VOLUME 4, NUMBER 18, MAY 3, 1993

1.  Forging a True Partnership Of the Americas -- Deputy Secretary 
2.  Additional Measures Tighten Embargo Against the Federal Republic of 
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) -- President Clinton
3.  US Commitment to the Middle East Peace Process -- Secretary 
4.  Secretary Welcomes Parties to Resumption of Middle East Peace Talks 
-- Secretary Christopher
5.  Russian Elections -- President Clinton 
6.  Support for Global Human Rights Strengthens Democracy at Home -- 
Secretary Christopher
7.  The Principles and Future of US-Polish Relations -- Vice President 
8.  Fact Sheet:  Poland
9.  Department Statements 
     Army Show of Force in Peru
     POW/MIA Documents
     Secretary's Meeting With Iraqi Opposition Leaders
     Yemeni Parliamentary Elections
     US Recognition of Eritrea


Forging a True Partnership Of the Americas
Deputy Secretary Wharton
Address before the Council of the Americas on behalf of Secretary 
Christopher, Washington, DC, May 3, 1993

It is a pleasure to have the opportunity to speak to you today.  First, 
allow me to express Secretary Christopher's disappointment that he could 
not be here.  He had wanted to speak to you personally and assure you 
that the US partnership with Latin America and the Caribbean is among 
this Administration's highest foreign policy priorities.  I am 
delivering the Secretary's speech, and he asked me to be sure you 
understand that these are his words.

But before I read the Secretary's speech, let me first make a personal 
comment.  Upon graduation from SAIS in 1948, I joined the late Nelson A. 
Rockefeller, David's brother, in Nelson's Latin American activities.  
This led to a 22-year career in foreign economic development with the 
Rockefeller family's philanthropic interests.  Therefore, I am 
especially pleased to be here to compliment my good friend David 

David, I want to pay a personal tribute to you for your lifelong 
leadership and dedication to improving relations among the nations of 
the Americas.  No one exemplifies our country's commitment to the region 
better than you.

On behalf of the Secretary, I would like to begin by expressing 
appreciation to you and to John Avery, George Landau, and all the 
members of the council for the very important work you have done over 
the years.

The council has rendered an invaluable service to our country.  You have 
promoted greater communication and understanding among leaders 
throughout the Americas.  And you have educated our citizens about what 
all of us have at stake in inter-American cooperation.  

Members of the council have contributed significantly to the new growth 
spurred by open markets and free trade.  You have long understood the 
link between political and economic freedom and the importance to both 
of the rule of law.

Those are the values which must guide US policy toward Latin America and 
the Caribbean.  Let me state in unmistakable terms:  Our marching orders 
from the President are to engage with Latin America and the Caribbean to 
strengthen democracy and expand prosperity for all our citizens to 

Too often in our history, we have turned our attention to Latin America 
in times of crisis, and we have turned our back when the crisis passes.  
That is short-sighted and self-defeating.  This Administration will not 
make that mistake.

President Clinton is committed to forging a true partnership of the 
Americas--a Western Hemisphere community of democracies--to strengthen 
democratic institutions, to defend human rights, to fight for social 
justice, to support economic reform and free markets, and to protect the 
environment.  And let there be no doubt:  We will build a hemisphere of 
free trade.

Our interests in the hemisphere are mutual, and the benefits flow both 
ways.  When our neighbors prosper, they buy our exports and our job base 
grows.  When democracy is strong in the Americas, together we are able 
to address the problems we face and seize the opportunities we share.

Change in Latin America today often comes from inspired leaders:  from 
men like Presidents Salinas and Menem, who have led the most dramatic 
economic reforms their societies have ever seen, and President Aylwin, 
who is promoting economic growth and fighting poverty.  Change also 
comes from the work of the Salvadorans and Nicaraguans in all walks of 
life who are working to reconcile their people and rebuild their 
countries.  It comes from voters, political activists, and election 
workers who have placed their faith in electoral processes and made them 
work.  And it comes from entrepreneurs, whether street vendors or major 
investors, who are taking risks, creating new jobs, and lifting people's 

This is the generation in Latin America which established democracy as 
the only form of government acceptable to the people.  Now, this 
generation must show that democracy will attack the daunting problems 
which remain:  that it will stop political violence and safeguard human 
rights; that it will assure efficient and accountable forms of 
government; that it will reduce poverty and glaring inequalities of 
income; that it will address population growth and protect the 
environment.  Indeed, our common challenge in every part of the 
hemisphere is achieving economic prosperity while advancing social 

President Clinton and Vice President Gore are leaders of this new 
generation.  Under their leadership, the United States is committed to 
working with our neighbors in the Americas to achieve these vital goals.  
Our task throughout the Americas is to make democracy work for ordinary 
citizens every day, not just on election day.  And that job begins with 
economic policies that put people first here at home and throughout the 

There is no longer a distinction between sound domestic and sound 
international economic policies.  President Clinton's budget proposals 
are a more serious and comprehensive program to cut the deficit than 
anything Washington has seen in a long time, and they deserve your 
support.  Already, the reduction in long-term interest rates that has 
taken place in response to those proposals has saved billions for 
American businesses, consumers, and homeowners.  And that same reduction 
will save Latin America $2 billion in debt service in the course of a 
year.  The more the President's program works, the more it will benefit 
our economy and those of our trading partners to the south.

Our international economic policy is designed to expand global trade and 
prosperity, enlarge export opportunities for our businesses, and create 
jobs for our workers, as the President said in his American University 
address in February.  We will work to eliminate trade barriers, ensure 
fair competition for our businesses, and spur growth and prosperity 
abroad.  The jobs of over 7 million of our workers--and 1 acre in 3 
planted by our farmers--depend on exports abroad.  For their sake, as 
the President has said, "we must compete, not retreat" in this 
hemisphere and around the world.

Today, the Americas are vital to our international economic strategy.  
No region in the world is doing more to liberalize trade with us, and no 
region is better suited to join us in economic partnership than Latin 
America.  The hemisphere is growing again.  In nearly every country, 
hyperinflation has been tamed.  New private capital is pouring into the 
region, modernizing former state enterprises and trading in some of the 
world's newest and most dynamic stock markets.  Seventy-five percent of 
the new investment capital flowing into the developing world today is 
going to Latin America.  In country after country, the emergence of a 
new middle class, with growing purchasing power, is creating new markets 
for exporters of US goods and services.

In fact, with Mexico modernizing, with Chile growing at 9%, with 
Argentina enjoying a sound currency and high levels of investment, with 
Colombia preparing to develop the world's largest new oil field, it is 
time to start talking about Latin American tigers.

Last year, our worldwide exports grew by 6%.  In Latin America and the 
Caribbean, our exports grew by 17%--and there we had a surplus.  Our 
market share is five times greater than that of Japan and growing every 
year.  US exports to this hemisphere have more than doubled in the past 
5 years.  This has created nearly 800,000 American jobs at higher than 
average wages.  And each additional percentage point of growth in Latin 
America generates $5 billion in new US exports and over 100,000 new 
American jobs.  Clearly, what is good for the economies of this 
hemisphere is good for the United States.

Moreover, Latin America is opening its markets to US exports.  This is a 
region where we face relatively little entrenched resistance to open 
markets or lower tariffs.  Instead, for the most part, we are blessed 
with good, open, and fair trading partners in Latin America.  And as we 
move forward, we want to make sure that the smaller countries of the 
region, especially in the Caribbean and Central America, benefit as 

In the last decade, economic reformers in Latin America cut their 
tariffs dramatically and unilaterally.  Maximum tariffs ran well above 
200% in the 1970s and 1980s.  Today, most countries are committed to 
lowering maximum rates to 20%.  Our Latin  trading partners lowered 
their barriers because they recognize that this is the way to raise 
their economies to competitive, prosperous positions in the global 

The countries that have gone farthest in trade liberalization, like 
Chile, have seen the largest growth, the greatest increase in real wages 
for their citizens, and the biggest reduction in poverty.  We are 
committed to build on that progress and expand trading opportunities 
throughout the Americas.

This is what we envision:  a community of Western Hemisphere countries 
linked by open markets and democratic values.  A North American Free 
Trade Agreement is central to that vision.  For over half a century, 
every American President--Democratic and Republican alike--has stood for 
closer economic cooperation and for more open trade through the 
hemisphere, beginning with Mexico.  Now the leaders and people of Mexico 
are embracing historic reform--economic and political--to open their 
country to the global economy.

