US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 18, MAY 3, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. Forging a True Partnership Of the Americas -- Deputy Secretary
Wharton
2. Additional Measures Tighten Embargo Against the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) -- President Clinton
3. US Commitment to the Middle East Peace Process -- Secretary
Christopher
4. Secretary Welcomes Parties to Resumption of Middle East Peace Talks
-- Secretary Christopher
5. Russian Elections -- President Clinton
6. Support for Global Human Rights Strengthens Democracy at Home --
Secretary Christopher
7. The Principles and Future of US-Polish Relations -- Vice President
Gore
8. Fact Sheet: Poland
9. Department Statements
Army Show of Force in Peru
POW/MIA Documents
Secretary's Meeting With Iraqi Opposition Leaders
Yemeni Parliamentary Elections
US Recognition of Eritrea
ARTICLE 1:
Forging a True Partnership Of the Americas
Deputy Secretary Wharton
Address before the Council of the Americas on behalf of Secretary
Christopher, Washington, DC, May 3, 1993
It is a pleasure to have the opportunity to speak to you today. First,
allow me to express Secretary Christopher's disappointment that he could
not be here. He had wanted to speak to you personally and assure you
that the US partnership with Latin America and the Caribbean is among
this Administration's highest foreign policy priorities. I am
delivering the Secretary's speech, and he asked me to be sure you
understand that these are his words.
But before I read the Secretary's speech, let me first make a personal
comment. Upon graduation from SAIS in 1948, I joined the late Nelson A.
Rockefeller, David's brother, in Nelson's Latin American activities.
This led to a 22-year career in foreign economic development with the
Rockefeller family's philanthropic interests. Therefore, I am
especially pleased to be here to compliment my good friend David
Rockefeller.
David, I want to pay a personal tribute to you for your lifelong
leadership and dedication to improving relations among the nations of
the Americas. No one exemplifies our country's commitment to the region
better than you.
On behalf of the Secretary, I would like to begin by expressing
appreciation to you and to John Avery, George Landau, and all the
members of the council for the very important work you have done over
the years.
The council has rendered an invaluable service to our country. You have
promoted greater communication and understanding among leaders
throughout the Americas. And you have educated our citizens about what
all of us have at stake in inter-American cooperation.
Members of the council have contributed significantly to the new growth
spurred by open markets and free trade. You have long understood the
link between political and economic freedom and the importance to both
of the rule of law.
Those are the values which must guide US policy toward Latin America and
the Caribbean. Let me state in unmistakable terms: Our marching orders
from the President are to engage with Latin America and the Caribbean to
strengthen democracy and expand prosperity for all our citizens to
share.
Too often in our history, we have turned our attention to Latin America
in times of crisis, and we have turned our back when the crisis passes.
That is short-sighted and self-defeating. This Administration will not
make that mistake.
President Clinton is committed to forging a true partnership of the
Americas--a Western Hemisphere community of democracies--to strengthen
democratic institutions, to defend human rights, to fight for social
justice, to support economic reform and free markets, and to protect the
environment. And let there be no doubt: We will build a hemisphere of
free trade.
Our interests in the hemisphere are mutual, and the benefits flow both
ways. When our neighbors prosper, they buy our exports and our job base
grows. When democracy is strong in the Americas, together we are able
to address the problems we face and seize the opportunities we share.
Change in Latin America today often comes from inspired leaders: from
men like Presidents Salinas and Menem, who have led the most dramatic
economic reforms their societies have ever seen, and President Aylwin,
who is promoting economic growth and fighting poverty. Change also
comes from the work of the Salvadorans and Nicaraguans in all walks of
life who are working to reconcile their people and rebuild their
countries. It comes from voters, political activists, and election
workers who have placed their faith in electoral processes and made them
work. And it comes from entrepreneurs, whether street vendors or major
investors, who are taking risks, creating new jobs, and lifting people's
lives.
This is the generation in Latin America which established democracy as
the only form of government acceptable to the people. Now, this
generation must show that democracy will attack the daunting problems
which remain: that it will stop political violence and safeguard human
rights; that it will assure efficient and accountable forms of
government; that it will reduce poverty and glaring inequalities of
income; that it will address population growth and protect the
environment. Indeed, our common challenge in every part of the
hemisphere is achieving economic prosperity while advancing social
equity.
President Clinton and Vice President Gore are leaders of this new
generation. Under their leadership, the United States is committed to
working with our neighbors in the Americas to achieve these vital goals.
Our task throughout the Americas is to make democracy work for ordinary
citizens every day, not just on election day. And that job begins with
economic policies that put people first here at home and throughout the
hemisphere.
There is no longer a distinction between sound domestic and sound
international economic policies. President Clinton's budget proposals
are a more serious and comprehensive program to cut the deficit than
anything Washington has seen in a long time, and they deserve your
support. Already, the reduction in long-term interest rates that has
taken place in response to those proposals has saved billions for
American businesses, consumers, and homeowners. And that same reduction
will save Latin America $2 billion in debt service in the course of a
year. The more the President's program works, the more it will benefit
our economy and those of our trading partners to the south.
Our international economic policy is designed to expand global trade and
prosperity, enlarge export opportunities for our businesses, and create
jobs for our workers, as the President said in his American University
address in February. We will work to eliminate trade barriers, ensure
fair competition for our businesses, and spur growth and prosperity
abroad. The jobs of over 7 million of our workers--and 1 acre in 3
planted by our farmers--depend on exports abroad. For their sake, as
the President has said, "we must compete, not retreat" in this
hemisphere and around the world.
Today, the Americas are vital to our international economic strategy.
No region in the world is doing more to liberalize trade with us, and no
region is better suited to join us in economic partnership than Latin
America. The hemisphere is growing again. In nearly every country,
hyperinflation has been tamed. New private capital is pouring into the
region, modernizing former state enterprises and trading in some of the
world's newest and most dynamic stock markets. Seventy-five percent of
the new investment capital flowing into the developing world today is
going to Latin America. In country after country, the emergence of a
new middle class, with growing purchasing power, is creating new markets
for exporters of US goods and services.
In fact, with Mexico modernizing, with Chile growing at 9%, with
Argentina enjoying a sound currency and high levels of investment, with
Colombia preparing to develop the world's largest new oil field, it is
time to start talking about Latin American tigers.
Last year, our worldwide exports grew by 6%. In Latin America and the
Caribbean, our exports grew by 17%--and there we had a surplus. Our
market share is five times greater than that of Japan and growing every
year. US exports to this hemisphere have more than doubled in the past
5 years. This has created nearly 800,000 American jobs at higher than
average wages. And each additional percentage point of growth in Latin
America generates $5 billion in new US exports and over 100,000 new
American jobs. Clearly, what is good for the economies of this
hemisphere is good for the United States.
Moreover, Latin America is opening its markets to US exports. This is a
region where we face relatively little entrenched resistance to open
markets or lower tariffs. Instead, for the most part, we are blessed
with good, open, and fair trading partners in Latin America. And as we
move forward, we want to make sure that the smaller countries of the
region, especially in the Caribbean and Central America, benefit as
well.
In the last decade, economic reformers in Latin America cut their
tariffs dramatically and unilaterally. Maximum tariffs ran well above
200% in the 1970s and 1980s. Today, most countries are committed to
lowering maximum rates to 20%. Our Latin trading partners lowered
their barriers because they recognize that this is the way to raise
their economies to competitive, prosperous positions in the global
economy.
The countries that have gone farthest in trade liberalization, like
Chile, have seen the largest growth, the greatest increase in real wages
for their citizens, and the biggest reduction in poverty. We are
committed to build on that progress and expand trading opportunities
throughout the Americas.
This is what we envision: a community of Western Hemisphere countries
linked by open markets and democratic values. A North American Free
Trade Agreement is central to that vision. For over half a century,
every American President--Democratic and Republican alike--has stood for
closer economic cooperation and for more open trade through the
hemisphere, beginning with Mexico. Now the leaders and people of Mexico
are embracing historic reform--economic and political--to open their
country to the global economy.
