US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 15, APRIL 12, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE
1. New Democratic Partnership Between The United States and Russia--
President Clinton, Russian President Yeltsin
2. US-Egyptian Search for Peace andStability in the Middle East--
President Clinton, Egyptian President Mubarak
3. Offensive in Azerbaijan's Kelbajar District
4. Statement at Confirmation Hearing Of US Ambassador to the United
Nations--Madeleine K. Albright
5. US Assistance to Nicaragua
6. View From the UN: The US Reviews Events Around the World--Richard
Schifter
7. Summary of April 1993 International Narcotics Control Report
8. UN Security Council Resolutions On Somalia, UNPROFOR
9. Sixth Report on War Crimes In the Former Yugoslavia
10. Deputy Secretary Meets With Nigerian Head of Government
ARTICLE 1.
New Democratic Partnership Between The United States and Russia
President Clinton, Russian President Yeltsin Opening remarks at a news
conference following the US-Russian summit in Vancouver, released by the
White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Vancouver, Canada, April 4,
1993
President Clinton: Good afternoon. I have just completed 2 days of
intensely productive discussions with President Boris Yeltsin. I want
to join him in thanking Prime Minister Mulroney and the people of Canada
for their hospitality. The beauty of Vancouver has inspired our work
here, and this weekend I believe we have laid the foundation for a new
democratic partnership between the United States and Russia.
The heroic deeds of Boris Yeltsin and the Russian people launched their
reforms toward democracy and market economies and defended them
valiantly during the dark days of August 1991. Now it is in the self-
interest and the high duty of all the world's democracies to stand by
Russia's democratic reforms in its new hour of challenge. The contrast
between our promising new partnership and our confrontational past
underscores the opportunities that hang in the balance today. For 45
years we pursued a deadly competition in nuclear arms. Now we can
pursue a safe and steady cooperation to reduce the arsenals that have
haunted mankind. For 45 years our nation invested trillions of dollars
to contain and deter Soviet communism. Now the emergence of a peaceful
and democratic Russia can enable us to devote more to our own domestic
needs.
The emergence of a newly productive and prosperous Russia could add
untold billions in new growth to the global economy. That would mean
new jobs and new investment opportunities for Americans and our allies
around the world. We are investing today not only in the future of
Russia but in the future of America as well.
Mr. President, our nation will not stand on the sidelines when it comes
to democracy in Russia. We know where we stand. We are with Russian
democracy. We are with Russian reforms. We are with Russian markets.
We support freedom of conscience and speech and religion. We support
respect for ethnic minorities. We actively support reform and reformers
and you in Russia.
The ultimate responsibility for the success of Russia's new course, of
course, rests with the people of Russia. It is they who must support
economic reforms and make them work. But Americans know that our nation
has a part to play, too, and we will do so.
In our discussions, President Yeltsin and I reached several important
agreements on the ways in which the United States and the other major
industrialized democracies can best support Russian reforms.
First are programs that can begin immediately. I discussed with
President Yeltsin the initiatives totaling $1.6 billion intended to
bolster political and economic reforms in Russia. These programs
already are funded. They can provide immediate and tangible results for
the Russian people.
We will invest in the growth of Russia's private sector through two
funds to accelerate privatization and to lend to new small private
businesses. We will resume grain sales to Russia and extend $700
million in loans for Russia to purchase American grain. We will launch
a pilot project to help provide housing and retraining for the Russian
military officers as they move into jobs in the civilian economy.
Because the momentum for reform must come upward from the Russian
people, not down from their government, we will expand exchanges between
American farmers, business people, students, and others with expertise
working directly with the Russian people. And we agreed to make a
special effort to promote American investment, particularly in Russia's
oil and gas sectors. To give impetus to this effort, we will ask Vice
President Gore and Russian Prime Minister Chernomyrdin to chair a new
commission on energy and space.
Second, beyond these immediate programs, the President and I agreed that
our partnership requires broader perspectives and broader cooperative
initiatives, which I will discuss with the Congress when I return home.
We expect to do more than we are announcing today in housing and
technical assistance, in nuclear safety and cooperation on the
environment, and in important exchanges.
Third, this challenge we face today is clearly not one for the United
States and Russia alone. I have asked our allies in the G-7 [Group of 7
industrialized nations] to come forward with their own individual
bilateral initiatives. Canada and Britain have already done so, and I
expect others to follow. President Yeltsin and I also discussed plans
for the G-7 nations to act together in support of Russia's reforms. The
foreign and finance ministers of the G-7 are meeting in Tokyo on April
14-15. Coordinated efforts are required to help Russia stabilize its
economy and its currency.
The President and I agreed that Russia and the G-7 nations must take
mutually reinforcing steps to strengthen reform in Russia. And those
will be announced on April 14-15.
Beyond these economic initiatives, the President and I discussed a broad
agenda of cooperation in foreign affairs. We reaffirmed our commitment
to safe dismantlement and disposal of nuclear weapons. We discussed the
need to strengthen the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and to assure that
Ukraine, along with Belarus and Kazakhstan, ratify the START Treaty
[Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty] and accede to the NPT as non-nuclear
weapons states. I stress that we want to expand our relationships with
all the new independent states.
We also agreed to work in concert to help resolve regional crises, to
stem weapons of proliferation, to protect the global environment, and to
address common challenges to international peace, such as the tragic
violence in Bosnia, advancing the promising peace talks we have co-
sponsored in the Mideast, and continuing our cooperation to end the
regional conflicts of the Cold War era.
Many of the dreams Americans and Russians hold for their children and
for generations to come rest on the success of Russia's reforms and,
thus, on the long-term partnerships between our two nations. Our new
democratic partnership can make a historic contribution for all humanity
well into the next century. Both of us know that it requires effort and
vigilance to make progress along the path toward democracy's ideal. And
I believe we both see those ideas as rooted deeply in the human spirit.
I think of the words of one of the great poets of democracy within our
own country, Walt Whitman. In a poem about crossing the East River in
New York where the Brooklyn Bridge now stands, he commands: Flow on,
river; flow on. Of course, the river hardly required his permission.
It has flowed on for centuries, and will continue to, whether old Walt
Whitman decree[s] it or not. Yet, he bellowed his enthusiastic support
for the river's timeless journey.
Russia's struggle for democracy and America's support are much the same.
We know that the attraction to freedom that animates democracy flows
powerfully through the human spirit like a river. Our words do not
cause that river to flow, and history has now proven that in the long
run no tyrant can cause the river to stop. Yet, we bellow our support
because it is right and because democracy's river can carry both our
nations toward a better future.