Through a North American Free Trade Agreement, the United States and 
Canada have a once-in-a-generation chance to open up a new frontier of 
trade with our neighbor to the south.  And we have a chance to make 
North American free trade--and cooperation on labor and environmental 
standards --a model for the rest of the hemisphere and the world.

Mexico is our nation's fastest- growing export market.  The economic 
growth of Mexico--the nation with which we share the longest land border 
in the world between a developed and a developing nation--is good for 
our nation's prosperity and good for our security.

Let me state clearly:  A North American Free Trade Agreement is in the 
overriding economic and foreign policy interest of the United States of 
America.  On behalf of the President, I also want to assure you that 
once parallel agreements to strengthen protections for the environment 
and workers are completed, we will seek--and I am confident that we will 
win--congressional approval of NAFTA so that it can take effect next 

President Clinton also intends to build upon NAFTA to expand free trade 
further south.  As the President recently reaffirmed, after NAFTA we are 
committed to enter negotiations with Chile.  Ambassador Kantor will also 
seek to negotiate with other democratic countries in this hemisphere 
committed to free market policies.  

Our global trading partners should know that we see free trade in the 
Americas as a building block for a freer world trading system.  This 
hemisphere is united in the desire to achieve a successful Uruguay Round 
agreement by the end of this year.   And I would note that the United 
States stands today with the entire region, through the OAS, in calling 
for greater access for our agricultural products to markets in Europe 
and Japan.

We will continue to urge countries to bring their investment laws and 
intellectual property protections up to world standards so that these 
protections apply to domestic and international investors alike.  This 
is not just a North American agenda.  Strong patent protections and 
sound investment regimes are the magnets that will lure new investment 
and growth to this hemisphere.  This Administration will support and 
contribute to the Multilateral Investment Fund at the Inter-American 
Development Bank.  We will also continue to reduce our neighbors' 
official debt to the United States through an initiative that dedicates 
those savings to environmental and child health programs.

This region's free-market reforms --like those elsewhere around the 
world--are creating more than jobs and growth.  They are also creating 
new middle classes and, in that way, unleashing new political forces and 
invigorating democracy.  For our part, we seek to promote prosperity, 
equity, and liberty in the Americas in every aspect of our foreign 

Throughout the hemisphere, as we are witnessing this week in Paraguay, 
democratic elections have become the only legitimate means for 
transferring political power.  And the Organization of American States, 
like no other international body, has taken on a formal collective 
responsibility to defend the right of all Americans to be governed by 
the representatives they freely elect.  The OAS remains the premier 
forum in the Americas for dialogue and inter-American cooperation.  
Under this Administration, the United States will be a full and true 
partner--and one that pays its dues.

In Central America, we applaud and support the courage and vision of 
Salvadorans and Nicaraguans struggling to bind up the wounds of war 
through national reconciliation, establish civilian authority over 
police and military institutions, defend human rights, and promote 
economic development.  I am encouraged by signs of progress in the peace 
talks in Guatemala.  The United States urges all sides in those 
negotiations to seize what we believe is a historic opportunity to forge 
a permanent, just, and lasting peace.

Human rights is the core of our foreign policy.  The United States will 
direct its aid and influence in every way possible to enable the nations 
of this hemisphere to advance human rights and strengthen the democratic 
institutions which promote the rule of law.

First, we will support, through our foreign assistance, the development 
of civil society.  In the past 2 decades, this hemisphere has seen an 
explosive growth in the number of private organizations such as labor 
unions, political parties, community and charity organizations, legal 
aid and civil liberties groups.  These non-governmental groups are vital 
to genuine democracy because they represent and enfranchise citizens at 
the grass roots.  And they are vigilant defenders of democracy and human 

We want to work with governments to strengthen key public institutions 
and the administration of justice.  We want to share our experience to 
help democratic governments to fight corruption and other abuses of 
power.  Corruption is a cancer that will destroy democracy--and 
investment opportunities--if it is not eradicated.

We will work in partnership with the governments of this region to fight 
narco-traffickers, whose corruption and violence threaten the survival 
of democratic institutions.  We will work with the OAS to create a 
common legal framework for action.  Let no one doubt our resolve to 
reduce drug consumption, to enforce our laws, and to help our democratic 
neighbors defeat the drug-traffickers.

The end of the Cold War and the disappearance of traditional adversaries 
is recasting the role of the military around the world.  We will 
encourage countries to reduce the level of armaments and prevent costly 
competition in conventional weaponry.  We support the efforts of Latin 
nations to establish firm civilian authority over the armed forces.  And 
we will cooperate with civilian leaders in this hemisphere to help them 
enlist their armed forces in international peace-keeping efforts, as 
they are doing from Croatia to Cambodia, from El Salvador to Mozambique.

Great strides have been made, especially in the countries of the 
Southern Cone, to control the proliferation of weapons of mass 
destruction.  I believe the day is near when this hemisphere will ban 
the spread of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons for all time.  
And we strongly support that goal.

In our Western Hemisphere community of democracies, there is also an 
important place for the democracies of the Caribbean Basin.  There is no 
better model of democratic institutions and fierce commitment to human 
rights and the rule of law than in these nations.  We applaud CARICOM's  
continued positive role in defense of democracy in Haiti.

The people of Haiti have had their electoral mandate thwarted by an 
illegal regime.  President Clinton has made clear that the current 
situation is unacceptable to us and to the international community.  Let 
no one doubt our position or our resolve.  President Clinton is 
committed to the prompt return of constitutional government and 
President Aristide.  The forces resisting democracy should understand 
that they cannot--and will not--prevail against the will of the 
international community.  The winds of democracy cannot be resisted.

We are working very closely with Dante Caputo, the special envoy of the 
United Nations and the OAS, in his effort to negotiate a political 
settlement.  Mr. Caputo's efforts for democracy and peace have been 
tireless.  We are all in his debt.  We call on all Haitians to work 
constructively with Mr. Caputo to speed the day when democracy can be 
restored.  Then the international community will work as never before to 
develop Haiti's economy, protect human rights, and bolster the 
institutions vital to a democratic society.

As for Cuba, despite what the people of that nation have been told, the 
United States poses no military threat to their island.  The people of 
Cuba believe in the revolutionary idea that they have the right to live 
in freedom.  This free hemisphere and the free world support them in 
their aspirations.

We hope the Cuban people will win their freedom through the kind of 
peaceful transition which has brought so many other nations into the 
democratic community.  We oppose attempts to bring change through 
violence.  But our policy--through the Cuban Democracy Act--is to refuse 
support for the Castro dictatorship while opening a door to a democratic 
Cuba to rejoin the inter-American community.  Soon the time will come 
when the Cuban Government can no longer defy political gravity and deny 
basic guarantees of liberty for the Cuban people.

In conclusion, let me thank you again for all the work you are doing to 
contribute to the shared prosperity of this hemisphere.  Never before in 
our lifetimes has there been such a convergence of values and goals 
among all the people of the Americas--North, Central, and South--and the 
Caribbean Basin.  Never has the potential for cooperation and progress 
been so great.

At the dawn of the 21st century, only 7 years from now, I believe we 
will be a hemisphere of solidly democratic nations--from the Arctic 
Circle to Argentina, two continents where liberty is inscribed into law; 
where human rights are rigorously defended and the dignity of all 
citizens is respected; where free trade and the free flow of ideas 
enrich the people of every nation.

Together we are putting the foundations in place.  This President and 
this Secretary of State will work with you to realize that vision.  


Additional Measures Tighten Embargo Against the Federal Republic of 
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)
President Clinton
Text of letter sent to the Congress, released by the White House, Office 
of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, April 26, 1993.

To the Congress of the United States:

On June 1, 1992, pursuant to section 204(b) of the International 
Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1703 (b)) and section 301 of 
the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1631), President Bush reported 
to the Congress by letters to the President of the Senate and the 
Speaker of the House, dated May 30, 1992, that he had exercised his 
statutory authority to issue Executive Order No. 12808 of May 30, 1992, 
declaring a national emergency and blocking "Yugoslav Government" 
property and property of the Governments of Serbia and Montenegro.

On June 5, 1992, pursuant to the above authorities as well as section 
1114 of the Federal Aviation Act (49 U.S.C. App. 1514), and section 5 of 
the United Nations Participation Act (22 U.S.C. 287c), the President 
reported to the Congress by letters to the President of the Senate and 
the Speaker of the House that he had exercised his statutory authority 
to issue Executive Order No. 12810 of June 5, 1992, blocking property of 
and prohibiting transactions with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 
(Serbia and Montenegro).  This latter action was taken to ensure that 
the economic measures taken by the United States with respect to the 
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) conform to U.N. 
Security Council Resolution No. 757 (May 30, 1992).