Through a North American Free Trade Agreement, the United States and
Canada have a once-in-a-generation chance to open up a new frontier of
trade with our neighbor to the south. And we have a chance to make
North American free trade--and cooperation on labor and environmental
standards --a model for the rest of the hemisphere and the world.
Mexico is our nation's fastest- growing export market. The economic
growth of Mexico--the nation with which we share the longest land border
in the world between a developed and a developing nation--is good for
our nation's prosperity and good for our security.
Let me state clearly: A North American Free Trade Agreement is in the
overriding economic and foreign policy interest of the United States of
America. On behalf of the President, I also want to assure you that
once parallel agreements to strengthen protections for the environment
and workers are completed, we will seek--and I am confident that we will
win--congressional approval of NAFTA so that it can take effect next
year.
President Clinton also intends to build upon NAFTA to expand free trade
further south. As the President recently reaffirmed, after NAFTA we are
committed to enter negotiations with Chile. Ambassador Kantor will also
seek to negotiate with other democratic countries in this hemisphere
committed to free market policies.
Our global trading partners should know that we see free trade in the
Americas as a building block for a freer world trading system. This
hemisphere is united in the desire to achieve a successful Uruguay Round
agreement by the end of this year. And I would note that the United
States stands today with the entire region, through the OAS, in calling
for greater access for our agricultural products to markets in Europe
and Japan.
We will continue to urge countries to bring their investment laws and
intellectual property protections up to world standards so that these
protections apply to domestic and international investors alike. This
is not just a North American agenda. Strong patent protections and
sound investment regimes are the magnets that will lure new investment
and growth to this hemisphere. This Administration will support and
contribute to the Multilateral Investment Fund at the Inter-American
Development Bank. We will also continue to reduce our neighbors'
official debt to the United States through an initiative that dedicates
those savings to environmental and child health programs.
This region's free-market reforms --like those elsewhere around the
world--are creating more than jobs and growth. They are also creating
new middle classes and, in that way, unleashing new political forces and
invigorating democracy. For our part, we seek to promote prosperity,
equity, and liberty in the Americas in every aspect of our foreign
policy.
Throughout the hemisphere, as we are witnessing this week in Paraguay,
democratic elections have become the only legitimate means for
transferring political power. And the Organization of American States,
like no other international body, has taken on a formal collective
responsibility to defend the right of all Americans to be governed by
the representatives they freely elect. The OAS remains the premier
forum in the Americas for dialogue and inter-American cooperation.
Under this Administration, the United States will be a full and true
partner--and one that pays its dues.
In Central America, we applaud and support the courage and vision of
Salvadorans and Nicaraguans struggling to bind up the wounds of war
through national reconciliation, establish civilian authority over
police and military institutions, defend human rights, and promote
economic development. I am encouraged by signs of progress in the peace
talks in Guatemala. The United States urges all sides in those
negotiations to seize what we believe is a historic opportunity to forge
a permanent, just, and lasting peace.
Human rights is the core of our foreign policy. The United States will
direct its aid and influence in every way possible to enable the nations
of this hemisphere to advance human rights and strengthen the democratic
institutions which promote the rule of law.
First, we will support, through our foreign assistance, the development
of civil society. In the past 2 decades, this hemisphere has seen an
explosive growth in the number of private organizations such as labor
unions, political parties, community and charity organizations, legal
aid and civil liberties groups. These non-governmental groups are vital
to genuine democracy because they represent and enfranchise citizens at
the grass roots. And they are vigilant defenders of democracy and human
rights.
We want to work with governments to strengthen key public institutions
and the administration of justice. We want to share our experience to
help democratic governments to fight corruption and other abuses of
power. Corruption is a cancer that will destroy democracy--and
investment opportunities--if it is not eradicated.
We will work in partnership with the governments of this region to fight
narco-traffickers, whose corruption and violence threaten the survival
of democratic institutions. We will work with the OAS to create a
common legal framework for action. Let no one doubt our resolve to
reduce drug consumption, to enforce our laws, and to help our democratic
neighbors defeat the drug-traffickers.
The end of the Cold War and the disappearance of traditional adversaries
is recasting the role of the military around the world. We will
encourage countries to reduce the level of armaments and prevent costly
competition in conventional weaponry. We support the efforts of Latin
nations to establish firm civilian authority over the armed forces. And
we will cooperate with civilian leaders in this hemisphere to help them
enlist their armed forces in international peace-keeping efforts, as
they are doing from Croatia to Cambodia, from El Salvador to Mozambique.
Great strides have been made, especially in the countries of the
Southern Cone, to control the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. I believe the day is near when this hemisphere will ban
the spread of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons for all time.
And we strongly support that goal.
In our Western Hemisphere community of democracies, there is also an
important place for the democracies of the Caribbean Basin. There is no
better model of democratic institutions and fierce commitment to human
rights and the rule of law than in these nations. We applaud CARICOM's
continued positive role in defense of democracy in Haiti.
The people of Haiti have had their electoral mandate thwarted by an
illegal regime. President Clinton has made clear that the current
situation is unacceptable to us and to the international community. Let
no one doubt our position or our resolve. President Clinton is
committed to the prompt return of constitutional government and
President Aristide. The forces resisting democracy should understand
that they cannot--and will not--prevail against the will of the
international community. The winds of democracy cannot be resisted.
We are working very closely with Dante Caputo, the special envoy of the
United Nations and the OAS, in his effort to negotiate a political
settlement. Mr. Caputo's efforts for democracy and peace have been
tireless. We are all in his debt. We call on all Haitians to work
constructively with Mr. Caputo to speed the day when democracy can be
restored. Then the international community will work as never before to
develop Haiti's economy, protect human rights, and bolster the
institutions vital to a democratic society.
As for Cuba, despite what the people of that nation have been told, the
United States poses no military threat to their island. The people of
Cuba believe in the revolutionary idea that they have the right to live
in freedom. This free hemisphere and the free world support them in
their aspirations.
We hope the Cuban people will win their freedom through the kind of
peaceful transition which has brought so many other nations into the
democratic community. We oppose attempts to bring change through
violence. But our policy--through the Cuban Democracy Act--is to refuse
support for the Castro dictatorship while opening a door to a democratic
Cuba to rejoin the inter-American community. Soon the time will come
when the Cuban Government can no longer defy political gravity and deny
basic guarantees of liberty for the Cuban people.
In conclusion, let me thank you again for all the work you are doing to
contribute to the shared prosperity of this hemisphere. Never before in
our lifetimes has there been such a convergence of values and goals
among all the people of the Americas--North, Central, and South--and the
Caribbean Basin. Never has the potential for cooperation and progress
been so great.
At the dawn of the 21st century, only 7 years from now, I believe we
will be a hemisphere of solidly democratic nations--from the Arctic
Circle to Argentina, two continents where liberty is inscribed into law;
where human rights are rigorously defended and the dignity of all
citizens is respected; where free trade and the free flow of ideas
enrich the people of every nation.
Together we are putting the foundations in place. This President and
this Secretary of State will work with you to realize that vision.
(###)
ARTICLE 2:
Additional Measures Tighten Embargo Against the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro)
President Clinton
Text of letter sent to the Congress, released by the White House, Office
of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, April 26, 1993.
To the Congress of the United States:
On June 1, 1992, pursuant to section 204(b) of the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1703 (b)) and section 301 of
the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1631), President Bush reported
to the Congress by letters to the President of the Senate and the
Speaker of the House, dated May 30, 1992, that he had exercised his
statutory authority to issue Executive Order No. 12808 of May 30, 1992,
declaring a national emergency and blocking "Yugoslav Government"
property and property of the Governments of Serbia and Montenegro.
On June 5, 1992, pursuant to the above authorities as well as section
1114 of the Federal Aviation Act (49 U.S.C. App. 1514), and section 5 of
the United Nations Participation Act (22 U.S.C. 287c), the President
reported to the Congress by letters to the President of the Senate and
the Speaker of the House that he had exercised his statutory authority
to issue Executive Order No. 12810 of June 5, 1992, blocking property of
and prohibiting transactions with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(Serbia and Montenegro). This latter action was taken to ensure that
the economic measures taken by the United States with respect to the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) conform to U.N.
Security Council Resolution No. 757 (May 30, 1992).
