Pacific universities, outreach and cooperative education activities, and 
private sector training.

Regional Energy Cooperation.  Develops cooperative projects, such as a 
regional database on energy supply and demand, and exchanges views on, 
among other things, coal utilization, technology transfer, and resource 
exploration and development.

Marine Resource Conservation. Exchanges information on policy and 
technical aspects of marine pollution and advancement of integrated 
coastal zone planning.  Exchanges information on and develops 
recommendations for dealing with red tide/toxic algae pollution 

Telecommunications.  Compiles annual survey on APEC telecommunications 
development activities, including a description of each member country's 
telecommunications environment.  Explores ways to establish and develop 
regional networks, initially by encouraging electronic data interchange.  
Exchanges information on policy and regulatory developments in each 
member's telecommunications sector.  Disseminates a manual on how to 
approach training in a telecommunications organization, followed by a 
pilot project reviewing needs and recommending solutions in a selected 

Transportation.  Studies and recommends ways to improve infrastructure, 
facilitate movement of passengers and freight, collect and exchange 
data, and enhance transportation safety and security.  This U.S.-led 
working group is one of three added in March 1991.  The United States 
proposed it because of the importance of improved transportation links 
to continued economic growth in the region.

Tourism.  Studies one of the region's most important industries focusing 
on tourism data exchange, barriers to expansion, training programs, and 
current projects in APEC member economies.

Fisheries.  Surveys the pattern of APEC fisheries cooperation to develop 
fisheries resources.  Reports on role of APEC in coordinating and 
complementing the work of existing organizations and promoting 
cooperative relations among APEC participants. (###)


Progress on POW/MIA Issues

Winston Lord, Assistant Secretary For East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Statement before the Subcommittee on East Asia and the Pacific of the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC, July 21, 1993

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, our nation has a duty to its 
soldiers, sailors, and airmen, and a duty to their families to find the 
answers that will lead to the fullest possible accounting for our 
POW/MIAs.  This mandate guides our actions toward Vietnam.  I, 
therefore, appreciate the committee providing me with this opportunity 
to report to the Congress and to the families of our missing service 

I am appearing before you less than 48 hours after returning from a trip 
to Vietnam as a co-leader of the Special Presidential Delegation on 
POW/MIA.  The two other heads of the delegation were Deputy Secretary of 
Veterans Affairs Hershel Gober and Assistant to the Chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff Lt. Gen. Michael Ryan.  We were joined by 
representatives of America's four largest veterans organizations, who 
were invited by the President.  We were also accompanied by our 
Ambassador to Thailand, David Lambertson, and a dedicated, expert team 
of government officials.  The National League of Families was invited to 
participate but, due to its annual meeting in Washington, D.C., was 
unable to send a representative.

Together our delegation conveyed to the Vietnamese officials with whom 
we met one central, fundamental message:  The President is determined to 
achieve the fullest possible accounting for our missing men, and further 
steps in improving U.S.-Vietnamese relations can come only if there is 
new and tangible progress on POW/MIA.

Our trip to Vietnam came as a result of President Clinton's decision on 
July 2 to no longer block other countries' efforts to clear Hanoi's 
arrears in the IMF.  The President stressed that he was taking this step 
in recognition of what the Vietnamese have done so far, and because he 
judged it would increase POW/MIA accounting.  At the same time, he made 
it absolutely clear that there could be no further improvement in 
relations between the United States and Vietnam if additional concrete 
results on POW/MIA are not forthcoming.  Our mission was to ensure that 
the top leadership of the Vietnamese Government understood this message.  
Mr. Chairman, I can report to you today that we accomplished that 

While in Vietnam, we met with Party General Secretary Do Muoi, Minister 
of National Defense Doan Khue, Acting Foreign Minister Tran Quang Co, 
Vice Foreign Minister Le Mai, and Minister of Interior Bui Thien Ngo.  I 
note that this is the first time an official U.S. delegation has met 
with Vietnam's Interior Minister, who is responsible for domestic 
security.  We also had a very productive veterans-to-veterans meeting 
which was chaired on the Vietnamese side by retired Gen. Tran Van Quang, 
who was listed as the author of the much publicized document found in 
the Russian archives.  In each meeting, my co-leaders and I emphasized 
our core theme:  Progress on POW/MIA accounting is our central interest 
with Vietnam.