On January 19, 1993, pursuant to the above authorities, President Bush 
reported to the Congress by letters to the President of the Senate and 
the Speaker of the House that he had exercised his statutory authority 
to issue Executive Order No. 12831 of January 15, 1993, to impose 
additional economic measures with respect to the Federal Republic of 
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) to conform to U.N. Security Council 
Resolution No. 787 (November 16, 1992).  Those additional measures 
prohibited transactions related to transshipments through the Federal 
Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), as well as transactions 
related to vessels owned or controlled by persons or entities in the 
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).

On April 17, 1993, the U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution No. 820, 
calling on the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Vance-Owen peace plan for 
Bosnia-Hercegovina and, if they failed to do so by April 26, calling on 
member states to take additional measures to tighten the embargo against 
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).  Effective 
12:01 a.m. EDT on April 26, 1993, I have taken additional steps pursuant 
to the above statutory authorities to enhance the implementation of this 
international embargo and to conform to U.N. Security Council Resolution 
No. 820 (April 17, 1993).

The order that I signed on April 25, 1993:

--  blocks all property of businesses organized or located in the 
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia or Montenegro), including the 
property of entities owned or controlled by them, wherever organized or 
located, if that property is in or later comes within the United Sates 
or the possession or control of U.S. persons, including their overseas 

--  charges to the owners or operators of property blocked under that 
order or Executive Order No. 12808, 12810, or 12831 all expenses 
incident to the blocking and maintenance of such property, requires that 
such expenses be satisfied from sources other than blocked funds, and 
permits such property to be sold and the proceeds (after payment of 
expenses) placed in a blocked account;

--  orders (1) the detention, pending investigation, of all nonblocked 
vessels, aircraft, freight vehicles, rolling stock, and cargo within the 
United States that are suspected of violating U.N. Security Council 
Resolution No. 713, 757, 787 or 820, and (2) the blocking of such 
conveyances or cargo if a violation is determined to have been 
committed, and permits the sale of such blocked conveyances or cargo and 
the placing of the net proceeds into a blocked account;

--  prohibits any vessel registered in the United Sates, or owned or 
controlled by U.S. persons, other than a United States naval vessel, 
from entering the territorial waters of the Federal Republic of 
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro); and

--  prohibits U.S. persons from engaging in any dealings relating to the 
shipment of goods to, from, or through United Nations Protected Areas in 
the Republic of Croatia and areas in the Republic of Bosnia-Hercegovina 
under the control of Bosnian Serb forces.

The order that I signed on April 25, 1993, authorizes the Secretary of 
the Treasury in consultation with the Secretary of State to take such 
actions, and to employ all powers granted to me by the International 
Emergency Economic Powers Act and the United Nations Participation Act, 
as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of that order, including 
the issuance of licenses authorizing transactions otherwise prohibited.  
The sanctions imposed in the order apply notwithstanding any preexisting 
contracts, international agreements, licenses or authorizations.  
However, licenses or authorizations previously issued pursuant to 
Executive Order No. 12808, 12810, or 12831 are not invalidated by the 
order unless they are terminated, suspended or modified by action of the 
issuing federal agency.

The declaration of the national emergency made by Executive Order No. 
12808 and the controls imposed under Executive Orders No. 12810 and 
12831, and any other provisions of those orders not modified by or 
inconsistent with the April 25, 1993, order, remain in full force and 
are unaffected by that order.

William J. Clinton (###)


US Commitment to the Middle East Peace Process
Secretary Christopher
Address before the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, 
Arlington, Virginia, April 23, 1993 (introductory remarks deleted)

The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee has set for itself a 
supremely important yet difficult goal.  Fighting discrimination is a 
fundamental responsibility of our government as well as of each of us as 
Americans.  Together, we must overcome personal prejudices and common 
stereotypes.  As everyone in this room knows, yours is a fight worth 
fighting, and I applaud you for your efforts.

I also applaud the committee's efforts to promote human rights and its 
support for the creation of a truly peaceful and secure Middle East.

Recently, I attended my first Gridiron dinner since becoming Secretary 
of State.  And I was welcomed back to the city in true Gridiron fashion.  
One of the speakers referred to me as "statesmanlike, sagelike, and 
almost lifelike."  That wasn't enough, though.  The same speaker 
couldn't resist also mentioning a Time magazine photo of me in Egypt, 
standing in front of the Sphinx.  Trying, I guess, to be helpful, the 
speaker said, "In case you wondered, the one on the left is Mr. 

As I stood by the pyramids, I was struck by the irony of my visit as a 
representative of the world's oldest democracy--all of 217 years old--to 
the heart of one of the world's truly oldest civilizations.  And, of 
course, I was reminded of the enormous debt we owe to the ancient 
cultures and peoples of what we now call the Middle East and of our 
historic obligation to make history together by making peace.

The end of the Cold War has created an unusual opportunity for progress 
toward peace in the region.  In the Middle East, such opportunities are 
unlikely to last very long, and the cost of lost opportunity is very 
high indeed.  It's precisely because of the recognition of these costs 
that every Administration for over the last 4 decades--Democratic and 
Republican alike--has played an active role in the search for peace in 
the Middle East.

From the outset of this Administration, President Clinton has made clear 
his commitment to promoting peace in the Middle East.  And we have been 
working hard to bring the Israelis and Arabs and Palestinians back to 
the negotiating table so that we can move ahead to grasp the promise of 

Peace Process
As you know, 2 days ago the parties agreed to return to the peace talks 
in Washington next Tuesday, April 27, after a 5-month hiatus.  We 
welcome this development.  Too much time has been lost.  Now is the time 
for real progress, and now is the time to help the peace-makers--not 
those determined to destroy any possibility of making peace in the 
region.  Together, we must seize the chance to negotiate a comprehensive 
Arab-Israeli peace settlement based upon UN Security Council Resolutions 
242 and 338.

The promise of peace--the benefits that will flow from peace--are 
becoming more apparent to all the parties.  A negotiated settlement 
would be built on a number of principles, including land for peace, the 
realization of the legitimate political rights of the Palestinian 
people, security for all parties, and the normalization of relations in 
the area.  By securing peace, terrorists can be marginalized.  The 
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction can be curbed.  And the 
promise of regional economic growth and cooperation can be fulfilled.  
The Middle East does not have to stand in the world as a cauldron of 
hostility.  Instead, it can be a cradle of hope.

The United States:  A Full Partner
My role is to be a diplomat, not a dreamer.  Diplomacy can produce 
concrete results.  The United States is playing an active role--not only 
as co-sponsor of the process but as a full partner in the search for 
solutions.  We are doing our part, and we are looking to the parties to 
do theirs to take advantage of this historic moment for the region.

In helping the parties work through the issues, we recognize the 
political realities each faces at home.  The Palestinians are under 
great pressure, and we must work with them and the Israelis to help 
demonstrate that negotiations lead to tangible results.  And I want to 
commend the Palestinian leaders for making the difficult and courageous 
decision to return to the negotiating table.

Bilateral Negotiations
In the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, serious and meaningful 
Palestinian self-government is possible as an interim stage toward a 
negotiated final status.  Indeed, the objective of this process is a 
real peace that will see occupation give way to interim self-government 
arrangements and a new relationship between Israelis and Palestinians.  
This outcome must provide a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority 
to the Palestinians.

In the bilateral talks between Israel and Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan, 
the parties have been addressing the core issues of territory, security, 
and peace.  This is the right track.  With continued commitment and hard 
work, the parties involved can find that peace is increasingly possible, 
desirable, and even irresistible.

Other Objectives
Let me turn for a moment to my recent trip to the Middle East.  The 
President sent me there in February with several other objectives in 
mind.  I wanted to demonstrate support for Lebanon.  I wanted to 
reaffirm the American commitment to Persian Gulf security and restate 
our policy toward Iraq and our concerns about Iran.  Let me brief you on 
some of my impressions.

Lebanon.  I especially wanted to go to Lebanon to signal--in the most 
direct way I could--our support for that nation and for the progress the 
Lebanese people have made.  I was proud to be the first Secretary of 
State to visit Beirut in over a decade.  

My arrival there was one of the more exciting visits to a national 
capital ever experienced by a Secretary of State.  I will never forget 
my view of Beirut as we approached by Marine chopper.  The splendor of 
the blue sea, the white buildings, the green orchards, and the snow-
capped mountains almost made me forget that this was a country that had 
only recently been ravaged by war.