On January 19, 1993, pursuant to the above authorities, President Bush
reported to the Congress by letters to the President of the Senate and
the Speaker of the House that he had exercised his statutory authority
to issue Executive Order No. 12831 of January 15, 1993, to impose
additional economic measures with respect to the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) to conform to U.N. Security Council
Resolution No. 787 (November 16, 1992). Those additional measures
prohibited transactions related to transshipments through the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), as well as transactions
related to vessels owned or controlled by persons or entities in the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro).
On April 17, 1993, the U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution No. 820,
calling on the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Vance-Owen peace plan for
Bosnia-Hercegovina and, if they failed to do so by April 26, calling on
member states to take additional measures to tighten the embargo against
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). Effective
12:01 a.m. EDT on April 26, 1993, I have taken additional steps pursuant
to the above statutory authorities to enhance the implementation of this
international embargo and to conform to U.N. Security Council Resolution
No. 820 (April 17, 1993).
The order that I signed on April 25, 1993:
-- blocks all property of businesses organized or located in the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia or Montenegro), including the
property of entities owned or controlled by them, wherever organized or
located, if that property is in or later comes within the United Sates
or the possession or control of U.S. persons, including their overseas
branches;
-- charges to the owners or operators of property blocked under that
order or Executive Order No. 12808, 12810, or 12831 all expenses
incident to the blocking and maintenance of such property, requires that
such expenses be satisfied from sources other than blocked funds, and
permits such property to be sold and the proceeds (after payment of
expenses) placed in a blocked account;
-- orders (1) the detention, pending investigation, of all nonblocked
vessels, aircraft, freight vehicles, rolling stock, and cargo within the
United States that are suspected of violating U.N. Security Council
Resolution No. 713, 757, 787 or 820, and (2) the blocking of such
conveyances or cargo if a violation is determined to have been
committed, and permits the sale of such blocked conveyances or cargo and
the placing of the net proceeds into a blocked account;
-- prohibits any vessel registered in the United Sates, or owned or
controlled by U.S. persons, other than a United States naval vessel,
from entering the territorial waters of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro); and
-- prohibits U.S. persons from engaging in any dealings relating to the
shipment of goods to, from, or through United Nations Protected Areas in
the Republic of Croatia and areas in the Republic of Bosnia-Hercegovina
under the control of Bosnian Serb forces.
The order that I signed on April 25, 1993, authorizes the Secretary of
the Treasury in consultation with the Secretary of State to take such
actions, and to employ all powers granted to me by the International
Emergency Economic Powers Act and the United Nations Participation Act,
as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of that order, including
the issuance of licenses authorizing transactions otherwise prohibited.
The sanctions imposed in the order apply notwithstanding any preexisting
contracts, international agreements, licenses or authorizations.
However, licenses or authorizations previously issued pursuant to
Executive Order No. 12808, 12810, or 12831 are not invalidated by the
order unless they are terminated, suspended or modified by action of the
issuing federal agency.
The declaration of the national emergency made by Executive Order No.
12808 and the controls imposed under Executive Orders No. 12810 and
12831, and any other provisions of those orders not modified by or
inconsistent with the April 25, 1993, order, remain in full force and
are unaffected by that order.
William J. Clinton (###)
ARTICLE 3:
US Commitment to the Middle East Peace Process
Secretary Christopher
Address before the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee,
Arlington, Virginia, April 23, 1993 (introductory remarks deleted)
The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee has set for itself a
supremely important yet difficult goal. Fighting discrimination is a
fundamental responsibility of our government as well as of each of us as
Americans. Together, we must overcome personal prejudices and common
stereotypes. As everyone in this room knows, yours is a fight worth
fighting, and I applaud you for your efforts.
I also applaud the committee's efforts to promote human rights and its
support for the creation of a truly peaceful and secure Middle East.
Recently, I attended my first Gridiron dinner since becoming Secretary
of State. And I was welcomed back to the city in true Gridiron fashion.
One of the speakers referred to me as "statesmanlike, sagelike, and
almost lifelike." That wasn't enough, though. The same speaker
couldn't resist also mentioning a Time magazine photo of me in Egypt,
standing in front of the Sphinx. Trying, I guess, to be helpful, the
speaker said, "In case you wondered, the one on the left is Mr.
Christopher."
As I stood by the pyramids, I was struck by the irony of my visit as a
representative of the world's oldest democracy--all of 217 years old--to
the heart of one of the world's truly oldest civilizations. And, of
course, I was reminded of the enormous debt we owe to the ancient
cultures and peoples of what we now call the Middle East and of our
historic obligation to make history together by making peace.
The end of the Cold War has created an unusual opportunity for progress
toward peace in the region. In the Middle East, such opportunities are
unlikely to last very long, and the cost of lost opportunity is very
high indeed. It's precisely because of the recognition of these costs
that every Administration for over the last 4 decades--Democratic and
Republican alike--has played an active role in the search for peace in
the Middle East.
From the outset of this Administration, President Clinton has made clear
his commitment to promoting peace in the Middle East. And we have been
working hard to bring the Israelis and Arabs and Palestinians back to
the negotiating table so that we can move ahead to grasp the promise of
peace.
Peace Process
As you know, 2 days ago the parties agreed to return to the peace talks
in Washington next Tuesday, April 27, after a 5-month hiatus. We
welcome this development. Too much time has been lost. Now is the time
for real progress, and now is the time to help the peace-makers--not
those determined to destroy any possibility of making peace in the
region. Together, we must seize the chance to negotiate a comprehensive
Arab-Israeli peace settlement based upon UN Security Council Resolutions
242 and 338.
The promise of peace--the benefits that will flow from peace--are
becoming more apparent to all the parties. A negotiated settlement
would be built on a number of principles, including land for peace, the
realization of the legitimate political rights of the Palestinian
people, security for all parties, and the normalization of relations in
the area. By securing peace, terrorists can be marginalized. The
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction can be curbed. And the
promise of regional economic growth and cooperation can be fulfilled.
The Middle East does not have to stand in the world as a cauldron of
hostility. Instead, it can be a cradle of hope.
The United States: A Full Partner
My role is to be a diplomat, not a dreamer. Diplomacy can produce
concrete results. The United States is playing an active role--not only
as co-sponsor of the process but as a full partner in the search for
solutions. We are doing our part, and we are looking to the parties to
do theirs to take advantage of this historic moment for the region.
In helping the parties work through the issues, we recognize the
political realities each faces at home. The Palestinians are under
great pressure, and we must work with them and the Israelis to help
demonstrate that negotiations lead to tangible results. And I want to
commend the Palestinian leaders for making the difficult and courageous
decision to return to the negotiating table.
Bilateral Negotiations
In the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, serious and meaningful
Palestinian self-government is possible as an interim stage toward a
negotiated final status. Indeed, the objective of this process is a
real peace that will see occupation give way to interim self-government
arrangements and a new relationship between Israelis and Palestinians.
This outcome must provide a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority
to the Palestinians.
In the bilateral talks between Israel and Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan,
the parties have been addressing the core issues of territory, security,
and peace. This is the right track. With continued commitment and hard
work, the parties involved can find that peace is increasingly possible,
desirable, and even irresistible.
Other Objectives
Let me turn for a moment to my recent trip to the Middle East. The
President sent me there in February with several other objectives in
mind. I wanted to demonstrate support for Lebanon. I wanted to
reaffirm the American commitment to Persian Gulf security and restate
our policy toward Iraq and our concerns about Iran. Let me brief you on
some of my impressions.
Lebanon. I especially wanted to go to Lebanon to signal--in the most
direct way I could--our support for that nation and for the progress the
Lebanese people have made. I was proud to be the first Secretary of
State to visit Beirut in over a decade.
My arrival there was one of the more exciting visits to a national
capital ever experienced by a Secretary of State. I will never forget
my view of Beirut as we approached by Marine chopper. The splendor of
the blue sea, the white buildings, the green orchards, and the snow-
capped mountains almost made me forget that this was a country that had
only recently been ravaged by war.