Our delegation was unique in several ways, and all of this was designed 
to accentuate our basic message.  Deputy Secretary Gober and Lt. Gen. 
Ryan are both Vietnam veterans who have been closely involved in the 
POW/MIA issue for a number of years.  Our veterans organizations' 
leaders--John Sommer of the American Legion, Allen Kent of the Veterans 
of Foreign Wars, Dave Givans of the Disabled American Veterans, and Bob 
Jones of AmVets--have long had deep concern for this issue as well.  
Together they helped ensure that this, the highest level delegation 
since the end of the war, clearly reflected our message on the need for 
greater progress toward the fullest possible accounting.  It was a 
distinct personal pleasure and honor for me to have been associated with 
this team on this mission.

As part of the preparation for our meetings, our delegation visited the 
headquarters of the Joint Task Force-Full Accounting in Hawaii, where we 
were briefed by Adm. Charles Larson, the Commander in Chief for the 
Pacific, and Gen. Tom Needham, the JTF-FA commander.  We also hadJan 
opportunity to meet with the members of the Joint Task Force Detachment 
in Hanoi and to hear in detail about the nature of their work.

Mr. Chairman, I know I speak for my two co-leaders and for the veterans 
organizations' leaders who accompanied us when I say how profoundly 
impressed we were by the hard work, determination, and expertise of all 
the men and women of the Defense Department who are working on this 
issue.  They are displaying profound dedication to answering the 
questions about the fate of our missing men--those 2,252 still 
unaccounted for who were lost during the war.  Many of them face 
hardship.  All Americans should be deeply grateful for their efforts and 
the answers they are providing.

I also wish to pay special tribute toJGen. John Vessey, who has served 
with such great distinction as the President's special emissary for the 
past 6 years, and who remains a valued adviser on this issue.  We 
consulted with the General prior to the trip and profited from his 
advice in developing our approach to the Vietnamese.

Mr. Chairman, as I indicated earlier, we are confident that President 
Clinton's message was clearly and unambiguously received.  We outlined 
the four areas in which we expect tangible progress on an urgent basis:

--  The recovery and repatriation of American remains;
--  Continued resolution of the 92 discrepancy cases and continued live 
sighting investigations;
--  Further assistance in implementing trilateral investigations along 
the Vietnam-Lao border; and
--  Accelerated efforts to provide all POW/MIA-related documents that 
can give us answers to individual cases.

I am confident that Vietnam understands the President's determination to 
see tangible progress before taking further steps.  Deputy Secretary 
Gober made this point, conveying to the Vietnamese the importance the 
President attaches to the views of the millions of men and women who 
have served in our armed forces.  Lt. Gen. Ryan made this point, 
representing the involvement in the POW/MIA accounting process of the 
active-duty military, many of whom have served--as did General Ryan--in 
Vietnam.  And I made this point, conveying the message that the full 
weight of our diplomatic and foreign policy interests are in support of 
this central goal.

Vietnam's leaders responded by stating their appreciation for our 
lifting our block on their access to international financial 
institutions.  And, in our meetings, the top leaders of Vietnam 
acknowledged that our four specific areas of concern are appropriate, 
and pledged their best efforts to increase POW/MIA progress.  As Party 
General Secretary Do Muoi--the most senior leader--told us, "President 
Clinton hasJdemonstrated good will, and so will Vietnam."  President Le 
Duc Anh repeated this commitment in a letter to President Clinton, which 
we carried back.

However, in all candor I must tell you that Hanoi's leaders also 
repeatedly cautioned that they do not expect to be able to make any 
breakthroughs in discovering large numbers of new remains or documents.  
They maintain that all the necessary mechanisms are in place and that 
further progress will be incremental.

Now, let me be the first to point out that although the assurances from 
Vietnam's leaders are positive signs, they are merely words.  It is now 
up to the Vietnamese to produce results.  They know that nothing further 
can happen in U.S.-Vietnamese relations without more real progress.