As we have looked out across the Pacific to the shores of Russia and its
far east, over the last few days we have committed ourselves anew to
that journey. I now return to the United States with a reaffirmed
commitment to that course and a determination to engage Members of
Congress in both parties and the American people in a rededication to
the prospect that a successful and strong and democratic Russia is very
much in the best interest of America and the world.
President Yeltsin: First of all, I should like to thank you, Mr.
President, for your kind words addressed to Russia. I should like to
thank Canada's Prime Minister, Mr. Mulroney, for the excellent way in
which this summit of two Presidents of two great powers was organized.
I'd like to thank the people of Vancouver for being so hospitable, for
having so warmly welcomed our delegations and us personally, the
Presidents. I should like to thank the journalists, who, it seems to
me, kept a round-the-clock watch at their posts.
I am fully satisfied by the results and by the spirit and atmosphere of
my encounter with President Bill Clinton. It was, in all senses, out of
the ordinary. But it was made extraordinary by processes transpiring in
the United States and Russia, conditioned by [the] very special
relationships developing between ourselves and Mr. Bill Clinton. We met
for the first time yesterday, but became partners back at that meeting
in Washington.
When Bill Clinton became President, we rapidly established good working
contacts over the telephone. We candidly discussed the most intricate
issues and stated at the outset that there would be [no] pauses in our
dialogue and that we would rapidly manage to find time to meet and
establish that right at the beginning, as I say, several months ago.
We had no right to further postpone an encounter in the face of this
world emerging from a wounded past, its thoughts preoccupied by what has
occurred in two great countries, the United States and Russia. We
immediately found common language in Vancouver, probably because we're
both businesslike people and, at the same time, to some extent,
idealists both.
We also believe that freedom, democracy, and freedom of choice for
people are not mere words and are prepared to struggle for our beliefs.
We understand that everything that happens in the world is interlinked;
that cooperation is not concession-making, but a vital necessity, a
contribution to our future. At previous meetings, the nation's leaders
discussed primarily the disassembly of confrontational structures; but
here in Vancouver, we talked about building the new, laying the
foundations of a future economy. This was the first economically
oriented meeting of the two great powers. We adopted some signal
decisions in the interests of the people of the Russian Federation, in
the interests of the people of the United States of America, in the
interests of the world's people.
We decided to eliminate discriminatory limitations on trade with Russia.
We, in fact, said that we were simply hurt. Russia had embarked upon the
path of democracy, whereas America was still treating us as though we
were a communist country. In fact, we're struggling against communism.
I stated that quite clearly, and Bill Clinton agreed. We are prepared
to compete, but compete honestly. We decided to alter our approach to
trade in Russian uranium, space technology, [and] access to Russian
military technology. We decided to do away with the Jackson-Vanik
amendment and to resolve other legislative issues.
There is considerably greater interest on the part of American investors
in the fuel sector in Russian space technology. We decided to cooperate
in this area and decided to join forces, the US and Russian
Administrations. . . . Bill Clinton's economic package is predicated on
the fact [that] America wishes to see Russia prosper with a blooming
economy. America intends to support Russian entrepreneurs, particularly
small and medium farmers, Russia's youth. It's going to cooperate in
housing construction for the military and in other areas. All of this
is in support of Russian reforms, a part of the strategic form of
cooperation between us, stressed Bill Clinton.
The figure that reflects that cooperation is $1.6 billion. We're
looking forward to other steps to be undertaken by the United States of
America and other major industrial countries to support real reform in
Russia.
The linkage between that set of measures and other political measures
was avoided. Of course, military and political problems could not [be]
skirted. We discussed what might be done to see to it that all
participants in the Bosnian conflict support the UN position. Here, our
positions match as to the main points.
We devoted quite a lot of attention to problems of non-proliferation.
We decided to extend our agreements on the avoidance of accidents, such
as the near accident involving submarines very recently. We decided to
strengthen cooperation between various areas of the military. All of
this is reflected in the Vancouver Declaration [and] some of the
principal elements of that declaration.
Members of our delegation felt that the US side did not appreciate that
support for Russia had to be timely. Our partners make it their goal to
support Russia's reforms, which are not yet yielding major results as
far [as] ordinary Russians are concerned.
The meeting in Vancouver signals a shift from general assurances of
support to Russia to pragmatic, specific, nitty-gritty projects. What
we see dominating here are economic and not military strategic issues. .
. .
Another very important result is that we, with President Bill Clinton,
did establish some pretty close personal contacts. Bill Clinton is a
serious partner. He is prepared to tackle the major problems
confronting our two countries in the interest of our two countries, in
the interest of all free people throughout the world. I have invited
Bill Clinton to visit Moscow, to render us an official visit at a time
convenient to him. (###)
ARTICLE 2.
US-Egyptian Search for Peace and Stability in the Middle East
President Clinton, Egyptian President Mubarak
Opening remarks at a news conference, released by the White House,
Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, April 6, 1993
President Clinton: Good morning. Today, I have the great pleasure of
welcoming President Mubarak to Washington and to the White House. We
have had an excellent meeting, and I look forward to more in the coming
years as well as to a successful conclusion of our first meeting here at
lunch after this press conference.
For nearly 2 decades, Egypt and the United States have worked together
in a special relationship to bring peace and stability to the Middle
East. American and Egyptian soldiers have served side by side in
defeating aggression in the Gulf and in bringing humanitarian relief in
Somalia. American and Egyptian diplomats have worked side by side to
pioneer peace with Israel and, lately, to bring others to the
negotiating table.
After our discussions today, I am convinced that we share a common
vision of a more peaceful Middle East, and we are determined to see that
vision realized.
Egypt has long experience in peace-making and knows that only
negotiations can resolve long-standing grievances. The Egyptian-Israeli
treaty stands as a cornerstone of our common efforts to attain a just
and lasting and comprehensive settlement based upon UN Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338. Our challenge is now to broaden the circle of
peace, recognizing the principles that underlie the peace process:
territory for peace, realization of the legitimate rights of the
Palestinian people, security for all parties, and full and real peace.
As I have made clear, the United States is prepared to assume the role
of full partner when the parties themselves return to the negotiating
table for serious discussions. We both feel deeply that there is a
historic opportunity to achieve real progress in the Arab-Israeli peace
process in 1993. This opportunity must not be missed. And all parties
must live up to their responsibilities for making peace.
We discussed the need to ensure stability in the Gulf. We're determined
that the hard-won achievements of [Operation] Desert Storm will be
protected and that Iraq will comply fully with all relevant UN Security
Council resolutions. We're also determined to counter Iran's
involvement in terrorism and its active opposition to the Middle East
peace process.