My visit was intended to underscore US support for the efforts of the
Lebanese to recover from that war, to regain its sovereignty and
independence, and to rebuild its economy. A strong central government
is vital to these objectives. A key to the extension of Lebanese
Government authority throughout the country is the maintenance of
strong, government-controlled armed forces. I am pleased that we have
been able to restart the IMET program--the International Military
Education and Training pro-gram--for the Lebanese armed forces.
I also want to emphasize that we continue to support full implementation
of both the letter and spirit of the Taif accord. This includes the
disarming of all militias and the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces
from Lebanon. Finally, I want to reiterate my appreciation of Lebanon's
firm support for the peace process and reaffirm my solid encouragement
for their active participation in all phases of the negotiating process.
Gulf Security. I also went to the region to underscore the President's
commitment to the security of the Persian Gulf and of our friends and
allies on the Arabian Peninsula. President Clinton's commitment, like
that of every President since Franklin Roosevelt, is firm and constant.
And that commitment is crucial because the countries of the Arabian
Peninsula remain vulnerable to aggression from an Iraqi regime bent on
vengeance and from a newly armed and ideologically assertive Iran.
Iraq. Concerning Iraq, President Clinton has clearly reaffirmed the
continuity of our policy. I want to take this occasion to stress that
Iraq must fully comply with all UN resolutions.
We bear no ill will toward the people of Iraq, whose suffering is the
direct responsibility of the present regime. In fact, we continue to
fund relief programs in northern Iraq and to support UN efforts to
establish relief in central and southern Iraq. The Iraqi people deserve
a government that is representative of Iraq's pluralistic society, that
is committed to the territorial integrity and unity of Iraq, and that
neither commits crimes against its own people nor threatens its
neighbors.
Iran. When I was in the Middle East, I also found deep distrust of
Iran's intentions and potential capabilities. Iran is an important
country that could make significant contributions to the international
community. But first it must end behavior which threatens its neighbors
and seeks to undermine the pursuit of peace. Iran must end its support
of terrorism, its acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, and its
efforts to undermine the peace process. We will work with our friends in
the region and with other nations to make sure that Iran's leaders
understand the high costs of continuing to pursue destabilizing
policies.
Democracy, Human Rights, And Islam
The promotion of democracy and respect for human rights is one of the
three pillars of President Clinton's foreign policy. I know, however,
that there is concern, both within and outside the region, over Islamic
fundamentalism and its effect on the stability and policies of many of
these countries.
Tonight, I would like to state clearly that Islam is not our enemy. Nor
do we consider Islam a threat to world peace or to regional security.
What we do oppose is extremism or fanaticism, whether of a religious or
secular nature. We part company with those who preach intolerance,
abuse human rights, or resort to violence in pursuit of their political
goals.
While we cannot impose our own form of government on others, we strongly
support those who share and seek to encourage democratic values in their
countries. As with the peace process, the United States stands ready to
work with our friends in the region toward the important goals of peace,
stability, and social justice.
In the end, of course, it will be up to the people and the governments
of the Middle East to shape the future of their region. If they are
successful, the benefits of true peace and prosperity will fall to
future generations of Muslims, Jews, and Christians for the first time
in these ancient lands. I want you to know that this President and this
Secretary of State intend to move the peace process forward, to remain
engaged, and to retain the trust of all parties to this historic quest.
(###)
ARTICLE 4:
Secretary Welcomes Parties to Resumption of Middle East Peace Talks
Secretary Christopher
Opening remarks during photo opportunity with heads of Middle East peace
talks delegations, Washington, DC, April 27, 1993
On behalf of my Russian co-sponsors, represented here today by Mr.
Victor Gogiditze of the Russian Foreign Office, and, of course, on
behalf of President Clinton, I want to welcome the parties to the
resumption of negotiations. The parties' decision to return to the
negotiating table reflects their commitment to the peace process, and,
certainly, it was the right decision for them all to have made. I'm
grateful for it, and I'm grateful for the courage that it took these
gentlemen to attend the meeting today.
I think we all realize that only through negotiations can we achieve
real peace. The parties here today, I think, understand that they all
have an enormous responsibility. In their hands are the decisions
between peace and conflict. In their hands is the opportunity for
tranquillity in an area that has far too long known no real peace.
The key for us now is to focus on the substance of the negotiation: not
procedure, not process--but to get down to the real substance of the
negotiation. We've had, as you know, in the last several days, pre-
consultations with many of the parties, and I think that provides a good
foundation for the talks. Direct negotiations between the parties here
at the table is the only way that we can achieve real peace. The United
States is prepared--along with our co-sponsors, the Russian Government--
to play our role as partners in this process, to assist in any way we
can the parties to move these negotiations forward.
I am very pleased to have this opportunity. I think this is the first
time that a Secretary of State has welcomed the heads of the
negotiations to begin the process, and I hope that will enable us to
make a good deal of progress here in Washington in these negotiations,
which start so auspiciously today. Thank you all individually very,
very much for coming here today.
Thank you, and, as I say, we'll have opportunities for the press to ask
questions in the future. And now I would like to get down to
discussions between us. Thank you very much. (###)
ARTICLE 5:
Russian Elections
Statement by President Clinton, Washington, DC, April 26, 1993
(questions and answers deleted).
Not very long ago--perhaps about an hour ago now--I had a conversation
with President Yeltsin. I called to congratulate him on his outstanding
victory in the election and to reassure him that the United States
continues to support him as the elected leader of Russia and continues
to look forward to our partnership and working to reduce the threat of
nuclear weapons, to increase trade and commerce, and to promote
democracy. This is a very, very good day, not only for the people of
Russia but for the people of the United States and all the people of the
world.
I will say again, I know that there have been times in the last 3 months
when many Americans, troubled with their own economic difficulties, have
asked why their President would be so involved in trying to support the
process of democracy in Russia. I want to say, again, why that is so.
They are a huge country with vast natural resources, with enormous
opportunities for Americans to create jobs and to earn income and to
reap the benefits of trade. They still have thousands of nuclear
weapons which we must proceed to reduce and to dismantle, so that the
world will be a safer place and so that we will no longer have to spend
our investment dollars--that we need so desperately to rebuild our own
economy--on maintaining a state of extreme readiness and large numbers
of warheads positioned against Russia.
They are a great country that can be a symbol of democracy in a very
troubled part of the world if democracy can stay alive there. They can
prove that you can make three dramatic changes at once as they try to
move from a communist system to a democracy, from a controlled economy
to a market economy, and to a nation-state away from being an imperial
power with occupying armies.
This is a victory that belongs to the Russian people and to the courage
of Boris Yeltsin, but I am very glad that the United States supported,
steadfastly, the process of democracy in Russia. I was glad to have a
chance to talk to President Yeltsin. Needless to say, he was in a very
good humor when I talked to him, and he had a good sense of humor. He
offered the United States a great Russian bear hug for their support for
democracy in Russia and, actually, in the other republics of the former
Soviet Union as well.
So it was a very good conversation. But I do want to say that this is a
good day, not just for the people of Russia but for the people of the
United States as well. (###)
ARTICLE 6:
Support for Global Human Rights Strengthens Democracy at Home
Secretary Christopher
Remarks at the reception for the Fourth World Conference of the National
Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC, April 26, 1993
It's a great pleasure for me to be part of this Fourth World Conference
of the National Endowment for Democracy. As John [Brademas] rightly
says, our Department has benefited greatly by having some people who
have had close associations with the National Endowment before joining
us.
I salute the work of all of you on behalf of democracy. The National
Endowment embodies America's broad-based and, as John said, bipartisan
support for freedom. The National Endowment's pioneering programs are
models of how democratic principles can be given practical expression in
every single region of the world.
Your creative programs are helping to lay a foundation for tolerant,
pluralistic, civil societies. And as I look around the room, of course,
I see representatives from so many of the regions giving tangible and
practical effect to the commitment of the National Endowment.
Two hundred years ago, when the United States was a new nation, our
founders called our country a great experiment, a laboratory for
democracy. But today, the whole world is a laboratory for democracy.
People everywhere are inspired by democratic ideals, as His Holiness the
Dalai Lama said to you in his remarks this morning.