My visit was intended to underscore US support for the efforts of the 
Lebanese to recover from that war, to regain its sovereignty and 
independence, and to rebuild its economy.  A strong central government 
is vital to these objectives.  A key to the extension of Lebanese 
Government authority throughout the country is the maintenance of 
strong, government-controlled armed forces.  I am pleased that we have 
been able to restart the IMET program--the International Military 
Education and Training pro-gram--for the Lebanese armed forces.

I also want to emphasize that we continue to support full implementation 
of both the letter and spirit of the Taif accord.  This includes the 
disarming of all militias and the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces 
from Lebanon.  Finally, I want to reiterate my appreciation of Lebanon's 
firm support for the peace process and reaffirm my solid encouragement 
for their active participation in all phases of the negotiating process.

Gulf Security.  I also went to the region to underscore the President's 
commitment to the security of the Persian Gulf and of our friends and 
allies on the Arabian Peninsula.  President Clinton's commitment, like 
that of every President since Franklin Roosevelt, is firm and constant.  
And that commitment is crucial because the countries of the Arabian 
Peninsula remain vulnerable to aggression from an Iraqi regime bent on 
vengeance and from a newly armed and ideologically assertive Iran.

Iraq.  Concerning Iraq, President Clinton has clearly reaffirmed the 
continuity of our policy.  I want to take this occasion to stress that 
Iraq must fully comply with all UN resolutions. 

We bear no ill will toward the people of Iraq, whose suffering is the 
direct responsibility of the present regime.  In fact, we continue to 
fund relief programs in northern Iraq and to support UN efforts to 
establish relief in central and southern Iraq.  The Iraqi people deserve 
a government that is representative of Iraq's pluralistic society, that 
is committed to the territorial integrity and unity of Iraq, and that 
neither commits crimes against its own people nor threatens its 

Iran.  When I was in the Middle East, I also found deep distrust of 
Iran's intentions and potential capabilities.  Iran is an important 
country that could make significant contributions to the international 
community.  But first it must end behavior which threatens its neighbors 
and seeks to undermine the pursuit of peace.  Iran must end its support 
of terrorism, its acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, and its 
efforts to undermine the peace process. We will work with our friends in 
the region and with other nations to make sure that Iran's leaders 
understand the high costs of continuing to pursue destabilizing 

Democracy, Human Rights, And Islam
The promotion of democracy and respect for human rights is one of the 
three pillars of President Clinton's foreign policy.  I know, however, 
that there is concern, both within and outside the region, over Islamic 
fundamentalism and its effect on the stability and policies of many of 
these countries.

Tonight, I would like to state clearly that Islam is not our enemy.  Nor 
do we consider Islam a threat to world peace or to regional security.  
What we do oppose is extremism or fanaticism, whether of a religious or 
secular nature.  We part company with those who preach intolerance, 
abuse human rights, or resort to violence in pursuit of their political 

While we cannot impose our own form of government on others, we strongly 
support those who share and seek to encourage democratic values in their 
countries.  As with the peace process, the United States stands ready to 
work with our friends in the region toward the important goals of peace, 
stability, and social justice.

In the end, of course, it will be up to the people and the governments 
of the Middle East to shape the future of their region.  If they are 
successful, the benefits of true peace and prosperity will fall to 
future generations of Muslims, Jews, and Christians for the first time 
in these ancient lands.  I want you to know that this President and this 
Secretary of State intend to move the peace process forward, to remain 
engaged, and to retain the trust of all parties to this historic quest.  


Secretary Welcomes Parties to Resumption of Middle East Peace Talks
Secretary Christopher
Opening remarks during photo opportunity with heads of Middle East peace 
talks delegations, Washington, DC, April 27, 1993

On behalf of my Russian co-sponsors, represented here today by Mr. 
Victor Gogiditze of the Russian Foreign Office, and, of course, on 
behalf of President Clinton, I want to welcome the parties to the 
resumption of negotiations.  The parties' decision to return to the 
negotiating table reflects their commitment to the peace process, and, 
certainly, it was the right decision for them all to have made.  I'm 
grateful for it, and I'm grateful for the courage that it took these 
gentlemen to attend the meeting today.

I think we all realize that only through negotiations can we achieve 
real peace.  The parties here today, I think, understand that they all 
have an enormous responsibility.  In their hands are the decisions 
between peace and conflict.  In their hands is the opportunity for 
tranquillity in an area that has far too long known no real peace.

The key for us now is to focus on the substance of the negotiation:  not 
procedure, not process--but to get down to the real substance of the 
negotiation.  We've had, as you know, in the last several days, pre-
consultations with many of the parties, and I think that provides a good 
foundation for the talks.  Direct negotiations between the parties here 
at the table is the only way that we can achieve real peace.  The United 
States is prepared--along with our co-sponsors, the Russian Government--
to play our role as partners in this process, to assist in any way we 
can the parties to move these negotiations forward.

I am very pleased to have this opportunity.  I think this is the first 
time that a Secretary of State has welcomed the heads of the 
negotiations to begin the process, and I hope that will enable us to 
make a good deal of progress here in Washington in these negotiations, 
which start so auspiciously today.  Thank you all individually very, 
very much for coming here today.

Thank you, and, as I say, we'll have opportunities for the press to ask 
questions in the future.  And now I would like to get down to 
discussions between us.  Thank you very much. (###)


Russian Elections
Statement by President Clinton, Washington, DC, April 26, 1993 
(questions and answers deleted).

Not very long ago--perhaps about an hour ago now--I had a conversation 
with President Yeltsin.  I called to congratulate him on his outstanding 
victory in the election and to reassure him that the United States 
continues to support him as the elected leader of Russia and continues 
to look forward to our partnership and working to reduce the threat of 
nuclear weapons, to increase trade and commerce, and to promote 
democracy.  This is a very, very good day, not only for the people of 
Russia but for the people of the United States and all the people of the 

I will say again, I know that there have been times in the last 3 months 
when many Americans, troubled with their own economic difficulties, have 
asked why their President would be so involved in trying to support the 
process of democracy in Russia.  I want to say, again, why that is so.  
They are a huge country with vast natural resources, with enormous 
opportunities for Americans to create jobs and to earn income and to 
reap the benefits of trade.  They still have thousands of nuclear 
weapons which we must proceed to reduce and to dismantle, so that the 
world will be a safer place and so that we will no longer have to spend 
our investment dollars--that we need so desperately to rebuild our own 
economy--on maintaining a state of extreme readiness and large numbers 
of warheads positioned against Russia.

They are a great country that can be a symbol of democracy in a very 
troubled part of the world if democracy can stay alive there.  They can 
prove that you can make three dramatic changes at once as they try to 
move from a communist system to a democracy, from a controlled economy 
to a market economy, and to a nation-state away from being an imperial 
power with occupying armies.

This is a victory that belongs to the Russian people and to the courage 
of Boris Yeltsin, but I am very glad that the United States supported, 
steadfastly, the process of democracy in Russia.  I was glad to have a 
chance to talk to President Yeltsin.  Needless to say, he was in a very 
good humor when I talked to him, and he had a good sense of humor.  He 
offered the United States a great Russian bear hug for their support for 
democracy in Russia and, actually, in the other republics of the former 
Soviet Union as well.

So it was a very good conversation. But I do want to say that this is a 
good day, not just for the people of Russia but for the people of the 
United States as well. (###)


Support for Global Human Rights Strengthens Democracy at Home
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the reception for the Fourth World Conference of the National 
Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC, April 26, 1993

It's a great pleasure for me to be part of this Fourth World Conference 
of the National Endowment for Democracy.  As John [Brademas] rightly 
says, our Department has benefited greatly by having some people who 
have had close associations with the National Endowment before joining 

I salute the work of all of you on behalf of democracy.  The National 
Endowment embodies America's broad-based and, as John said, bipartisan 
support for freedom.  The National Endowment's pioneering programs are 
models of how democratic principles can be given practical expression in 
every single region of the world.

Your creative programs are helping to lay a foundation for tolerant, 
pluralistic, civil societies.  And as I look around the room, of course, 
I see representatives from so many of the regions giving tangible and 
practical effect to the commitment of the National Endowment.

Two hundred years ago, when the United States was a new nation, our 
founders called our country a great experiment, a laboratory for 
democracy.  But today, the whole world is a laboratory for democracy.  
People everywhere are inspired by democratic ideals, as His Holiness the 
Dalai Lama said to you in his remarks this morning.