Both our nations have suffered from the tragic consequences of
terrorism. Both are absolutely determined to oppose the cowardly
cruelty of terrorists wherever we can. We reviewed the common danger
presented by religious extremism which promotes an intolerant agenda
through violent means. We discussed ways of strengthening our
cooperation in countering this and other forms of terrorism. We know
that all Americans, including Americans of all races and all faiths,
join us in strongly condemning such terrorism.
Mr. President, I know that you have undertaken the difficult task of
reforming and restructuring your nation's economy to provide for the
needs of tomorrow. We have a similar challenge here in the United
States. We appreciate the gains that have been made in Egypt as well as
the bridges that remain to be crossed. We are impressed by your courage
and your efforts.
We will continue to work together to stimulate trade, investment, and
cooperation. Our economic assistance will continue to support Egypt's
economic reform program, including privatization, and Egypt's
cooperation with international financial institutions.
We are fast approaching a new century. This is perhaps less of a
milestone for Egypt--which has, after all, 7,000 years of recorded
history--than it is for our relatively young country. I told the
President on the way up that every President of the United States since
1800 had lived in the White House, and he looked at me as if it were a
drop in the bucket of time.
But even taking the longest view, this is a critical period for the
Middle East--the crucible of much of our common spiritual heritage. For
the Middle East, the year 1993 can determine whether the new century is
consumed by old enmities or used to unlock the human and material
potential of the people. Our historic mission is to make this a year of
peace, and I am delighted to have President Mubarak as a partner in
pursuing this mission.
President Mubarak: Thank you, Mr. President. I was very pleased to
meet with President Clinton today. Our meeting was very positive and
productive. In a spirit of friendship and mutual confidence, we
explored the problems and opportunities [that] our two nations are
facing. I emphasized to [the] President that it is of utmost
importance to our region to reach a just and comprehensive settlement
between Israel and all her Arab neighbors, including the Palestinian
people.
Such a settlement should be raised on Security Council Resolutions 242
and 338 and the principle of land for peace and realizing the national
rights of the Palestinians. We believe that Egypt and the United States
have a crucial role to play in order to allow the peace negotiations to
reach a successful conclusion. Together, we can make the ends meet and
bridge the existing gaps.
Equally important is the task of removing the remaining obstacles,
especially that of the deportees. I was pleased to hear from President
Clinton that significant progress has been [made] on this issue and that
he recognizes the importance of the Middle East peace talks. He is
committed to the influence of the United States to achieve meaningful
progress in these talks when they are resumed on April 20. We are
confident that the negotiations will proceed smoothly and successfully.
Beyond the peace process, we discussed a wide range of regional issues
of common concern to our two countries. We stressed our concern for
the stability of the Gulf region and the need for full compliance with
the relevant Security Council resolutions. No country of that region
should doubt our firm commitment to help preserve the security,
stability, and territorial integrity of all friendly states. Similarly,
we are doing all that we can to stop the spread of weapons of mass
destruction in the Middle East. As you are certainly aware, Egypt has
submitted a plan for making the area free of all weapons of mass
destruction. We shall pursue this goal with vigor and determination.
On the global front, I offered to work closely with the President for
the purpose of making the world more human and equitable; a world where
opportunity and hope exists for all and where people learn to accept
divergences and employ diversity for the benefit of mankind.
I am making this appeal because I am alarmed by the refusal of some
elements in the different societies to accept the diversity and the
coexistence. This has resulted in unprecedented atrocities and
suffering in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The world cannot tolerate the
savage practices which are committed under the ugly slogan of ethnic
cleansing and purification. It is against all human values to see such
claims emerge at the threshold of the 21st century.
Unfortunately, violence is increasingly being used by certain misguided
elements in many parts of the world, including the Middle East. Acute
social and economic problems are being exploited in order to breed
violence and anarchy. At the same time, foreign countries are
interfering in the domestic affairs of other nations under false
pretext. All civilized nations are called upon to fight the spirit of
violence and terrorism everywhere, for this is a threat to the existence
and future of humanity. No country is immune or distant from that
danger.
In Egypt, we are coping with the phenomena through a comprehensive
program which deals with the roots and the causes of the problem. We
have embarked on an ambitious economic reform program. Parallel with
this, we are enforcing our democratic system, solidifying the protection
of the human rights. Our goal is to improve the quality of life for
every Egyptian with equal determination. We are confronting foreign
plots and attempted intervention.
Having said this, I would like to assure you all that Egypt is not in
danger. The image which has been projected by the media lately is
rather exaggerated. As well as [we] all know, violence makes instant
news, but the real story is our confidence, our unity, and our growing
success in facing this problem. The Egyptian people will not accept any
challenge to their tradition of friendship with other nations and
hospitality to our visitors. We will remain true to our culture of
resolving problems peacefully and defeating the forces of violence and
aggression. Let the whole world know that Egypt is as strong as ever
and that its leadership is firm and confident.
Mr. President, as I told you, Egypt is a country which values its
excellent relations with the United States. Let me take this
opportunity to express our deep appreciation for the support and
assistance we are receiving from the United States. This aid is crucial
to the success of our reform program.
We would like to assure a friendly welcome to all Americans who visit
us. We encourage the American business community to invest in our
economy. The climate for investment has become very favorable following
the steps [that] we took in the past few years on the road to economic
reform.
Our budget deficit has been reduced from 18% of the GDP in 1990 to 3.5%
this year. The foreign exchange market has been deregulated, and our
foreign currency reserves have reached record levels. Trade is being
liberalized, and the balance in payment is showing steady improvement.
After registering a deficit of $2.6 billion in 1990, it now shows a
surplus of about $3 billion.
President Clinton, our discussion today affirmed a broad identity of
interest over a wide range of issues. We have developed a full agenda
of cooperation for the future. I want to thank you for your
understanding and your enthusiastic response. I fully appreciate your
warm welcome and extend to the American people my best wishes for
success and fulfillment. I look forward to working closely with you
during the months ahead for our common goals. And I extend to you an
invitation to visit Egypt at your earliest convenience. (###)
ARTICLE 3.
Offensive in Azerbaijan's Kelbajar District Statement by Secretary
Christopher, released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC, April 6, 1993.
Last week's offensive by ethnic Armenian forces in the Kelbajar district
of Azerbaijan has threatened efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict peacefully and has created additional suffering for the
innocent civilian population of the region. The US Government condemns
this offensive and has expressed its deep concern about the offensive to
the highest level of the Government of Armenia and to representatives of
the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians. We have called for the prompt and
complete withdrawal of all ethnic Armenian forces from the Kelbajar
district.