Among the participants in this conference, for example, are the
initiator of a women's organization in Yemen devoted to teaching
democratic values, the founder of Africa's first independent radio
station, and the Polish coordinator of centers encouraging tolerance
throughout Eastern Europe.
These and other pathbreakers are creating conditions for worldwide
protection and promotion of fundamental freedoms; for the rule of law;
for legitimate, political processes; for representative, accountable
government; for open legislative processes; for free trade unions; and
for independent media. In turn, an ever-widening circle of democracies
is forging a freer, more prosperous, and more peaceful international
community.
It is commonplace to say that we are in an era of profound transition,
but, amidst the uncertainty, one thing remains clear: The protection of
human rights is the first responsibility of every government. Indeed,
the condition of human rights in a country is a good measure of the
quality of its government, and the free exercise of human rights is the
best safeguard against the abuse of national power.
Great strides can be made for democracy and human rights in this new
era, nowhere more so than in Russia. Ensuring the success of the
Russian people in building an open society and a free and vibrant
economy: in my judgment, this is the pre-eminent security challenge of
our time.
I know that we are all happy that the early returns from yesterday's
referendum indicate a victory for democracy and economic reform in
Russia. It's reassuring about how democracy works, isn't it? The
successful conduct of the referendum, the large turnout by the people of
Russia, the apparent direction of the results are all very welcome and
are important steps on Russia's road to democracy. The votes of the
Russian people are an eloquent statement of their commitment to
democracy and free-market principles.
I think on this occasion we ought to reach out and give our
congratulations and support to the Russian people for what they've done
in the vote on Sunday.
Of course, our eyes are fully open to the serious problems that lie
ahead of us all around the world. Throughout the Soviet bloc, new
states are struggling to make the transition from totalitarianism and
command economies to democracy and free markets. In other parts of the
world, the fate of democracy depends upon how elected governments deal
with the almost intractable problems of poverty, population, and the
environment. Many nations confront security threats from hostile
neighbors, narcotics, and terrorism. At the same time, many nations
face enormous developmental challenges ranging from women's literacy to
child survival and family planning.
These are the reasons why President Clinton has instructed me to ensure
that issues of development and democracy-building are effectively
integrated into our foreign policy. By defining the rights of the
individual wherever he or she may be, Americans reaffirm our own
freedom. By supporting young democracies worldwide, we strengthen the
world's oldest democracy--our own democracy here in the United States.
Here at the State Department, we are establishing under Tim Wirth's able
leadership a new Under Secretaryship for global affairs because these
cross-cutting issues are vital as we reshape the Department for this new
era. I know that he and John Shattuck, our Assistant Secretary-
Designate for Human Rights, will move forward with a broad agenda for
action. The United States will engage in a comprehensive human rights
dialogue with foreign governments all around the world. We will
energetically encourage trends toward democracy and open, tolerant, law-
based civil societies; and we will also be targeting our foreign
assistance accordingly to achieve these goals.
I know that many of you here this evening have come at a considerable
sacrifice and that your work involves great personal sacrifice and also
great courage. Your selfless work is making the world a safer, freer,
and better place. President Clinton and I want you to know that in the
United States you have a resolute and vigilant friend, and that the
United States will be continuing to work for human rights around the
world as long as President Clinton is the leader of our country and as
long as I am here at the State Department.
In closing, I'd like to say that it's very fitting for us to be meeting
here in the Ben Franklin Room. Franklin was a consummate democratic
activist. In this new, exciting era, we would be wise to emulate
Franklin. He was innovative and entrepreneurial. He had courage and
vision. He was idealistic, but he was also very practical. He saw
democracy as the most sensible means of governing human beings.
In Franklin's day, as in ours, there was no guarantee that democracy
would succeed. Today, Franklin would be proud. The results of his
experiment have never been more promising and the successes never more
pervasive.
So ladies and gentlemen, the American Government and the American people
join you in this great worldwide experiment in democracy--an experiment
that will be never-ending and I hope ever more successful.
I want to say a word, as I conclude, to many of you around the room. I
have been told about your noble achievements. Of course, the purpose of
this conference is to share those innovations and share those
achievements, because they inspire all of us to continue working for
human rights around the world and to continue making the achievements
that bring our societies a few steps forward. Step by step we are
moving toward greater protection of human rights around the globe.
So thank you so much for coming to the State Department tonight. I am
honored to have you here. Thank you very much. (###)
ARTICLE 7:
The Principles and Future of US-Polish Relations
Vice President Gore
Address delivered in Warsaw, Poland, April 20, 1993
I bring to you, the people of Poland, greetings from President Bill
Clinton and the people of the United States. I note this year marks the
500th anniversary of the Polish Sejm, which demonstrates how deep into
Polish history democratic institutions extend. Americans know of
Poland's constitution of the third of May, 1791, Europe's first written
constitution, and the world's second, following our own. But few
Americans realize that the Polish constitutional tradition is centuries
older even than that.
Our two countries have democratic origins, and I find it fitting that my
first foreign trip as Vice President brings me to Poland.
We stand with you in this springtime of the year and in this springtime
of liberty in Eastern Europe. Our two nations have been bound by
friendship from the time that we in the United States took our first
uncertain steps toward independence more than 200 years ago.
Six million Americans trace their origins to Poland. Our landscape is
dotted with Polish names. Six American towns are named Warsaw. Not far
from my home in Tennessee is the city of Pulaski. Its name was
Tennessee's way of honoring Kazimierz Pulaski, a Polish hero of our
revolution. He died from wounds in battle as an officer in the
Continental Army, serving under the command of Gen. George Washington--
later our first President. Two other American cities are called
Pulaski.
Farther south of my home in Tennessee is the city of Kosciusko,
Mississippi, named for another great Polish soldier who fought for our
revolution. He built the fortifications along the Hudson River that
isolated the British garrisons in northern New York State. His labors
led to the first great American victory in our revolution--the battle of
Saratoga in 1777. It was the turning point of our war for independence.
Both Pulaski and Kosciusko were veterans of the Polish struggle for
liberty against the empire of the czars. When their revolution in Poland
was crushed in 1768, they found their way to America and helped ours
succeed.
They were driven by an enduring conviction--that liberty is the natural
state of the human race. I am here today because of that conviction. I
represent my government and my people in our unbreakable solidarity with
the Polish people and our common devotion to freedom.
The Flame of Freedom
For more than 4 decades, communist dictatorship seemed immovable in
Eastern Europe. Communism represented an ice age of the human spirit.
It froze the economies of the lands under its dominion. It scoured away
the hopes of the young. It buried the individual under the cold weight
of a crushing bureaucracy. It stilled laughter and created a tedious
monotony as vast and bleak as the flat expanse of ice and snow in the
Arctic tundra. Looking on that huge gray mass, many supposed that
communism was invincible and eternal and that this world of ice could
never be green again.
But in Poland, a flame burned against the cold dark. In the United
States, we remember that it was in Poland, at Poznan in 1956, that
citizens of Eastern Europe first took to the streets against their
oppressor. Seventy Poles died in witness to their faith that Poland
could again be free.
We also remember 1970. For in that unforgettable year, unarmed shipyard
workers at Gdansk, at Gdynia, and Szczecin braved tanks and machine guns
to protest a mindless despotism that ruled by tedium, by suffocation of
the spirit, and by terror. One hundred martyrs died, but the flame
still burned, hot and unwavering.
Nor can Americans forget the heroic summer of 1980 when President Walesa
and thousands on thousands of men and women proclaimed solidarity--
solidarity for Poland, solidarity for democracy, solidarity for hope and
freedom, solidarity for the imagination that lifts humankind from dust
to the stars.
And then, the triumphant year of 1989: We remember that it was in
Poland that the good news began, that a new Copernican revolution set
Eastern Europe in motion around liberty's bright sun. And suddenly--so
suddenly that we could scarcely dare to hope that our eyes did not
deceive us--the earth blossomed again, and the ice melted, and communism
collapsed like an empty rag blown away by the wind. A springtime of
promise burst on an amazed and joyful world. Poland was the first place
the flowers bloomed.
You have proved that Poland is the master of its own destiny. You made
your revolution on your own. We know that its success or its failure
depends on your devotion, your discipline, your will to keep the freedom
that you have won with such brilliance and with such sacrifice.