Among the participants in this conference, for example, are the 
initiator of a women's organization in Yemen devoted to teaching 
democratic values, the founder of Africa's first independent radio 
station, and the Polish coordinator of centers encouraging tolerance 
throughout Eastern Europe.

These and other pathbreakers are creating conditions for worldwide 
protection and promotion of fundamental freedoms; for the rule of law; 
for legitimate, political processes; for representative, accountable 
government; for open legislative processes; for free trade unions; and 
for independent media.  In turn, an ever-widening circle of democracies 
is forging a freer, more prosperous, and more peaceful international 

It is commonplace to say that we are in an era of profound transition, 
but, amidst the uncertainty, one thing remains clear:  The protection of 
human rights is the first responsibility of every government.  Indeed, 
the condition of human rights in a country is a good measure of the 
quality of its government, and the free exercise of human rights is the 
best safeguard against the abuse of national power.

Great strides can be made for democracy and human rights in this new 
era, nowhere more so than in Russia.  Ensuring the success of the 
Russian people in building an open society and a free and vibrant 
economy:  in my judgment, this is the pre-eminent security challenge of 
our time.

I know that we are all happy that the early returns from yesterday's 
referendum indicate a victory for democracy and economic reform in 
Russia.  It's reassuring about how democracy works, isn't it?  The 
successful conduct of the referendum, the large turnout by the people of 
Russia, the apparent direction of the results are all very welcome and 
are important steps on Russia's road to democracy.  The votes of the 
Russian people are an eloquent statement of their commitment to 
democracy and free-market principles.

I think on this occasion we ought to reach out and give our 
congratulations and support to the Russian people for what they've done 
in the vote on Sunday.

Of course, our eyes are fully open to the serious problems that lie 
ahead of us all around the world.  Throughout the Soviet bloc, new 
states are struggling to make the transition from totalitarianism and 
command economies to democracy and free markets.  In other parts of the 
world, the fate of democracy depends upon how elected governments deal 
with the almost intractable problems of poverty, population, and the 
environment.  Many nations confront security threats from hostile 
neighbors, narcotics, and terrorism.  At the same time, many nations 
face enormous developmental challenges ranging from women's literacy to 
child survival and family planning.

These are the reasons why President Clinton has instructed me to ensure 
that issues of development and democracy-building are effectively 
integrated into our foreign policy.  By defining the rights of the 
individual wherever he or she may be, Americans reaffirm our own 
freedom.  By supporting young democracies worldwide, we strengthen the 
world's oldest democracy--our own democracy here in the United States.

Here at the State Department, we are establishing under Tim Wirth's able 
leadership a new Under Secretaryship for global affairs because these 
cross-cutting issues are vital as we reshape the Department for this new 
era.  I know that he and John Shattuck, our Assistant Secretary-
Designate for Human Rights, will move forward with a broad agenda for 
action.  The United States will engage in a comprehensive human rights 
dialogue with foreign governments all around the world.  We will 
energetically encourage trends toward democracy and open, tolerant, law-
based civil societies; and we will also be targeting our foreign 
assistance accordingly to achieve these goals.

I know that many of you here this evening have come at a considerable 
sacrifice and that your work involves great personal sacrifice and also 
great courage.  Your selfless work is making the world a safer, freer, 
and better place.  President Clinton and I want you to know that in the 
United States you have a resolute and vigilant friend, and that the 
United States will be continuing to work for human rights around the 
world as long as President Clinton is the leader of our country and as 
long as I am here at the State Department.

In closing, I'd like to say that it's very fitting for us to be meeting 
here in the Ben Franklin Room.  Franklin was a consummate democratic 
activist.  In this new, exciting era, we would be wise to emulate 
Franklin.  He was innovative and entrepreneurial.  He had courage and 
vision.  He was idealistic, but he was also very practical.  He saw 
democracy as the most sensible means of governing human beings.

In Franklin's day, as in ours, there was no guarantee that democracy 
would succeed.  Today, Franklin would be proud.  The results of his 
experiment have never been more promising and the successes never more 

So ladies and gentlemen, the American Government and the American people 
join you in this great worldwide experiment in democracy--an experiment 
that will be never-ending and I hope ever more successful.

I want to say a word, as I conclude, to many of you around the room.  I 
have been told about your noble achievements.  Of course, the purpose of 
this conference is to share those innovations and share those 
achievements, because they inspire all of us to continue working for 
human rights around the world and to continue making the achievements 
that bring our societies a few steps forward.  Step by step we are 
moving toward greater protection of human rights around the globe.

So thank you so much for coming to the State Department tonight.  I am 
honored to have you here.  Thank you very much.  (###)


The Principles and Future of US-Polish Relations 
Vice President Gore
Address delivered in Warsaw, Poland, April 20, 1993

I bring to you, the people of Poland, greetings from President Bill 
Clinton and the people of the United States.  I note this year marks the 
500th anniversary of the Polish Sejm, which demonstrates how deep into 
Polish history democratic institutions extend.  Americans know of 
Poland's constitution of the third of May, 1791, Europe's first written 
constitution, and the world's second, following our own.  But few 
Americans realize that the Polish constitutional tradition is centuries 
older even than that.

Our two countries have democratic origins, and I find it fitting that my 
first foreign trip as Vice President brings me to Poland.

We stand with you in this springtime of the year and in this springtime 
of liberty in Eastern Europe.  Our two nations have been bound by 
friendship from the time that we in the United States took our first 
uncertain steps toward independence more than 200 years ago.

Six million Americans trace their origins to Poland.  Our landscape is 
dotted with Polish names.  Six American towns are named Warsaw.  Not far 
from my home in Tennessee is the city of Pulaski.  Its name was 
Tennessee's way of honoring Kazimierz Pulaski, a Polish hero of our 
revolution.  He died from wounds in battle as an officer in the 
Continental Army, serving under the command of Gen. George Washington--
later our first President.  Two other American cities are called 

Farther south of my home in Tennessee is the city of Kosciusko, 
Mississippi, named for another great Polish soldier who fought for our 
revolution.  He built the fortifications along the Hudson River that 
isolated the British garrisons in northern New York State.  His labors 
led to the first great American victory in our revolution--the battle of 
Saratoga in 1777.  It was the turning point of our war for independence.

Both Pulaski and Kosciusko were veterans of the Polish struggle for 
liberty against the empire of the czars. When their revolution in Poland 
was crushed in 1768, they found their way to America and helped ours 

They were driven by an enduring conviction--that liberty is the natural 
state of the human race.  I am here today because of that conviction.  I 
represent my government and my people in our unbreakable solidarity with 
the Polish people and our common devotion to freedom.

The Flame of Freedom
For more than 4 decades, communist dictatorship seemed immovable in 
Eastern Europe.  Communism represented an ice age of the human spirit.  
It froze the economies of the lands under its dominion.  It scoured away 
the hopes of the young.  It buried the individual under the cold weight 
of a crushing bureaucracy.  It stilled laughter and created a tedious 
monotony as vast and bleak as the flat expanse of ice and snow in the 
Arctic tundra.  Looking on that huge gray mass, many supposed that 
communism was invincible and eternal and that this world of ice could 
never be green again.

But in Poland, a flame burned against the cold dark.  In the United 
States, we remember that it was in Poland, at Poznan in 1956, that 
citizens of Eastern Europe first took to the streets against their 
oppressor.  Seventy Poles died in witness to their faith that Poland 
could again be free.

We also remember 1970.  For in that unforgettable year, unarmed shipyard 
workers at Gdansk, at Gdynia, and Szczecin braved tanks and machine guns 
to protest a mindless despotism that ruled by tedium, by suffocation of 
the spirit, and by terror.  One hundred martyrs died, but the flame 
still burned, hot and unwavering.

Nor can Americans forget the heroic summer of 1980 when President Walesa 
and thousands on thousands of men and women proclaimed solidarity--
solidarity for Poland, solidarity for democracy, solidarity for hope and 
freedom, solidarity for the imagination that lifts humankind from dust 
to the stars.

And then, the triumphant year of 1989:  We remember that it was in 
Poland that the good news began, that a new Copernican revolution set 
Eastern Europe in motion around liberty's bright sun.  And suddenly--so 
suddenly that we could scarcely dare to hope that our eyes did not 
deceive us--the earth blossomed again, and the ice melted, and communism 
collapsed like an empty rag blown away by the wind. A springtime of 
promise burst on an amazed and joyful world.  Poland was the first place 
the flowers bloomed.

You have proved that Poland is the master of its own destiny.  You made 
your revolution on your own.  We know that its success or its failure 
depends on your devotion, your discipline, your will to keep the freedom 
that you have won with such brilliance and with such sacrifice.