The US Government remains convinced that the CSCE [Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe]-sponsored Minsk Group negotiations
remain the best hope for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. We call
upon all parties to the conflict to refrain from seeking a military
solution and to return in good faith to the negotiating table. (###)
ARTICLE 4.
Statement at Confirmation Hearing of US Ambassador to the United Nations
Madeleine K. Albright, US Permanent Representative-designate to the
United Nations
Statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC,
January 21, 1993
Mr. Chairman, Senator Helms, and distinguished members of the committee,
I am most honored to appear before you today as President Clinton's
nominee to be the US Permanent Representative to the United Nations. At
this time of turmoil and hope, this assignment is a major challenge.
When the President announced my appointment last month, he said that, in
his Administration, the post of ambassador to the United Nations will be
one of the most critical foreign policy positions. He said that never
before in its history has the United Nations faced greater challenges
or opportunities. With the end of the Cold War, the United Nations is
poised to play a central and positive role for peace. He also said that
his representative at the United Nations must understand how to seize
these challenges and how to direct America's leadership to promote and
advance our goals. The position of the American representative at the
United Nations is strengthened greatly when the President indicates his
full support so clearly.
The role of the US Permanent Representative at the United Nations is
also strengthened when it has the support of Congress. Many of you know
that I spent a number of years up here working for a great chairman,
Senator Muskie. I also spent 3 years on the National Security Council
staff, coordinating legislation and working with many of you and your
staffs.
I respect the role of Congress in the foreign policymaking process.
And, in fact, many of my friends say that I have a Hill perspective.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, Secretary of State Warren
Christopher spoke with you last week about the three pillars of the
Clinton Administration foreign policy: economic security, military
strength, and promoting democracy and free markets abroad. These are
the themes that then-candidate Clinton enunciated so frequently during
the campaign and, again, at Georgetown University on Monday [see
Dispatch, Vol. 4, No. 5, p. 57].
It will be the duty of those of us involved in the conduct of the
Administration's foreign policy to make sure that the President's goals
are carried out. I believe that each of them can and will be pursued at
the United Nations. In fact, they are compatible with the changing
priorities of that institution in the fields of collective security,
humanitarian relief, sustainable development, and the promotion of
democracy.
History will record that the end of the Cold War has marked a new
beginning for the United Nations. Every day we witness the United
Nations taking on the most intractable problems of the new era. We
should take great pride in the accomplishments of Ambassadors Pickering
and Perkins during the last 4 years and the positive contributions of
the Bush Administration.
The United Nations is on the verge of becoming the institution that its
founders foresaw in 1945. With essential American support, the United
Nations is useful, it is at the center of debate, and it is working to
build peace and security in a fractured world.
The growing scope of the United Nations' efforts is truly remarkable.
Today, more than 50,000 peace-keepers participate in 13 peace-keeping
and observer missions ranging from Somalia and Cambodia to the former
Yugoslavia. Eight of these 13 missions have been launched since 1989.
The United Nations is also helping to promote democracy and defend human
rights in Central America, Africa, and Asia. The new UN Commission on
Sustainable Development will oversee an ambitious global environmental
agenda.
One dramatic way to measure increased UN activity is to note that last
year, the Security Council met more than twice as often as the previous
year and adopted 74 resolutions, 32 more than in 1991. And may I say
that none of those resolutions were frivolous.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am firmly convinced that,
today, we are witnessing the best chance for fulfilling the United
Nations' original mission. Written in 1945, the Charter calls upon us
to join with the peoples of the United Nations,
. . . to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, to
reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, to establish conditions
under which justice and respect for international law can be maintained,
and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger
freedom.
Those who wrote the Charter were ahead of their time. We not only need
to fulfill their dreams but also to make this international organization
face the challenges of the next century. And if we do not do it today,
we may not have another opportunity.
As I appear here today before you for my confirmation hearing, it is not
good enough for me to show only how important the United Nations is to
us; it is also important for you to know that I see the imperfections
and the many problems of the institution. The United Nations remains
bogged down by an unwieldy and inefficiently administered staff,
overlapping responsibilities, and a financial crisis.
Secretary General Boutros-Ghali, a tireless diplomat for peace, sees the
problems. If more and more nations are inclined to say, let the United
Nations do it, and, at the same time, do not push for comprehensive
reform and build a sound financial base, then the United Nations stands
in peril of collapsing under the weight of the new burdens placed upon
it.
The United States must be fully engaged in bringing the United Nations
into the 21st century. Many of you have led the fight for reform, and I
intend to continue working with you very hard to achieve the efficiency
you have called for in the organization's work.
I must say, however, that there is a fine line between the leverage
gained by withholding funds in anticipation of reform and losing
credibility because you owe so much money. The time has arrived to pay
our outstanding obligations to the United Nations and enable it to bear
the burdens of the multilateral era.
As a professor of international relations and president of the Center
for National Policy, I have spent a great deal of time describing and
analyzing the past. Our 45-year struggle with communism is over.
Ironically, there was much more certainty in that period than there is
about the current one. There is even less certainty about the future.
Perhaps this is why we are having such a hard time naming the new period
and keep referring to it as the post-Cold War era.
Mr. Chairman, I think it is time to think of this period more in terms
of where we are going than where we have been. We should feel ourselves
privileged to be among those who will be defining the role of the United
States in a historical period, comparable to the other great watershed
times when new international systems were created, such as in 1815,
1918, and 1945.
As we look at what must be done in 1993, we face two dynamic and
seemingly contradictory forces. On the one hand, there are powerful
forces of integration. However, arrayed against these forces of
integration are the forces of fragmentation and division. The dual
challenge of this new era is how to harness the emerging realization
that nations must cooperate to solve common problems and use that
cooperative spirit to curb the excesses of long-suppressed nationalism.
While we Americans are, in many respects, guardians of the principle of
self-determination, we also bear special responsibility for
international peace and security. It will be at the United Nations that
we either fuse these two challenges into a more peaceful world or lose
the struggle and set ourselves adrift in a chaotic one.
The other challenge we face is to make sure that the work of the United
Nations is not isolated from our domestic agenda, for it impinges so
directly on Americans' daily lives. So I join with Secretary
Christopher in assuring you that we will work to explain the stakes of
our foreign policy to the American people in an effort to make foreign
policy less foreign.
While the United Nations is a very important part of all our lives, for
me, the United Nations has an even more personal connection. As I said
in Little Rock--and again, today--a few weeks ago, my family would not
have been in the United States had it not been for the United Nations.