We want to help you in every way we can. But we know that no people can
give liberty to another. Every nation must find its own way to free-
dom. Every nation must create its own institutions to preserve
democracy and find its own solutions to its internal problems. The
strength and endurance of the Polish people have been tested in recent
times; they will be tested again. We believe with all our hearts that
you will prevail. And we will stand by you in the testing time that
lies ahead.
The testing time is already upon us. The collapse of communist
dictatorship has taught us anew some painful lessons. I want to speak
plainly. Since the miraculous year of 1989 we have learned that
promises are not kept on dreams alone. Life for multitudes has been
hard. It will be hard in the days to come.
We need to face these hardships openly and realistically. If we do not,
we are in peril of inflicting upon Europeans and Americans alike violent
cycles of fantastic optimism and equally fantastic despair. In this
dizzying whirl of expectations, our people can become cynical, divided,
and apathetic. A population that loses faith in the political process
quickly loses the sober, steady commitment to democratic values that
preserve freedom at home and abroad. By telling the truth and by
shaping realistic hopes, we can gird ourselves to run with patience the
race that is set before us and come at last to victory.
Building a well-functioning democratic order and a prospering free
market economy with full respect for human rights are objectives we
share. It is profoundly in the interests of the United States that
Poland succeed.
Every American Administration since World War II has believed that the
forced absence of democracy and the market in the vast region from
Germany to the Pacific Ocean was the problem. Communism's distorted and
dangerous character came from its systemic rejection of democracy and
market economics. The human rights abuses, which so many of you in this
chamber know from first-hand experience, and communism's aggressive
nature, which you also know, were not the excesses of the communist
system. They were expressions of its essence.
At a fundamental level, democracy and the market constitute the solution
to the problem of communism and its legacy. In the final analysis,
democracy and the market are indivisible. Democracy cannot flourish
without a flourishing market and the social and political base it
generates. A free economy cannot survive or succeed without a strong
democracy.
Poland, sovereign again today after 50 years, has chosen democracy and
the market as its new strategic policy directions. This was a Polish
decision made on the basis of Polish national interests and aspirations.
It was a decision that placed Poland in the forefront of nations leading
the way from communism to stable and prosperous democracies. And it was
a decision that opened the door to the best US-Polish relationship in
our history. As our relations develop, they will grow richer and more
varied. They also will become, in diplomatic terms, "normal," meaning
that they will become mature relations between democratic friends and
partners. At any given moment, the United States and Poland together
will be engaged on many issues at once--mostly in cooperation, sometimes
working together to resolve difference as they arise. This is what
good, developed relations between friends are all about: working
together to move forward.
US-Polish Relations Reaffirmed
Poland in its own right is important as a friend and partner. I am here
to reaffirm, at the outset of a new US Administration, the basis of US-
Polish relations, including long-term US support for and engagement with
Poland. President Clinton looks forward to continuing discussions
President Walesa and I began yesterday and this morning.
But more is at stake in Poland than the fate of one great European
nation. I am here to speak about more than US-Polish relations.
The central issue of the post- communist world is whether democracy and
economic reform can succeed together in the vast region that was once
smothered by communism. But now that communism is gone, what shall
emerge in its place? At one end of the possible outcomes, we have war,
hate, and fear leading to chaos and, through chaos, to new
dictatorships. At the other end we have the Polish road of democracy
and free markets, leading to a system that puts people first--where
human rights, human dignity, and human welfare are sustained.
This is not an easy road. As President Lech Walesa says, it is easier
to make fish soup from an aquarium than an aquarium from fish soup. It
is a road being tested, in one way or another, in each country from
Poland to the Pacific. Our new Administration in the United States will
be proud to help. The outcome is not irrevocably decided in any
country, although the odds of success are perhaps greater in some
countries than in others. And the outcomes of the post-communist
challenge, which are likely to be many, will have defining implications
for our world for decades to come.
We hope that all countries of the post-communist world will succeed in
introducing and building stable democracies and market economies. But
if one country succeeds first, it can serve as inspiration for the
others by demonstrating that success is possible. That is another
reason why Poland is important to the United States. With nearly 40
million people in the heart of Europe, Poland is intrinsically
important, but it is important as well because it also is showing the
way to the future for an enormous part of the globe.
President Clinton and I are working with other nations to support
democracy and economic reform in Russia. You know that. Some have
suggested, wrongly, that the United States has "forgotten" Eastern and
Central Europe. They argue [that] current activity focused on Russia
will detract from efforts directed at supporting Eastern Europe or that
the West sees Russia in isolation.
Nothing could be further from the truth. First, we are aware, as you
are, that a democratic Russia would be a better neighbor and
international actor than a dictatorial Russia. Moreover, Russia's
struggle for democracy and reform is not isolated but part of the much
larger context I am speaking about today. It is no accident that one of
President Clinton's initiatives for Russia--establishment of an
Enterprise Fund--was inspired by one of our most successful programs in
Poland and other countries of Eastern Europe.
The United States will not pull away from Poland and other countries of
Europe as we move to help your neighbors to the east. Our efforts here
in your region and our efforts further east are complementing and
reinforcing parts of the same policy. The United States can make no
greater contribution to the transformations underway east of here than
to help Eastern Europe succeed. Conversely, if there is no success in
Eastern Europe, it is very difficult to imagine success in any country
emerging from the former Soviet Union.
Our policy toward Poland is tied to fundamental US objectives in the
world, including the promotion of democracy; full respect for human
rights; and growth of working, prospering free market economies.
Most of you in this hall are engaged in the daily detail and hard work
of implementing reform in Poland under difficult conditions. I salute
you. You are a source of inspiration to us: We have many of the same
aspirations for ourselves. You see the difficulties because you live
with them every day. And every day, you confront the frustration of
delay and opposition. We understand how a government's reform package
can face delay and opposition. We also see the promise of your efforts
and the progress you have made. We are convinced that Poland can
succeed in establishing democratic and market structures that will serve
your country well in the years ahead and provide the stable anchor for
US-Polish relations that each of us is seeking to build together. We
are convinced Poland can succeed because we know you are determined to
succeed.
Our two countries have done much together since 1989, and we have a good
deal of work before us. The United States will be with you each step of
the way. Having come so far, so fast, I know we shall succeed.
The seeds planted for a free economy take time to germinate and to grow.
Now, in this springtime of freedom, we need the patience to wait until
harvest. We cannot force the harvest overnight. We must plow and plant
and wait with patience for the fruition of our labors, and our patience
will have its reward.
The Failure of Communism
President Clinton has a favorite verse from the Bible, from the book of
Galatians: ". . . let us not be weary in well doing, for in due season
we shall reap, if we faint not." That is the message for Eastern Europe
in this trying moment. Life is difficult now, but we are on the right
road. Hold on. Keep on. Do not lose courage. Persevere and prevail--
as prevail you will. And we shall do everything we can to help because
we have seen the alternatives.
These past 4 years have revealed the failures of communism beyond the
depths of the most pessimistic imagination. Everywhere it imposed
itself, communism left economies all but dead, frozen in time while much
of the rest of the world surged ahead. Communism left rivers dead and
running with poison.
Communism left the air foul with pollution so that in some places old
people and little children must fight to breathe.
Communism left some of the most fertile land in the world desolate with
famine snarling at the gates. Communism left outdated industries and a
shattered infrastructure of railroads and highways that could not
distribute goods even when goods were produced.
Communism left families crowded together in dull, gray blocks of
crumbling tenements and young couples starting out in married life who
found it difficult to find space to raise children. Every one of these
failures has left this generation with a problem to solve.
That is the bad news; the good news is that we see hopeful signs
blooming like spring flowers on every hand. New democratic governments
are taking root across Central and Eastern Europe. The arms race is
over. The green shoots of free enterprise are springing up in cities
and on the land. A new appreciation for our surroundings brings the
prospect of cleaning up the environment. A free press delivers the news
without censorship, and television has become a true window onto the
world rather than an all-day commercial for dictatorship.