We did address some other topics during our visit which are directly 
related to the POW/MIA issue and humanitarian themes.  In an effort to 
address Vietnamese concerns about their wartime losses, we turned over 
toJthe Joint Archive Center the first portion of about 3 million pages 
of documents we captured from the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong during 
the war.  Vietnamese officials expressed great appreciation for this 
information which they said would help them in working with their people 
to meet our MIA goals.

To support American citizens, particularly the families of our missing 
and the Vietnam veterans who have been invited by the Vietnamese 
Government to go to Vietnam, and to facilitate and further strengthen 
our POW/MIA effort there, we proposed sending three State Department 
personnel to Hanoi on a temporary basis to work closely with our Joint 
Task Force personnel. Those officers will free up the Joint Task Force 
to concentrate exclusively on POW/MIA accounting.  

Let me emphasize that this temporary arrangement does not represent any 
change in U.S.-Vietnamese relations.  We are not opening a diplomatic 
mission in Hanoi.  We are not establishing a U.S. Interests Section 
there.  What we are doing is strengthening our efforts to find the 
answers for the families of our missing men.

We also sought to emphasize the importance we attach to equal treatment 
of veterans from all sides.  We had a particular opportunity to 
highlight this during our travel to southern Vietnam when we visited a 
special project for handicapped veterans.  For over an hour we were with 
more than 100 amputees who were receiving prostheses for the first time.  
They were the first of close to 1,000 men who will receive such 
assistance, the great majority of whom are veterans of the former South 
Vietnamese army.  It was a tremendously emotional moment for all of us, 
especially the veterans in our group, as we helped these disabled 
soldiers strap on their prosthetic devices for the first time.

This project is possible due to the inspired efforts of Mr. Tran Van Ca, 
a Vietnamese American who has raised considerable money to finance it.  
The U.S. Agency for International Development has assisted his work 
through significant funds.  The Disabled American Veterans has also been 
instrumental in making this project a reality and deserves special 
commendation.  This enterprise is a tangible manifestation that we have 
not forgotten those who were our allies during the war.  We also visited 
the Amerasian Transit Center, which processes the young Vietnamese men 
and women to whom we feel a special commitment for their movement to the 
United States.

Our delegation raised forcefully the issue of human rights, emphasizing 
the importance President Clinton and the American people give to this 
issue.  Vietnamese officials indicated they have an open attitude to 
discussing human rights along with other subjects.  Our exchanges 
included our request for the release of all prisoners of conscience, as 
well as for access to Americans incarcerated in Vietnam.  

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, let me reiterate our central mission--to 
convey to the leadership of Vietnam President Clinton's commitment to 
the fullest possible accounting for our men.  We must have further 
tangible progress on this matter before any further steps can be taken 
in improving U.S.-Vietnamese relations.  Our message was stated clearly 
by Deputy Secretary Gober, by General Ryan, by John Sommer of the 
American Legion, by Allen Kent of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, by David 
Givans of the Disabled American Veterans, by Robert Jones of AmVets, and 
by me.

Our delegation is confident that this message has been received and 
fully understood by the Vietnamese.  We must now judge how they respond.  
WeJall look forward to seeing Hanoi translate its commitments into real 
progress.  The families of our missing deserve no less.  Our President 
will be satisfied with no less. (###)


Feature:  The Pearson Program and U.S. Foreign Policy

The State Department's Domestic Assignment Program (the Pearson Program) 
provides for temporary assignment of  Foreign Service officers outside 
the Department.  It aims to deepen their knowledge of foreign affairs 
legislation and of public concerns as well as to improve public 
understanding of U.S. foreign policy.  Therefore, the program is a 
ready-made tool for a U.S. foreign policy which is closely linked to 
domestic policy--a key point in Secretary Christopher's January 1993 
Senate confirmation testimony (see Dispatch, Vol. 4, No. 4, p. 45).

The Pearson Program is named for former Senator James Pearson of Kansas, 
who sponsored the legislation in 1975.  It assigns FSOs to positions in 
Congress, state and local governments, and non-profit organizations.  
The program also includes assignments to U.S. organizations involved in 
international labor affairs.  