My father, a Czechoslovak diplomat, was a member of the first UN
Commission for India and Pakistan. Shortly after he was chosen for that
post in February 1948, there was a communist coup in Czechoslovakia.
My mother, sister, and brother, who are also here with me today, and I
came to the United States. And while our father traveled in India and
Pakistan and Kashmir, we came to the United States. He completed his
work, and then he joined us. Shortly thereafter, he asked for political
asylum. Thanks to the generosity of the American people, we had an
opportunity to grow up as free Americans.
The fact remains that I am literally a child of the Cold War. Born in
Czechoslovakia, I came to this country because my parents realized that
life under communism was intolerable. I, therefore, as much as anyone,
celebrated the fall of the Berlin Wall and, most especially, the Velvet
Revolution of Vaclav Havel. But ever since 1989, I have spoken often
about the danger of sitting on our laurels.
The end of the Cold War has resulted in historic arms control agreements
and, most especially, START II [Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty]. The
people of the United States feel much safer. But the prob- lem is that
for many of those living in other countries, the world is a more
dangerous place. I believe that this generation has an inescapable
responsibility to build a peaceful world and to put an end to the
abominable injustices and conditions that still plague civilization at
the advent of the 21st century: aggression against nations, genocide,
famine, ethnic cleansing, mass torture and rape, vast upheavals of
people, environmental degradation, pervasive discrimination against and
oppression of women and children, the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, and the denial of real freedom to so many.
And while President Clinton has reminded us that America cannot and
should not bear the world's burdens alone, he also believes that the
Gulf conflict and the humanitarian relief operation in Somalia
demonstrate the best of what the United Nations' founders had in mind 48
years ago: With our international partners, we have confronted
aggression by outlaw governments and restored hope to those in need.
Members of the committee, there is another kind of partnership I want to
touch on today. As I visited with many of you, a process which I have
enjoyed thoroughly, I was reassured by your comments and your agreement
that this is a crucial period for the United Nations and, thus, for all
of us.
If confirmed, I intend to strengthen the ties between the United Nations
and Congress by opening my offices in New York and Washington to you,
[and] by inviting as many of you as possible to New York, perhaps as
delegates or to observe the work that is going on there. I plan to
build cooperative relations between our staffs. I will consider getting
your advice and criticism to be an integral part of my job.
As a member of President Clinton's Cabinet, I will weigh in with my own
view during White House deliberation, but knowing your views will be an
essential factor in my own decision-making process and in the advice
that I give [to] the President.
At the time of the founding of the United Nations, our foreign policy
was characterized by bipartisanship. And as I listened to your opening
statements and questions during Secretary Christopher's hearing, I was
struck by the historic significance of that session. Although it was
possible to note some disagreement, there was remarkable agreement on
the major issues of the day. We have an exceptional opportunity to
forge a strong and much-needed bipartisan policy for the years ahead.
I hope and expect to appear before you frequently. I am sure that you
will continue to ask me how our money is spent, and I will continue to
ask you to pay our bills. I can assure you that I will not only get
whatever information you want, but I will also push for the necessary
reforms. But, most of all, be assured that as I vote in the Security
Council, converse with other delegates, and travel the country to
explain the policies of the United Nations to the American people, I
will always be the US ambassador to the United Nations and not the UN
ambassador to the United States. In other words, I will not succumb to
that disease known as clientitis.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, in my years out of
government, I have theorized about the role that the United States can
and should play during this crucial period. The power that we have had
as a nation comes from our ability to look into the future and to be on
the side of change. We need to harness this power today for our work at
the United Nations. I am very aware of the enormous challenges that lie
ahead.
President Clinton has called for a new covenant with the American
people. I believe that we should work to extend his vision and call for
a new covenant among nations, one that recognizes and respects the
diversity of the world in which we live as well as our common needs and
aspirations. With your help, we can succeed in building that new
covenant. Thank you very much. (###)
ARTICLE 5.
US Assistance to Nicaragua
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, April
2, 1993.
This morning in Paris at the meeting of the Consultative Group of
International Aid Donors for Nicaragua, the US delegation announced the
release of $50 million in previously appropriated FY 1992 assistance.
Before taking the decision to release this money, we conducted
extensive and useful consultations with the US Congress.
The Government of President Violeta Chamorro is taking a number of
steps, at the urging of the United States, to address issues that are
vital to the consolidation of democracy and to Nicaragua's ability to
attract aid and private investment. Nicaragua also is making important
strides in cutting the size of its army and in reforming the Nicaraguan
economy, particularly in bringing hyperinflation down to single-digit
levels and in opening up the foreign trade sector.
Nicaragua needs our assistance to continue on its path of economic
reform and reconstruction of the country. At the same time, it is clear
to us that more progress needs to be made in these and other areas for
Nicaragua to win the support of the Administration and Congress for
continued economic assistance.
Some of the significant steps which have led to this decision are:
-- Extending the mandate of the Tripartite Commission (OAS
[Organization of American States]/government/church) to investigate
violations of human rights and recommend corrective measures;
-- Suspending police officers and others named by the Tripartite
Commission for violating human rights;
-- Requesting a 2-year extension of the OAS civilian mission (CIAV
[Central American Verification Commission]) with a broadened mandate to
monitor human rights throughout Nicaragua;
-- Establishing adequate procedures for resolving property claims of US
citizens and others--this includes an arbitration system which meets
international standards and a new compensation mechanism funded by some
of the proceeds of the privatization program; and
-- Calling for a dialogue with political parties to address
polarization and the issue of civilian control of the police and
military. (###)
ARTICLE 6.
View From the UN: The US Reviews Events Around the World
Richard Schifter, Head of the US Delegation to the UN Human Rights
Commission
Statement before the 49th session of the UN Human Rights Commission,
Geneva, Switzerland, March 3, 1993
Mr. Chairman, the very first rights spelled out in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights are the rights to life, liberty, and
security of person. As we look at the human rights developments of the
past year, we must recognize the sad fact that intergroup conflicts,
based on ethnic, religious, or even clan differences have, in many parts
of the world, deprived millions of people of these fundamental rights.
We have, rightfully, spent a great deal of time discussing the
atrocities which have been recently committed in the former Yugoslavia.
But, as is often the case, we tend to follow the media. They cover
Yugoslavia. It took some time before they covered Somalia. They seem
to have forgotten Afghanistan, and they have yet to discover Rwanda.
The danger of a nuclear holocaust [and] the risk of the destruction of
the human race, which some members sought to debate in this commission
some years ago, has fortunately been significantly reduced. But, in
place of the political struggle which once consumed our attention, we
face now, in many parts of the world, the death, victimization, and
destruction brought about by intergroup hatred.