The strength and the determination, the discipline, and the confidence
of the Polish people have freed the Polish economy and made it begin to
thrive. In Poland the signs are, after all, a lot better than
elsewhere. Travelers from the rest of Eastern Europe come to Poland and
catch their breath. The Poles are keeping the promises of 1989. There
is no lethargy here in Poland; Poland is a land at work. The rest of
Eastern Europe is inspired by your example, and so are we.
Your example is timely and necessary. The melting of communism has
released other forces--enemies of the good and the hopeful. Old hatreds
and animosities, old territorial claims, old fears frozen and dormant in
the great communist winter have come to life again like poisonous snakes
hibernating in their dens during the long cold.
We have a saying in America: "Eternal vigilance is the price of
liberty." We must be vigilant against those voices and those polices
that provoke hatred, chaos, and devouring greed. We must work together
to build an economic and a social system in Europe and America that will
provide no audience for prophets of violence and despair.
We in America are committed to the kind of peace that you in Poland and
the rest of a newly liberated Europe yearn for--a peace where the strong
exercise restraint, where the weak are protected, and where majorities
recognize the right of minorities to live their lives, be safe in their
homes, educate their children, speak their languages, work for the
common good, and worship their God.
Poland's Sacrifices
Last night, President Walesa, Prime Minister Suchocka, Prime Minister
Rabin, and I honored the valiant dead in the uprising of the Warsaw
ghetto. Here were Jews driven to the limits by the unceasing horrors of
Nazi barbarism, and they resolved to die fighting rather than submit.
Fifty years ago this week, they refused to submit any longer to the
methodical extermination that the Nazis were inflicting upon them.
In more than a month of heavy fighting, the Nazis with their artillery,
bombers, flamethrowers, and machine guns smashed the ghetto into
submission. The survivors were marched away to the gas chambers. We
know the names of some of them. Most died anonymous deaths, and their
ashes lie scattered in pits in the soft earth amid the remnants of the
death camps. But we can never forget them.
Next week, President Clinton and I will dedicate a museum to the
Holocaust in Washington. Among thousands of exhibits, the Holocaust
Museum includes hundreds and hundreds of photographs of victims--many
from Poland. Their eyes look at us with a command: Do not forget.
Remember their courage. Remember their sacrifice. Do not let such
horrors happen, ever again. Remember. Remember.
The Warsaw uprising began on April 19, 1943. Only a few days before, on
April 13, the Germans announced that they had uncovered a mass grave in
the Katyn Forest. The two dictators, Hitler and Stalin, ganged up on
Poland at the beginning of the war. Thousands of Polish army officers
taken prisoner by the Soviet Union had been shot to death at Katyn.
Seven hundred of them were Jews. Stalin ordered them killed to keep the
Polish people from rebuilding a national army that would oppose
communism.
Our experience in this century teaches us a lesson we must teach our
children and affirm to every citizen tempted by tyranny's enchantments.
Tyranny and terror once released on the world can quickly become
epidemics as terrible as any plague that has ever ravaged an
unsuspecting population. No one is immune. Once the pestilence of
horror spreads, it can overwhelm us all, a cancer that devours soul and
body alike and that knows no boundaries.
And, almost always, those who seek power through violence and terror
direct the attention of their people to some imagined enemy, often a
minority whose heritage makes it seem different from the majority.
We must cry out against these powers of darkness when we see them or
hear them; we must appeal to the decency within human beings to reject
them; and we must build the free institutions that keep them at bay and
the strong economies that will sustain democracy.
This Administration has resolved to remain true to the fundamental
principles of the United States. In a world as fragmented as this one,
where some terrible people control so many terrible weapons, the United
States has an obligation to do all it can to prevent war and to
negotiate our differences with all nations. We know that the four
horsemen of the apocalypse--war, famine, pestilence, and death--are
always ready to ride across the earth, and we want to rein them in and
shut them off from a human race that has suffered too much from them in
this century.
The Clinton Administration, speaking for the great humane heart of the
American people, declares here and now that the United States will not
forget its principles for the fleeting interests of the moment.
In our slow, painful, step-by-step efforts to keep peace in the world,
we will never forget the difference between our democratic friends and
the dictatorships whose steely hearts and dreadful weapons threaten
their people and all humankind.
Promoting Peace and Democracy
The best avenue to the solution of all our common problems lies in
extending democracy and justice in our society and throughout the world.
We know we cannot extend democracy at home if we shut our eyes to the
workings of dictatorship wherever it may be or wherever it may spring up
on earth. For example, right now decent people throughout the world are
demanding a halt to the killing in Bosnia.
Serbia and Poland stand at opposite ends of a moral world. To which
side does the future belong? I am here to state my faith in the
proposition that the future belongs to Poland's resolve to seek a
democratic society where differences among people are celebrated, not
feared.
Our fellow democracies own places in our hearts. But free nations may
sometimes disagree. The United States seeks friendship, not obedience.
Our friends are the democracies of the world.
Just now, across Eastern Europe, a breathtaking drama is unfolding
before our eyes. We are all participants in it. It is an age of hope, an
age of light.
It is our obligation in this great historical moment to see to it that
would-be tyrants understand the fate that awaits them. The collapse of
communism, the metallic crash of toppling statues of dictators, the
joyful singing in the streets of liberated multitudes all attest that
dictatorship in the modern world is as obsolete as the dinosaur, as
doomed to obliteration as a bad dream at dawn.
It is for all of us in these hours to be strong in purpose and faithful
to the principles that brought us to this moment. It is for us to
encourage the weak, to lift up the fallen, and to persevere. It is for
us to declare our principles again and again, to teach them to our
children, to practice them among the varied multitudes of our societies
and with the nations at our borders.
Here on its great plain, Poland has been a highway between East and
West. Along that highway, history has marched by. The Polish people
have learned the wisdom of suffering and sorrow; they have also learned
the wisdom of triumph and hope.
We celebrate with you your victories. We join with you in our common
humanity. We cherish our friendship. We nourish our aspirations for
the freedom that makes life worth living for ourselves, our children,
and the unborn generations who will judge us for the use we make of our
grand opportunity. (###)
ARTICLE 8:
Fact Sheet: Poland
Government and Politics
Poland has the largest population in Eastern Europe (about 39 million).
The government was communist from 1947 to 1989, when, after 9 years of
strikes and struggle, Solidarity, led by electrician Lech Walesa, helped
form a government led and dominated by non-communists, the first such
government in Eastern Europe in more than 4 decades.
Since that time, Poland has had fully free elections at the local (May
1990), presidential (November-December 1990), and parliamentary (October
1991) levels. In December 1990, Lech Walesa became the first popularly
elected president of Poland. The 1991 elections to the 460-seat Sejm
(lower, and more powerful, house) and 100-seat Senate (upper house) sent
more than 20 very diverse parties to the Parliament (no party received
more than 13% of the vote). The fragmented nature of that legislature
has made it difficult to assemble governing majorities: the current
prime minister, Hanna Suchocka, is the third prime minister since the
October 1991 elections and the fifth since the communists lost power in
August 1989. On April 15, 1993, the Sejm passed a new electoral law
aimed at reducing political fragmentation by setting a threshold (5% of
the popular vote) that parties must cross in order to be represented in
the next Parliament.
In November 1992, President Walesa signed into law an interim "Small
Constitution," which defines relations among the presidency, government,
and Parliament. A "Charter of Rights and Freedoms," which would codify
inalienable rights, is under consideration by the Sejm. The Parliament
is drafting a new constitution.
Economy
In January 1990, Poland implemented a bold "shock therapy" plan intended
to hasten the country's transition to a market economy. Within weeks,
store shelves filled, lines disappeared, and hyperinflation was stemmed.
However, the rigorous anti-inflationary policy was accompanied by a
severe recession, as large state-owned enterprises faced bankruptcy.
Poland has made significant progress in stabilizing the currency,
freeing most prices, removing barriers to trade, and establishing the
legal structure for a market economy. The private sector now accounts
for about half of output and employment. The zloty is convertible.
Little progress has been made privatizing large enterprises, however,
and the banking and financial sectors are inadequate.