We want to help you in every way we can.  But we know that no people can 
give liberty to another.  Every nation must find its own way to free-
dom.  Every nation must create its own institutions to preserve 
democracy and find its own solutions to its internal problems.  The 
strength and endurance of the Polish people have been tested in recent 
times; they will be tested again.   We believe with all our hearts that 
you will prevail.  And we will stand by you in the testing time that 
lies ahead.

The testing time is already upon us. The collapse of communist 
dictatorship has taught us anew some painful lessons.  I want to speak 
plainly.  Since the miraculous year of 1989 we have learned that 
promises are not kept on dreams alone.  Life for multitudes has been 
hard.  It will be hard in the days to come.

We need to face these hardships openly and realistically.  If we do not, 
we are in peril of inflicting upon Europeans and Americans alike violent 
cycles of fantastic optimism and equally fantastic despair.  In this 
dizzying whirl of expectations, our people can become cynical, divided, 
and apathetic.  A population that loses faith in the political process 
quickly loses the sober, steady commitment to democratic values that 
preserve freedom at home and abroad.  By telling the truth and by 
shaping realistic hopes, we can gird ourselves to run with patience the 
race that is set before us and come at last to victory.

Building a well-functioning democratic order and a prospering free 
market economy with full respect for human rights are objectives we 
share. It is profoundly in the interests of the United States that 
Poland succeed.

Every American Administration since World War II has believed that the 
forced absence of democracy and the market in the vast region from 
Germany to the Pacific Ocean was the problem.  Communism's distorted and 
dangerous character came from its systemic rejection of democracy and 
market economics.  The human rights abuses, which so many of you in this 
chamber know from first-hand experience, and communism's aggressive 
nature, which you also know, were not the excesses of the communist 
system. They were expressions of its essence.

At a fundamental level, democracy and the market constitute the solution 
to the problem of communism and its legacy.  In the final analysis, 
democracy and the market are indivisible.  Democracy cannot flourish 
without a flourishing market and the social and political base it 
generates.  A free economy cannot survive or succeed without a strong 

Poland, sovereign again today after 50 years, has chosen democracy and 
the market as its new strategic policy directions.  This was a Polish 
decision made on the basis of Polish national interests and aspirations.  
It was a decision that placed Poland in the forefront of nations leading 
the way from communism to stable and prosperous democracies.  And it was 
a decision that opened the door to the best US-Polish relationship in 
our history.  As our relations develop, they will grow richer and more 
varied.  They also will become, in diplomatic terms, "normal," meaning 
that they will become mature relations between democratic friends and 
partners.  At any given moment, the United States and Poland together 
will be engaged on many issues at once--mostly in cooperation, sometimes 
working together to resolve difference as they arise.  This is what 
good, developed relations between friends are all about:  working 
together to move forward.

US-Polish Relations Reaffirmed
Poland in its own right is important as a friend and partner.  I am here 
to reaffirm, at the outset of a new US Administration, the basis of US-
Polish relations, including long-term US support for and engagement with 
Poland.  President Clinton looks forward to continuing discussions 
President Walesa and I began yesterday and this morning.

But more is at stake in Poland than the fate of one great European 
nation.  I am here to speak about more than US-Polish relations.

The central issue of the post- communist world is whether democracy and 
economic reform can succeed together in the vast region that was once 
smothered by communism.  But now that communism is gone, what shall 
emerge in its place?  At one end of the possible outcomes, we have war, 
hate, and fear leading to chaos and, through chaos, to new 
dictatorships.  At the other end we have the Polish road of democracy 
and free markets, leading to a system that puts people first--where 
human rights, human dignity, and human welfare are sustained.

This is not an easy road.  As President Lech Walesa says, it is easier 
to make fish soup from an aquarium than an aquarium from fish soup.  It 
is a road being tested, in one way or another, in each country from 
Poland to the Pacific.  Our new Administration in the United States will 
be proud to help.  The outcome is not irrevocably decided in any 
country, although the odds of success are perhaps greater in some 
countries than in others.  And the outcomes of the post-communist 
challenge, which are likely to be many, will have defining implications 
for our world for decades to come.

We hope that all countries of the post-communist world will succeed in 
introducing and building stable democracies and market economies.  But 
if one country succeeds first, it can serve as inspiration for the 
others by demonstrating that success is possible.  That is another 
reason why Poland is important to the United States.  With nearly 40 
million people in the heart of Europe, Poland is intrinsically 
important, but it is important as well because it also is showing the 
way to the future for an enormous part of the globe.

President Clinton and I are working with other nations to support 
democracy and economic reform in Russia.  You know that.  Some have 
suggested, wrongly, that the United States has "forgotten" Eastern and 
Central Europe.  They argue [that] current activity focused on Russia 
will detract from efforts directed at supporting Eastern Europe or that 
the West sees Russia in isolation.

Nothing could be further from the truth.  First, we are aware, as you 
are, that a democratic Russia would be a better neighbor and 
international actor than a dictatorial Russia.  Moreover, Russia's 
struggle for democracy and reform is not isolated but part of the much 
larger context I am speaking about today.  It is no accident that one of 
President Clinton's initiatives for Russia--establishment of an 
Enterprise Fund--was inspired by one of our most successful programs in 
Poland and other countries of Eastern Europe.

The United States will not pull away from Poland and other countries of 
Europe as we move to help your neighbors to the east.  Our efforts here 
in your region and our efforts further east are complementing and 
reinforcing parts of the same policy.  The United States can make no 
greater contribution to the transformations underway east of here than 
to help Eastern Europe succeed. Conversely, if there is no success in 
Eastern Europe, it is very difficult to imagine success in any country 
emerging from the former Soviet Union.

Our policy toward Poland is tied to fundamental US objectives in the 
world, including the promotion of democracy; full respect for human 
rights; and growth of working, prospering free market economies.

Most of you in this hall are engaged in the daily detail and hard work 
of implementing reform in Poland under difficult conditions.  I salute 
you.  You are a source of inspiration to us:  We have many of the same 
aspirations for ourselves.  You see the difficulties because you live 
with them every day.  And every day, you confront the frustration of 
delay and opposition.  We understand how a government's reform package 
can face delay and opposition. We also see the promise of your efforts 
and the progress you have made.  We are convinced that Poland can 
succeed in establishing democratic and market structures that will serve 
your country well in the years ahead and provide the stable anchor for 
US-Polish relations that each of us is seeking to build together.  We 
are convinced Poland can succeed because we know you are determined to 

Our two countries have done much together since 1989, and we have a good 
deal of work before us.  The United States will be with you each step of 
the way.  Having come so far, so fast, I know we shall succeed.

The seeds planted for a free economy take time to germinate and to grow.  
Now, in this springtime of freedom, we need the patience to wait until 
harvest.  We cannot force the harvest overnight.  We must plow and plant 
and wait with patience for the fruition of our labors, and our patience 
will have its reward.

The Failure of Communism
President Clinton has a favorite verse from the Bible, from the book of 
Galatians:  ". . . let us not be weary in well doing, for in due season 
we shall reap, if we faint not."  That is the message for Eastern Europe 
in this trying moment.   Life is difficult now, but we are on the right 
road.  Hold on.  Keep on.  Do not lose courage.  Persevere and prevail--
as prevail you will.  And we shall do everything we can to help because 
we have seen the alternatives.

These past 4 years have revealed the failures of communism beyond the 
depths of the most pessimistic imagination.  Everywhere it imposed 
itself, communism left economies all but dead, frozen in time while much 
of the rest of the world surged ahead.  Communism left rivers dead and 
running with poison.

Communism left the air foul with pollution so that in some places old 
people and little children must fight to breathe.

Communism left some of the most fertile land in the world desolate with 
famine snarling at the gates.  Communism left outdated industries and a 
shattered infrastructure of railroads and highways that could not 
distribute goods even when goods were produced.

Communism left families crowded together in dull, gray blocks of 
crumbling tenements and young couples starting out in married life who 
found it difficult to find space to raise children.  Every one of these 
failures has left this generation with a problem to solve.

That is the bad news; the good news is that we see hopeful signs 
blooming like spring flowers on every hand.  New democratic governments 
are taking root across Central and Eastern Europe.  The arms race is 
over.  The green shoots of free enterprise are springing up in cities 
and on the land.   A new appreciation for our surroundings brings the 
prospect of cleaning up the environment.  A free press delivers the news 
without censorship, and television has become a true window onto the 
world rather than an all-day commercial for dictatorship.