Coordinated by the Department's Bureau of Personnel, the program is open 
to all generalist Foreign Service officers with 7 years' experience.  An 
effort is made to match the officer's qualifications and Foreign Service 
specialization with the needs of the local agencies that have requested 
the assignment.  The assignment is usually for 1 year and may be 
extended for an additional year.  Since the program began, about 140 
officers have been assigned to local government offices and 98 to 
congressional committee staffs or staffs of individual representatives 
or senators. 

James Hamilton, a Political Officer, worked on the staff of Indiana 
Congressman Lee Hamilton (D) from September 1990 to April 1991.  His job 
included work on an extensive project on how U.S. foreign policy should 
be reshaped as the Soviet bloc disintegrated.  He wrote a speech on this 
subject, which Congressman Hamilton delivered before the Los Angeles 
World Affairs Council in April 1991.

"This took place against the backdrop of the war in the Persian Gulf," 
Mr. Hamilton noted, "which raised serious questions about the role of 
the United States in the post-Cold War world, the use of American forces 
abroad in the new environment, the willingness of the public to support 
policies unrelated to the former Soviet Union, and how overall U.S. 
interests applied in the new circumstances."

Mr. Hamilton adds that the Pearson Program can be used to advance the 
Administration's priority of "promoting U.S. economic development and 
job creation" by sending more trade specialists or other officers 
interested  in economic and trade policies to the Hill "who are capable, 
and interested in concentrating on those priorities." 

Lilli Ming is an FSO who served in China, Singapore, Morocco, and 
Bermuda where she became familiar with foreign business practices.  She 
was assigned to San Francisco Mayor Art Agnos' Office of Business and 
Economic Development from September 1990 until July 1991.  "The Pearson 
Program is designed to bridge the gap between domestic and foreign 
policy," says Ms. Ming.  While in San Francisco, she helped local 
businesses interested in foreign trade take advantage of services 
offered by the Department of Commerce's Foreign Commercial Service and 
the Small Business Administration. 

Ms. Ming also served as the Mayor's general adviser on international 
issues.  "Sometimes public opinion was based on selective and 
occasionally narrow interpretations of special interest groups," says 
Ms. Ming.  "It was important to provide the Mayor with a broad spectrum 
of views both for and against U.S. foreign policy goals." 

Michael Senko, now Deputy Chief of Mission in Belize, worked on the 
staff of Senator Frank H. Murkowski (R) of Alaska and with the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee from August 1991 to May 1992.  His 
experience made him more aware of the special regional interests due to 
physical proximity with foreign countries.

Alaskans, for example, were extremely concerned about what would happen 
in the Soviet Far East with the breakup of the former Soviet Union.  Mr. 
Senko helped to draft a bill passed by Congress encouraging the 
Department to open a consulate there as soon as possible.  A consulate 
was opened in Vladivostok within a matter of months in September 1992.

Foreign Service officers and their host agencies agree that the Pearson 
Program is highly effective.  The officers' assignments broadened their 
understanding of the legislative role in foreign affairs and of the 
variety of public interests that must be taken into account in shaping 
policy.  The host agencies benefited from the officers' expertise in 
foreign affairs and knowledge of the executive branch.  Both profit from 
the State Department's goal to promote U.S. interests using all 
available tools. (###)

--Juanita Adams
    Dispatch Staff

For more information on the Pearson Program, contact Stephanie Starrett, 
Department of State, Bureau of Personnel, Office of Training and 
Liaison, tel. (202) 647-3309.  (###)


Department Statements

Cuban Dissident Arrives In the United States
Statement by Department Spokesman Michael McCurry, Washington, DC, July 
21, 1993.

We are pleased that long-time Cuban political prisoner Mario Chanes de 
Armas and his wife arrived in the United States today.  We remain 
concerned for the plight of the Cuban people, who are systematically 
denied the most basic human rights.  We are particularly concerned for 
those Cubans who remain in prison unjustly on political charges.  The 
United States calls on the Government of Cuba to release all political 
prisoners and to adopt the democratic reforms that would grant the Cuban 
people the freedom they so badly want and need.