As we examine the manner in which governments respond to this
phenomenon, we can note that there are those which take measures against
it and thus respond effectively. Then there are those [governments]
which simply do not know how to handle the problem which besets them.
And there are governments which exacerbate the problem by inciting the
dominant ethnic group against persons of other ethnicity who live in the
same country. The latter, I submit, are invariably governments which
repress all of their own people. History has demonstrated that
governments which mistreat their own people are likely to deal even more
harshly with those whom they deem to be strangers, whether they live in
their midst or are their neighbors.
The United States has a new, young, and energetic President, who
strongly believes that words must be followed by action. He has, in
recent days, come before the country to tell the American people that we
have serious problems and that their solution requires hard work and
sacrifice.
During the course of the political campaign, our President also made
clear his commitment to the cause of democracy, human rights, and to
multilateralism. The new Administration deeply believes in the ideals
set forth in the UN Charter and looks for their realization.
But in the UN system and, more particularly, in the UN Human Rights
Commission, too, institutional reform is desperately needed. There is
no doubt that, over the years, we have registered accomplishments. But
are there not problems in the vast area of human rights which have
remained unaffected by our activities? Should it not be a challenge to
us to identify those worldwide human rights problems which we have
ignored but which we could help solve if we were able to begin to deal
with them?
There are those who say that different cultures view human rights
differently and that the Universal Declaration represents the views of
only one culture. Persons from different cultures undoubtedly see some
human rights issues differently. Yet, are there not a great many
experiences in life which are common to all humankind? Does the mother
in Sarajevo whose son has been killed in intergroup violence grieve any
more than the mother in Kigali [Rwanda]? Can a native of Baghdad
accept torture more readily than a native of, say, Copenhagen? Is a
native of Havana culturally better endowed to accept police spying than
a native of Madrid? Is a native of Beijing more willing to accept
imprisonment for the mere expression of his views than a native of
London?
In years past, the question on which I have just touched, namely, that
of different views of human rights, was debated in this commission along
the East-West divide. After that divide had disappeared, I had occasion
to meet one of the persons with whom I had once engaged in verbal jousts
in this commission. His first statement to me was: "You knew all along
that I did not believe a word I was saying--didn't you?"
So, let us put aside the artificial arguments which have been advanced
in this post-Cold War period about North versus South, about Christian
culture against non-Christian cultures, and let us agree on the simple
fact that we are all members of the human race, that there are goals in
the field of human rights that we all wish to attain, and that we should
unite in our efforts to reach those goals.
To those who contend that the principles of the Universal Declaration
have relevance only to Europe and North America, let me offer a historic
reminder. About 700 years ago, many of the basic principles which we
now treat as human rights were recognized by the citizens of three
communities not far from here: Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden--the
nucleus of the country which is now known as Switzerland. It is
conceivable that members of the court of the Holy Roman Emperor said at
that time that, if the rights claimed by these people of courage have
any validity at all, they are appropriate only to the Swiss mountains
and have no relevance to life elsewhere, most surely not to the rest of
Europe. And what may have been said about the relevance of democratic
thought and human rights principles to England under Henry VIII, to
France under Louis XIV, or to the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin?
Concern has also been expressed about the inter-relationship between
political and economic development. It is the view of a good many,
including the United States, that the two forms of development go hand
in hand. But there are also those who contend that economic development
must precede political development.
The evidence is to the contrary. If there ever was a test tube
experiment in this field, it was that offered by West and East Germany.
A politically free West Germany produced one of the world's strongest
economies, and a politically unfree East Germany lagged far behind.
In East Asia, we can find in North Korea the world's most oppressive
dictatorship, a society reminiscent of the nightmare vision of George
Orwell in his novel 1984. Today, North Korea is an economic basket
case. The Republic of Korea, by contrast, has evolved both politically
and economically. It is now a full-fledged democracy which also enjoys
an increasingly higher standard of living.
Throughout the world, we can note that governments which are not
controlled by the people and are not called to account by a free press
have put into place counterproductive economic policies, or have
expended foreign assistance funds improvidently, or have lined the
pockets of their leaders with the money which belongs to the people or
wasted it on unnecessary military expenditures.
The conclusion we can draw from the foregoing is that economic
assistance may, indeed, be needed in many places to spur economic
development. But one way of assuring that the assistance will be well
used is to improve governance. There are a few countries that may have
been able to develop economically under the guidance of a benevolent
autocrat. But most autocrats tend to be erratic and greedy, retarding
development. Accountability of a leadership produces the best assurance
of economic evolution.
Earlier in this intervention, I made the point that human rights
problems exist almost everywhere and that some governments are
succeeding in resolving them, some governments want to resolve them but
have been unable to do so, and some governments are, indeed, an
integral part of the problem.
It is to the second category, Mr. Chairman, that this commission and
the UN system should devote more attention. These governments should
not be castigated. They need to be helped. The UN system, which
expends substantial funds on programs and projects of questionable
value, should reset its priorities and should focus attention on what it
can do to assist countries which seek such assistance, in efforts to
ameliorate human rights problems.
That human rights problems can be resolved through political will and
the application of resources has been demonstrated time and again. In
my own country, the practice of pressing confessions out of persons
under arrest was, by and large, brought to an end when our courts simply
refused to accept such confessions. In Mexico, President Salinas has,
in recent years, demonstrated the political will to change practices in
police stations throughout his country. The Mexican Human Rights
Commission, under the outstanding and courageous leadership of Judge
Jorge Carpizo, who has recently moved on to the position of Attorney
General, has made enormous strides in carrying out the President's
mandate. Experiences of this kind can and should be shared with
countries whose governments do not wish to see torture practiced but
find it difficult to prevent it. We need to explore the role which the
Human Rights Center could play, under an appropriate mandate from the
commission, to enable countries to share their experiences in the
resolution of human rights problems. As we look to the future, this
can, indeed, be one of the most important program goals for this
commission.
We also need to recognize that international controversies have now been
replaced in large part by intra-national disputes. Just as the United
Nations has applied itself to international controversies, it can and
should apply itself to what is now the most common cause of human rights
deprivations: intergroup controversies which result in acts of
violence. There are many situations in which outsiders, particularly
outsiders coming under the UN flag, might be better able to act as
mediators than do persons who come from the country beset with
intergroup rivalry. Furthermore, there are educational programs which
governments could be encouraged to institute in the schools to overcome
hatred and antagonisms based on intergroup differences in race,
ethnicity, or religion. Here, too, the Human Rights Center, acting
under the commission's leadership, could play a highly significant role.