Poland's economy improved slightly in 1992, and this progress should
continue in 1993. In 1992, GDP grew between 0.5% and 2%, the first
increase since 1989 in Central and Eastern Europe. Industrial output
was up 2% from 1991, but overall output was held down as agricultural
production fell 20%, due in large part to a severe drought. Poland ran
a small trade surplus in 1992, as exports increased.
There are problem areas. Unemployment is 14% and increasing.
Inflation, although continuing to decline, is about 40%. Few state
enterprises are profitable. Although the government has done a solid
job controlling expenditures, revenues have not been sufficient to
offset the fiscal deficit.
Foreign Trade and Debt
Poland aims to join the European Community (EC). Roughly half its trade
is with the EC, while the US accounts for about 5%. The government
signed and is implementing the trade section of an EC Association
Agreement. The agreement:
-- Envisions, but does not guarantee, EC membership;
-- Creates a free trade area over 10 years, although barriers to key
exports--coal, steel, textiles, and agriculture--remain;
-- Enhances political dialogue; and
-- Increases economic cooperation and assistance.
Poland also has signed a free trade agreement with Hungary, the Czech
Republic, and Slovakia, which became effective on March 1, 1993, and a
free trade agreement with the European Free Trade Area.
On March 8, 1993, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) board approved a
12-month, $667-million stand-by arrangement. (Poland had not complied
with the IMF since August 1991.) The agreement will facilitate
additional lending by the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, completion of the second tranche of official debt relief
under the Paris Club in April 1994, and an eventual agreement with
commercial creditors in the London Club.
Foreign Relations
With the installation of the first Solidarity-origin government in 1989,
Poland began to re-integrate into Western economic and security
institutions. At the same time, Poland seeks good relations with its
neighbors to the east. Poland is a committed advocate of such exercises
in regional cooperation as the "Visegrad" process, which brings together
Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia for consultations on
issues of mutual concern. Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski has
served every Polish Government since the communists lost power; he is
the longest-serving foreign minister in Eastern Europe.
US-Polish Relations
The United States is connected to Poland by ties that date back more
than 2 centuries, when Generals Kazimierz Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciusko
fought side by side with Americans in the war of independence. More
recently, in 1989, when Poland blazed a trail in the peaceful, non-
violent dismantling of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the US
helped Poland make those bold first steps toward democracy and a market
economy. Nearly 4 years of active US support for Poland's transition
has increased in such areas as security.
Poland is the largest recipient of US assistance to Central and Eastern
Europe. Key areas are economic restructuring, environmental projects,
strengthening democratic institutions, and a $240-million Enterprise
Fund to support development of the private sector. The US was
influential in helping Poland reach the agreement on official debt
reduction in the Paris Club, including a debt-for-environment swap. In
addition, the US took the lead in converting the $1-billion currency
stabilization fund to support bank reform in Poland. (###)
ARTICLE 9:
Department Statements
Army Show of Force in Peru
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April
22, 1993.
Yesterday in Lima, the Peruvian army staged a show of force after
expressing displeasure over questions its top commander had received in
a committee of the Constituent Congress, Peru's elected legislature.
The legislative committee was investigating alleged military involvement
in a prominent human rights case.
Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Bernard Aronson
discussed this incident with Peruvian President Fujimori this morning.
He made it clear that the United States views this show of force as an
unacceptable attempt to intimidate the legislative branch. We view the
independent Congress as an indispensable part of Peru's constitutional
system, and we support its right to work without intimidation of any
kind. It has every right to investigate human rights practices in Peru.
President Fujimori reaffirmed his government's commitment to respect the
independence and integrity of the Constituent Congress and its right to
oversight of the executive branch, including human rights
investigations.
POW/MIA Documents
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April
23, 1993.
The Department of State today is releasing additional materials
concerning US efforts to account for Vietnam-era prisoners of war and
missing-in-action. Prior to the end of the committee's activities, the
Department provided these documents to the Senate Select Committee on
POW/MIA Affairs in response to the committee's request and Executive
Order 12812. Executive Order 12812 directed the executive branch to
declassify and release to the public all documents pertaining to POW/MIA
matters, subject to privacy, deliberative process, and national security
requirements.
Today's release consists of over 13,000 pages of documents from the
files of Frank Sieverts, who served as the Department's special
assistant for POW/MIA affairs from 1966-78. The Department is now in
the process of preparing for public release additional documents turned
over to the Senate earlier this year. There also remain some Department
of State documents that have been referred to us by other agencies as
part of their declassification efforts. This material is also being
prepared for public release.
In response to the committee's requests and EO 12812, the Department has
declassified over 100,000 pages of POW/MIA-relevant material, including
9,000 pages of telegrams dating from 1972-92; more than 65,000 pages of
other material from the files of Mr. Sieverts, about 33,000 pages
related to the Paris peace negotiations; and nearly 15,000 pages of
other miscellaneous material. These actions represent the most
extensive declassification project ever undertaken by the Department of
State.
In addition, the Department has continued to review its files for
information relevant to the POW/MIA issue. As relevant information is
discovered, we will promptly review it for declassification and release
it to the public.
Secretary's Meeting With Iraqi Opposition Leaders
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April
27, 1993.
Secretary Christopher met today with a delegation led by the
Presidential Council of the Iraqi National Congress.
The Secretary emphasized the importance of Iraq complying fully with all
UN Security Council resolutions, including those on ceasing repression
of the Iraqi people. He added that he found it inconceivable that
Saddam Hussein could obey those resolutions and stay in power but hoped
that pressing the resolutions can ensure his departure from power. The
Secretary stressed US commitment to seeing a future democratic,
pluralistic government in Iraq which can live in peace with its own
people and respect its neighbors. He acknowledged the success of the
Iraqi National Congress in uniting the diverse religious and ethnic
groups that make up Iraq.
Highlighting the US concern over the human rights situation in Iraq, the
Secretary told them that the United States will propose that the
Security Council consider the creation of a commission to investigate
Iraqi war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. He added that
the United States also supported UN Special Rapporteur Max van der
Stoel's call for the assigning of UN human rights monitors throughout
Iraq.
The Secretary assured the delegation that the United States will take
all steps to enforce the Security Council resolutions and continue
measures taken by the coalition, like the "no-fly" zones and Operation
Provide Comfort, which contribute to the stability of all countries in
the region. He reiterated the importance that the United States
attaches to maintaining Iraq's territorial integrity and the value of
working closely with Iraq's regional neighbors.
The Secretary concluded by noting that only through democracy, respect
for human rights, equal treatment of Iraq's people, and adherence to
basic norms of international behavior could Iraq be brought back into
the community of civilized nations. The Iraqi National Congress will
have the support of the United States in achieving these goals.
Yemeni Parliamentary Elections
Statement released by the Office of the Spokesman, Washington, DC, April
28, 1993.
The United States congratulates the people and Government of Yemen on
the success of their first multiparty elections.
On April 27, Yemen held free, multiparty, parliamentary elections, open
to all adult citizens. These successful elections were the culmination
of a commendable decision, made by the Yemenis themselves at the time of
the unification of the two independent Yemeni states in May 1990, to
create a multiparty democracy in their new country.
International election specialists, including representatives of non-
governmental organizations from the United States and other nations,
were invited in by Yemeni officials both to observe the elections and to
offer technical advice in developing electoral procedures. Yemenis at
all levels, public and private, took it upon themselves to create an
electoral framework within which Yemen could begin its movement to
democracy. We also note positively Yemen's declared commitment to human
rights and a market economy.
The United States looks forward to working with the government to be
formed as a result of these elections.
US Recognition of Eritrea
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April
28, 1993.
On April 27, the Eritrean authorities announced that the Eritrean people
had voted overwhelmingly for independence from Ethiopia in their April
23-25 referendum and that Eritrea was a sovereign country as of April
27. After this announcement, our consulate in Asmara informed the
authorities that we recognized Eritrea as an independent state. Formal
steps to establish diplomatic relations with Eritrea are in process.
We congratulate the Eritrean Referendum Commission for the excellent job
it did in conducting such a well-organized and open referendum. The UN
referendum observer mission issued a statement that the referendum was
free and fair.
We welcome Eritrea into the family of nations and look forward to its
continued progress in developing a democratic form of government. (###)
END OF DISPATCH VOL 4 NO 18
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