The strength and the determination, the discipline, and the confidence 
of the Polish people have freed the Polish economy and made it begin to 
thrive.  In Poland the signs are, after all, a lot better than 
elsewhere.  Travelers from the rest of Eastern Europe come to Poland and 
catch their breath.  The Poles are keeping the promises of 1989.  There 
is no lethargy here in Poland; Poland is a land at work.  The rest of 
Eastern Europe is inspired by your example, and so are we.

Your example is timely and necessary.  The melting of communism has 
released other forces--enemies of the good and the hopeful.  Old hatreds 
and animosities, old territorial claims, old fears frozen and dormant in 
the great communist winter have come to life again like poisonous snakes 
hibernating in their dens during the long cold.

We have a saying in America: "Eternal vigilance is the price of 
liberty."  We must be vigilant against those voices and those polices 
that provoke hatred, chaos, and devouring greed.  We must work together 
to build an economic and a social system in Europe and America that will 
provide no audience for prophets of violence and despair.

We in America are committed to the kind of peace that you in Poland and 
the rest of a newly liberated Europe yearn for--a peace where the strong 
exercise restraint, where the weak are protected, and where majorities 
recognize the right of minorities to live their lives, be safe in their 
homes, educate their children, speak their languages, work for the 
common good, and worship their God.

Poland's Sacrifices
Last night, President Walesa, Prime Minister Suchocka, Prime Minister 
Rabin, and I honored the valiant dead in the uprising of the Warsaw 
ghetto.  Here were Jews driven to the limits by the unceasing horrors of 
Nazi barbarism, and they resolved to die fighting rather than submit.  
Fifty years ago this week, they refused to submit any longer to the 
methodical extermination that the Nazis were inflicting upon them.

In more than a month of heavy fighting, the Nazis with their artillery, 
bombers, flamethrowers, and machine guns smashed the ghetto into 
submission.  The survivors were marched away to the gas chambers.  We 
know the names of some of them.  Most died  anonymous deaths, and their 
ashes lie scattered in pits in the soft earth amid the remnants of the 
death camps.  But we can never forget them.

Next week, President Clinton and I will dedicate a museum to the 
Holocaust in Washington.  Among thousands of exhibits, the Holocaust 
Museum includes hundreds and hundreds of photographs of victims--many 
from Poland.  Their eyes look at us with a command:  Do not forget.  
Remember their courage.  Remember their sacrifice.  Do not let such 
horrors happen, ever again.  Remember. Remember.

The Warsaw uprising began on April 19, 1943.  Only a few days before, on 
April 13, the Germans announced that they had uncovered a mass grave in 
the Katyn Forest.  The two dictators, Hitler and Stalin, ganged up on 
Poland at the beginning of the war.  Thousands of Polish army officers 
taken prisoner by the Soviet Union had been shot to death at Katyn.  
Seven hundred of them were Jews.  Stalin ordered them killed to keep the 
Polish people from rebuilding a national army that would oppose 

Our experience in this century teaches us a lesson we must teach our 
children and affirm to every citizen tempted by tyranny's enchantments.  
Tyranny and terror once released on the world can quickly become 
epidemics as terrible as any plague that has ever ravaged an 
unsuspecting population.  No one is immune.  Once the pestilence of 
horror spreads, it can overwhelm us all, a cancer that devours soul and 
body alike and that knows no boundaries.

And, almost always, those who seek power through violence and terror 
direct the attention of their people to some imagined enemy, often a 
minority whose heritage makes it seem different from the majority.

We must cry out against these powers of darkness when we see them or 
hear them; we must appeal to the decency within human beings to reject 
them; and we must build the free institutions that keep them at bay and 
the strong economies that will sustain democracy.

This Administration has resolved to remain true to the fundamental 
principles of the United States.  In a world as fragmented as this one, 
where some terrible people control so many terrible weapons, the United 
States has an obligation to do all it can to prevent war and to 
negotiate our differences with all nations.  We know that the four 
horsemen of the apocalypse--war, famine, pestilence, and death--are 
always ready to ride across the earth, and we want to rein them in and 
shut them off from a human race that has suffered too much from them in 
this century.

The Clinton Administration, speaking for the great humane heart of the 
American people, declares here and now that the United States will not 
forget its principles for the fleeting interests of the moment.

In our slow, painful, step-by-step efforts to keep peace in the world, 
we will never forget the difference between our democratic friends and 
the dictatorships whose steely hearts and dreadful weapons threaten 
their people and all humankind.

Promoting Peace and Democracy
The best avenue to the solution of all our common problems lies in 
extending democracy and justice in our society and throughout the world.  
We know we cannot extend democracy at home if we shut our eyes to the 
workings of dictatorship wherever it may be or wherever it may spring up 
on earth. For example, right now decent people throughout the world are 
demanding a halt to the killing in Bosnia.

Serbia and Poland stand at opposite ends of a moral world.  To which 
side does the future belong?  I am here to state my faith in the 
proposition that the future belongs to Poland's resolve to seek a 
democratic society where differences among people are celebrated, not 

Our fellow democracies own places in our hearts.  But free nations may 
sometimes disagree.  The United States seeks friendship, not obedience.  
Our friends are the democracies of the world.

Just now, across Eastern Europe, a breathtaking drama is unfolding 
before our eyes. We are all participants in it. It is an age of hope, an 
age of light.

It is our obligation in this great historical moment to see to it that 
would-be tyrants understand the fate that awaits them.  The collapse of 
communism, the metallic crash of toppling statues of dictators, the 
joyful singing in the streets of liberated multitudes all attest that 
dictatorship in the modern world is as obsolete as the dinosaur, as 
doomed to obliteration as a bad dream at dawn.

It is for all of us in these hours to be strong in purpose and faithful 
to the principles that brought us to this moment.  It is for us to 
encourage the weak, to lift up the fallen, and to persevere.  It is for 
us to declare our principles again and again, to teach them to our 
children, to practice them among the varied multitudes of our societies 
and with the nations at our borders.

Here on its great plain, Poland has been a highway between East and 
West.  Along that highway, history has marched by.  The Polish people 
have learned the wisdom of suffering and sorrow; they have also learned 
the wisdom of triumph and hope.

We celebrate with you your victories.  We join with you in our common 
humanity.  We cherish our friendship.  We nourish our aspirations for 
the freedom that makes life worth living for ourselves, our children, 
and the unborn generations who will judge us for the use we make of our 
grand opportunity.  (###)


Fact Sheet:  Poland

Government and Politics  
Poland has the largest population in Eastern Europe (about 39 million).  
The government was communist from 1947 to 1989, when, after 9 years of 
strikes and struggle, Solidarity, led by electrician Lech Walesa, helped 
form a government led and dominated by non-communists, the first such 
government in Eastern Europe in more than 4 decades.  

Since that time, Poland has had fully free elections at the local (May 
1990), presidential (November-December 1990), and parliamentary (October 
1991) levels.  In December 1990,  Lech Walesa became the first popularly 
elected president of Poland.  The 1991 elections to the 460-seat Sejm 
(lower, and more powerful, house) and 100-seat Senate (upper house) sent 
more than 20 very diverse parties to the Parliament (no party received 
more than 13% of the vote).  The fragmented nature of that legislature 
has made it difficult to assemble governing majorities:  the current 
prime minister, Hanna Suchocka, is the third prime minister since the 
October 1991 elections and the fifth since the communists lost power in 
August 1989.  On April 15, 1993, the Sejm passed a new electoral law 
aimed at reducing political fragmentation by setting a threshold (5% of 
the popular vote) that parties must cross in order to be represented in 
the next Parliament.

In November 1992, President Walesa signed into law an interim "Small 
Constitution," which defines relations among the presidency, government, 
and Parliament.  A "Charter of Rights and Freedoms," which would codify 
inalienable rights, is under consideration by the Sejm.  The Parliament 
is drafting a new constitution.

In January 1990, Poland implemented a bold "shock therapy" plan intended 
to hasten the country's transition to a market economy.  Within weeks, 
store shelves filled, lines disappeared, and hyperinflation was stemmed.  
However, the rigorous anti-inflationary policy was accompanied by a 
severe recession, as large state-owned enterprises faced bankruptcy.  
Poland has made significant progress in stabilizing the currency, 
freeing most prices, removing barriers to trade, and establishing the 
legal structure for a market economy.  The private sector now accounts 
for about half of output and employment.  The zloty is convertible.  
Little progress has been made privatizing large enterprises, however, 
and the banking and financial sectors are inadequate.