But, as I noted earlier, the fact that many governments which practice
repression as official policy have been replaced does not mean that that
phenomenon has vanished from the earth. It is, therefore, necessary for
this commission to send a message to these governments that the
international community remains deeply concerned about these practices,
as well as a message of hope to the citizens of those countries who now
are the victims of repression.
The reports laid before us by the rapporteurs on Burma, Cuba, Iran, and
Iraq describe systems which differ from each other in detail but which
have a common result: that of creating an all-pervasive climate of fear
in those countries. No citizen, be he ever so humble and politically
disinterested, can escape it. Big Brother is always watching, and even
minor deviations from prescribed standards of behavior can be severely
punished. Intimidation, denial of economic and educational
opportunities, torture, long-term imprisonment, and even summary and
arbitrary execution, or execution or imprisonment on trumped-up charges
are among the measures these countries resort to to keep their people in
check. We must once again draw attention to this state of affairs and
urge once again that these forms of repression be brought to an end.
In Burma, the 1991 Nobel Peace [Prize] winner, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains
under house arrest. One thousand, two hundred political prisoners were
arrested in 1992. An estimated 1,000 political prisoners remain in
prison in early 1993.
In addition to opposition political leaders, ethnic minorities--
especially in border regions--have been persecuted by the Burmese
military. Over 270,000 Muslim refugees from Burma's Arakan State have
fled to Bangladesh, charging persecution, forced labor, and rape by the
Burmese military. About 70,000 Karen and other refugees fled to the
Thai border in 1992. Over 1,000 Nagas have sought refuge in India.
As the special rapporteur's report on Cuba documents, the price for
advocating political change in that country is imprisonment. Yndamiro
Restano, chairman of the Harmony Movement, was sentenced last year to
10 years of confinement. Marco Antonio Abad, Jorge Crespo Diaz, and
Maria Elena Cruz Varela are paying the price for free artistic
expression with years in jail; they have seen their works labeled "enemy
propaganda" and their freedom taken away by the Cuban state. The price
for forming a human rights group in Cuba is a government-organized mob
surrounding your home, breaking down your door, and beating you
senseless. Gustavo Arcos, Aida Valdez, Elizardo Sanchez, and other
respected human rights advocates experienced this first-hand only a few
months ago on UN Human Rights Day. The special rapporteur's report
identifies dozens of other Cubans in prison for purely political
crimes, and more that have been threatened, harassed, or fired from
their jobs because of their beliefs. The existence of Cuba's
omnipresent security apparatus underlines the fear the Cuban Government
has of permitting free and fair elections, the right of assembly, or
even the visit of the UN envoy.
In Iran, the government continues to execute political opponents and to
carry out assassinations of its opponents residing abroad, most
recently, for example, the killings in September 1992, of four Iranian
Kurdish dissidents in Berlin. A prominent adherent of the Baha'i
religion, Bahman Samandari, was summarily executed in March 1992.
Detainees are routinely tortured, and arbitrary brutalization of
prisoners is common, including by suspension for long periods in
contorted positions, burning with cigarettes, and severe and repeated
beating with cables or other instruments on the back and on the soles of
the feet. Baha'is continue to face arbitrary arrest, detention, and
other forms of persecution.
In Iraq, the regime's abysmal record on human rights continues to
affront civilized people. It has imposed a full embargo, including food
and medicine, against its three northern provinces. Particularly
flagrant abuses include military operations against noncombatant Shi'a
civilians in southern Iraq, in which hundreds and probably thousands of
innocents, including children, were killed last year. Many others were
arrested, removed from the area, and killed. Helicopter gunships
participated in attacks against civilians until stopped by the
imposition of the no-fly zone under UN Security Council Resolution 688.
Hundreds of political prisoners have been killed at the Al-Radwaniya
Prison near Baghdad last spring, and many others have been tortured in
Iraq's prison system. Young women are sometimes raped in order to
blackmail them into becoming informants or as a form of degradation.
We also need to call attention to the situation in Sudan. In Sudan,
summary executions, arbitrary detentions, and torture continue, much of
it carried out in incommunicado detention houses. In Juba last July,
government troops reportedly killed several hundred unarmed civilians
and arrested hundreds more following a rebel attack on the city. More
than 100 of those arrested still remain unaccounted for. In Nuba
Province, tens of thousands of civilians were forcibly relocated from
their homes in 1992 to desolate areas in northern Kordofan; many died or
disappeared during the move. Hundred of thousands more were forcibly
removed from Khartoum to inadequate camps outside the city. Reports
indicate that massive relocations are continuing in 1993, as is
indiscriminate bombing of civilian populations. International relief
organizations continue to be denied access to much of the population in
desperate need of assistance.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, while we welcome the recent announcement of early
release from prison of several well-known political dissidents, hundred
of others--if not more--continue to languish in Chinese jails. We note
that, contrary to China's recent public assertions, not all the student
leaders involved in the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations have been
released. Student leader Liu Gang, for instance, remains in a prison
labor camp in the northeast of China. According to one report, during a
hunger strike in 1992 to protest prison conditions, his arm was broken
by prison officials trying to force feed him.
Today in China, political and religious dissidents continue to be
arrested, tried, and sent to prison. Conditions in Chinese penal
institutions are harsh and frequently degrading. There are numerous
reports of prisoners being denied adequate medical care despite serious
health problems. Basic human rights standards thus continue to be
ignored.
Mr. Chairman, it is a particular honor for me to be sitting next to
Sergei Kovalev, a true hero of the Soviet Union. Ten years ago, I
recited his name in this hall as we called for the release of Soviet
prisoners of conscience. None of us would have dreamed that the day was
not distant when Sergei Kovalev would be with us as a colleague, as
leader of the delegation of the Russian Federation. His presence among
us today is vivid proof of the value of our work.
Mr. Chairman, by sending our message to these oppressive governments, we
are also sending a message to the oppressed people of these countries.
Our message tells them of our concern. It should also be a message of
hope along the lines of a song from the Nazi concentration camps for
political prisoners of 60 years ago. The last lines from that song, the
song of the peatbog soldiers, go like this: "But for us there's no
complaining, winter will in time be past. One day we shall cry,
rejoicing: 'Homeland, you are mine at last.' " (###)
ARTICLE 7.
Summary of April 1993 International Narcotics Control Report
Following is the text of the executive summary of the International
Narcotics Control Strategy Report, dated April 1993. The full report
was released by the Department of State's Bureau of International
Narcotics Matters (INM) and is available from the Superintendent of
Documents, US Government Printing Office (stock no. 044-000-02370-9).
It also is available electronically through GPO's Federal Bulletin Board
(see inside back cover for more details).