Mario Chanes de Armas is the last of the original group of plantados to 
depart Cuba.  Plantados--Cuban political prisoners who suffer constant 
abuse for rejecting "political re-education" and the prison uniform worn 
by common criminals--are among the bravest human rights heroes of our 

Chanes de Armas was one of Fidel Castro's earliest and closest 
companions.  He fought alongside Castro in the 1953 attack on the 
Moncada army barracks and helped launch Cuba's guerrilla war in 1956.  
In 1960, disillusioned with the course Castro was taking, he started 
speaking out against the regime.  Arrested in 1961, he was sentenced at 
a closed trial to 30 years in prison for participating in a plan to 
assassinate Fidel Castro, a charge he rejects.  At the time of his 
release in 1991, he was the longest-serving political prisoner in the 
Western Hemisphere.  Until now, he and his wife were denied permission 
to leave in violation of international and Cuban law.

Terrorism Reward Offer
Statement by Department Spokesman Michael McCurry, Washington, DC, July 
23, 1993.

Effective immediately, the Department of State is offering a reward of 
up to $2 million for information that leads to the arrest--anywhere in 
the world--of Ramzi Ahmed Yousef. 

Yousef is currently under U.S. indictment for his alleged role in the 
World Trade Center bombing.  He is one of six suspects charged in that 
terrorist act, which killed six persons and injured more than 1,000.  He 
has fled the United States and is probably in the Middle East.

Yousef has a demonstrated willingness and ability to undertake acts of 
international terrorism and is likely to engage in such acts in the 
future unless he is brought into custody.

Yousef is described as follows:  He is a white male, six feet tall, 
weighing 180 lbs., medium build, brown hair, brown eyes, and olive 
complexion.  He is usually clean shaven but might now have a beard.  He 
was born on May 20, 1967, and travels on an Iraqi passport.  He may also 
claim to be from the United Arab Emirates.  In the past, Yousef has used 
the aliases Ramzi Yousef Ahmad,  Rasheed Yousef, Ramzi Ahmad Yousef, 
Kamal Abraham, Muhammud Azan,  Ramzi Yousef, Rashid Rashid, Kamal 
Ibraham, Ramzi Yousef Ahmed, and Abdul Bassett.  Yousef should be 
considered armed and extremely dangerous.  Anyone in the United States 
who has information that would help identify Ramzi Ahmed Yousef and stop 
him before he undertakes another act of terrorism against the United 
States is urged to call the nearest FBI office.  Anyone outside the 
United States who has information about Ramzi Ahmed Yousef should 
contact the nearest U.S. Embassy orJConsulate.  Those who have 
information may also write to:  Heroes, P.O. Box 96781, Washington, DC 

The Department will begin an immediate international publicity campaign 
to announce this reward offer.  

Cuba:  Telephone Service
Statement by Department Spokesman Michael McCurry, Washington, DC, July 
23, 1993.

The Administration is today making public new guidelines to permit the 
establishment of improved telephone communications with Cuba.  We 
strongly believe that increased communication is in the interests of 
both the American and Cuban people, and we hope the new guidelines will 
lead to improved service as soon as possible.

Current telecommunication between the United States and Cuba is limited 
and was worsened by equipment damage from hurricane Andrew.  The Cuban 
Democracy Act, enacted last year, authorized telecommunications 
facilities to permit "efficient and adequate" service.

The State Department led an interagency team which decided how to meet 
that objective in light of the other goal of the act--and of long-
standing U.S. policy--to maintain an economic embargo against Cuba.

We have reached what we believe to be a fair, balanced approach.  In 
brief, the new guidelines will permit:

--  Proposals for service which can be activated within 1 year;

--  Installation in Cuba of equipment necessary to receive telephone 
signals from the U.S. under these proposals;

--  A settlement rate not to exceed $1.20 per minute, to be evenly split 
between the U.S. companies and Cuba; and

--  No release to Cuba of telephone revenues accrued through the current 
AT&T service, now in blocked accounts.

U.S. companies interested in providing this service will now be able to 
formulate proposals based on the guidelines and discuss them with the 
Cuban Government.

The guidelines will be published in the Federal Register by the Federal 
Communications Commission.  We have available for release today the 
State Department's letter to the FCC, which explains in detail the 
guidelines and the approval processes companies will have to follow as 
they pursue this opportunity. (###)


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