 Poland's economy improved slightly in 1992, and this progress should 
continue in 1993.  In 1992, GDP grew between 0.5% and 2%, the first 
increase since 1989 in Central and Eastern Europe.  Industrial output 
was up 2% from 1991, but overall output was held down as agricultural 
production fell 20%, due in large part to a severe drought.  Poland ran 
a small trade surplus in 1992, as exports increased.

There are problem areas.  Unemployment is 14% and increasing.  
Inflation, although continuing to decline, is about 40%.  Few state 
enterprises are profitable.  Although the government has done a solid 
job controlling expenditures, revenues have not been sufficient to 
offset the fiscal deficit. 

Foreign Trade and Debt 
Poland aims to join the European Community (EC).  Roughly half its trade 
is with the EC, while the US accounts for about 5%.  The government 
signed and is implementing the trade section of an EC Association 
Agreement.  The agreement:

--  Envisions, but does not guarantee, EC membership; 
--  Creates a free trade area over 10 years, although barriers to key 
exports--coal, steel, textiles, and agriculture--remain; 
--  Enhances political dialogue; and 
--  Increases economic cooperation and assistance.

Poland also has signed a free trade agreement with Hungary, the Czech 
Republic, and Slovakia, which became effective on March 1, 1993, and a 
free trade agreement with the European Free Trade Area.

On March 8, 1993, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) board approved a 
12-month, $667-million stand-by arrangement.  (Poland had not complied 
with the IMF since August 1991.)  The agreement will facilitate 
additional lending by the International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Development, completion of the second tranche of official debt relief 
under the Paris Club in April 1994, and an eventual agreement with 
commercial creditors in the London Club.  

Foreign Relations  
With the installation of the first Solidarity-origin government in 1989, 
Poland began to re-integrate into Western economic and security 
institutions.  At the same time, Poland seeks good relations with its 
neighbors to the east.  Poland is a committed advocate of such exercises 
in regional cooperation as the "Visegrad" process, which brings together 
Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia for consultations on 
issues of mutual concern.  Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski has 
served every Polish Government since the communists lost power; he is 
the longest-serving foreign minister in Eastern Europe.

US-Polish Relations 
The United States is connected to Poland by ties that date back more 
than 2 centuries, when Generals Kazimierz Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciusko 
fought side by side with Americans in the war of independence.  More 
recently, in 1989, when Poland blazed a trail in the peaceful, non-
violent dismantling of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the US 
helped Poland make those bold first steps toward democracy and a market 
economy.  Nearly 4 years of active US support for Poland's transition 
has increased in such areas as security.

Poland is the largest recipient of US assistance to Central and Eastern 
Europe.  Key areas are economic restructuring, environmental projects, 
strengthening democratic institutions, and a $240-million Enterprise 
Fund to support development of the private sector.  The US was 
influential in helping Poland reach the agreement on official debt 
reduction in the Paris Club, including a debt-for-environment swap.  In 
addition, the US took the lead in converting the $1-billion currency 
stabilization fund to support bank reform in Poland. (###)


Department Statements

Army Show of Force in Peru
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April 
22, 1993.

Yesterday in Lima, the Peruvian army staged a show of force after 
expressing displeasure over questions its top commander had received in 
a committee of the Constituent Congress, Peru's elected legislature.  
The legislative committee was investigating alleged military involvement 
in a prominent human rights case.

Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Bernard Aronson 
discussed this incident with Peruvian President Fujimori this morning.  
He made it clear that the United States views this show of force as an 
unacceptable attempt to intimidate the legislative branch.  We view the 
independent Congress as an indispensable part of Peru's constitutional 
system, and we support its right to work without intimidation of any 
kind.  It has every right to investigate human rights practices in Peru.

President Fujimori reaffirmed his government's commitment to respect the 
independence and integrity of the Constituent Congress and its right to 
oversight of the executive branch, including human rights 

POW/MIA Documents
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April 
23, 1993.

The Department of State today is releasing additional materials 
concerning US efforts to account for Vietnam-era prisoners of war and 
missing-in-action.  Prior to the end of the committee's activities, the 
Department provided these documents to the Senate Select Committee on 
POW/MIA Affairs in response to the committee's request and Executive 
Order 12812. Executive Order 12812 directed the executive branch to 
declassify and release to the public all documents pertaining to POW/MIA 
matters, subject to privacy, deliberative process, and national security 

Today's release consists of over 13,000 pages of documents from the 
files of Frank Sieverts, who served as the Department's special 
assistant for POW/MIA affairs from 1966-78.  The Department is now in 
the process of preparing for public release additional documents turned 
over to the Senate earlier this year.  There also remain some Department 
of State documents that have been referred to us by other agencies as 
part of their declassification efforts.  This material is also being 
prepared for public release.

In response to the committee's requests and EO 12812, the Department has 
declassified over 100,000 pages of POW/MIA-relevant material, including 
9,000 pages of telegrams dating from 1972-92; more than 65,000 pages of 
other material from the files of Mr. Sieverts, about 33,000 pages 
related to the Paris peace negotiations; and nearly 15,000 pages of 
other miscellaneous material.  These actions represent the most 
extensive declassification project ever undertaken by the Department of 

In addition, the Department has continued to review its files for 
information relevant to the POW/MIA issue.  As relevant information is 
discovered, we will promptly review it for declassification and release 
it to the public.

Secretary's Meeting With Iraqi Opposition Leaders
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April 
27, 1993.

Secretary Christopher met today with a delegation led by the 
Presidential Council of the Iraqi National Congress.

The Secretary emphasized the importance of Iraq complying fully with all 
UN Security Council resolutions, including those on ceasing repression 
of the Iraqi people.  He added that he found it inconceivable that 
Saddam Hussein could obey those resolutions and stay in power but hoped 
that pressing the resolutions can ensure his departure from power.  The 
Secretary stressed US commitment to seeing a future democratic, 
pluralistic government in Iraq which can live in peace with its own 
people and respect its neighbors.  He acknowledged the success of the 
Iraqi National Congress in uniting the diverse religious and ethnic 
groups that make up Iraq.

Highlighting the US concern over the human rights situation in Iraq, the 
Secretary told them that the United States will propose that the 
Security Council consider the creation of a commission to investigate 
Iraqi war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.  He added that 
the United States also supported UN Special Rapporteur Max van der 
Stoel's call for the assigning of UN human rights monitors throughout 

The Secretary assured the delegation that the United States will take 
all steps to enforce the Security Council resolutions and continue 
measures taken by the coalition, like the "no-fly" zones and Operation 
Provide Comfort, which contribute to the stability of all countries in 
the region.  He reiterated the importance that the United States 
attaches to maintaining Iraq's territorial integrity and the value of 
working closely with Iraq's regional neighbors.

The Secretary concluded by noting that only through democracy, respect 
for human rights, equal treatment of Iraq's people, and adherence to 
basic norms of international behavior could Iraq be brought back into 
the community of civilized nations.  The Iraqi National Congress will 
have the support of the United States in achieving these goals.

Yemeni Parliamentary Elections
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, DC, April 
28, 1993.

The United States congratulates the people and Government of Yemen on 
the success of their first multiparty elections.

On April 27, Yemen held free, multiparty, parliamentary elections, open 
to all adult citizens.  These successful elections were the culmination 
of a commendable decision, made by the Yemenis themselves at the time of 
the unification of the two independent Yemeni states in May 1990, to 
create a multiparty democracy in their new country.

International election specialists, including representatives of non-
governmental organizations from the United States and other nations, 
were invited in by Yemeni officials both to observe the elections and to 
offer technical advice in developing electoral procedures.  Yemenis at 
all levels, public and private, took it upon themselves to create an 
electoral framework within which Yemen could begin its movement to 
democracy.  We also note positively Yemen's declared commitment to human 
rights and a market economy.

The United States looks forward to working with the government to be 
formed as a result of these elections.

US Recognition of Eritrea
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April 
28, 1993.

On April 27, the Eritrean authorities announced that the Eritrean people 
had voted overwhelmingly for independence from Ethiopia in their April 
23-25 referendum and that Eritrea was a sovereign country as of April 
27.  After this announcement, our consulate in Asmara informed the 
authorities that we recognized Eritrea as an independent state.  Formal 
steps to establish diplomatic relations with Eritrea are in process.

We congratulate the Eritrean Referendum Commission for the excellent job 
it did in conducting such a well-organized and open referendum.  The UN 
referendum observer mission issued a statement that the referendum was 
free and fair.

We welcome Eritrea into the family of nations and look forward to its 
continued progress in developing a democratic form of government.  (###)


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