In 1992, despite some setbacks, the international anti-drug effort
gained further strength, forcing a highly adaptable international drug
trade to shift tactics and operations. Under the leadership of the
United States, more countries have joined the battle against the drug
trade in earnest. Closer coordination between governments--particularly
in training and police enforcement activities; increasingly effective
multilateral action against money-laundering and essential and precursor
chemicals; as well as continuing reforms of national legal regimes to
meet the requirements of the 1988 UN Convention [Against Illicit Traffic
in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances] have kept the major drug-
trafficking organizations on the defensive.
There has also been some inevitable bad news. Despite stepped-up
programs, hundreds of tons of cocaine and heroin continue to flow to the
United States and to Europe, while consumption rises in Latin America.
The Western Hemisphere's most notorious cocaine trafficker, Pablo
Escobar, still on the loose after his July 1992 escape from a Medellin
[Colombia] prison, has launched a campaign of terror and violence.
While Peru's coca cultivation has remained stable over the past 2 years
in areas where the government has control, growers have begun planting
coca in isolated areas less accessible to the authorities. As a result,
the crop may be expanding. In Europe and Central Asia, the breakup of
the old Soviet empire has opened new frontiers for venturesome drug-
traffickers, as the free market economy offers the potential of new drug
markets in the former Soviet states. There are reports that ethnically
based smuggling rings from the Baltics to Kazakhstan are gearing up to
cash in on the heroin flowing abundantly from Southeast and Southwest
Asia.
If there appears to be a loss for every gain in the drug war, it is
largely because an annual review looks at progress in a relatively
narrow slice of time and tends to obscure long-term progress. Long-term
gains such as stronger anti-drug cooperation between governments,
reduction of drug crops, tightening of money-laundering restrictions,
and curbing chemical shipments do not always make exciting reading. Yet
the drug trade knows that without a steady source of drugs, money, and
chemicals, it cannot long survive. More than anything, trafficking
organizations fear concerted action across borders by governments
committed to attack the grower-to-user chain at every link. It is in
these areas that there has been progress in the international anti-drug
effort; it is also in these areas where greater efforts need to be made.
Close cooperation at the highest levels between the United States and
the governments of the major drug-producing and transit countries in the
Western Hemisphere has intensified pressure on the cartels. The
February 1992 San Antonio [Texas] drug summit broadened the multilateral
cooperation initiated at the earlier Cartagena [Colombia] summits by
linking the Andean nations, Mexico, and the United States against the
trafficking organizations. There is now an acknowledged community of
interest at the highest level of the key drug-affected governments.
Multilateral air control operations between the US Government and Andean
governments, as well as bilateral counter-narcotics assistance programs
with all the front-line drug countries, are forcing traffickers to delay
shipments and switch transportation methods and routes more frequently
to stay in business. Fewer seizures in 1992 of multi-ton air shipments
of cocaine suggest that trafficking organizations may now be relying
more heavily on sea and land transport to move cocaine to the United
States.
Unlike other illicit drugs which grow in almost all regions of the
globe, significant coca cultivation is confined to Peru (61%), Bolivia
(21%), and Colombia (18%). In 1992, for the third successive year,
overall coca cultivation has been kept from expanding. One should bear
in mind that until 1989, the Andean coca crop had been increasing
annually at a rate of 10% to 20%, despite active crop suppression
programs. Without these, coca cultivation probably would have doubled.
At the end of 1992, an estimated 211,700 ha [hectares] of coca were
under cultivation, the same amount estimated to be growing in 1990.
While this number is 3% higher than last year's estimate of 206,000 ha,
it falls within the statistical margin of error of the estimating
process.
This leveling off is particularly important in light of Peru's
unwillingness to attack coca fields in the insurgent-infested Upper
Huallaga Valley, Bolivia's inability to meet its coca eradication quota,
and Colombia's decision to divert suppression resources in part from
coca to its rapidly expanding opium poppy fields. Even with such
impediments, the major coca-producing countries have managed to hold
down the spread of coca. This indicates growing political commitment on
the part of the governments of those countries.
Chemical Controls
An important area in which the international community is making
progress is the control of the chemicals necessary for drug refining.
Without adequate supplies of chemicals such as ether and acetic
anhydride, coca leaf and opium gum cannot be transformed into cocaine or
heroin. For this reason, regulation of legitimate commerce to deny
traffickers the chemicals they need is one of the most valuable tools in
the battle against drug criminals.
The US Government has been a pioneer in organizing an international
effort to keep such chemicals from the drug trade. The US-chaired
Chemical Action Task Force (CATF) has developed and gained widespread
international acceptance of a set of measures to be incorporated into
national chemical regulatory regimes to bring countries into compliance
with the chemical control provision of the UN convention. Encouraging
progress was made in 1992 in the adoption of regulatory regimes
incorporating these measures. The European Community amended its
chemical regulation to make such measures binding on community members
on January 1, 1993. Japan, in mid-1992, adopted a chemical regulatory
regime based on the CATF measures. The Andean cocaine-producing
countries and many other Latin American countries have chemical
regulatory regimes based on the CATF measures and the more comprehensive
Organization of American States (OAS) Model Chemical Regulations. In
1992, an international working group, led by the UN International
Narcotics Control Board, prepared a set of practical guidelines based on
the CATF measures for governments to follow in drafting and implementing
chemical regulatory regimes. The CATF has established a policy
framework to identify changes that may be required in chemical
regulatory regimes to attack new methods of using chemicals and new
diversion techniques and to bring under control chemicals being used as
substitutes for regulated chemicals. Success will, of course,
depend on effective implementation of these chemical controls, but these
steps are encouraging.
Persistence and Success
In spite of the ground gained over the past few years in all these
areas, the illegal drug-trafficking industry continues to be strong,
rich, and able to adapt to changing circumstances. We are dealing with
some of the best-financed, best-armed, and most ruthless organizations
in the world. These groups have the wherewithal, the experience, and
the determination to exploit the weaknesses of governments beset by
economic crises, political instability, and social unrest. While there
is no question that the trafficking organizations have suffered from
concerted government action, they have also shown that they can absorb
heavy losses and still thrive. Success depends on an integrated attack
sustained over time on every stage of the drug-producing, marketing, and
distribution process.
Corruption and Political Will
The international anti-drug effort is, in many ways, a collective
assault on drug-generated corruption, which, left unchecked, could
destroy democratic governments already sapped by internal economic and
social crises. Since the only defense against such corruption is a
strong sense of national political will and purpose, a main objective of
US Government anti-drug policy is to help strengthen political will in
the most vulnerable frontline drug countries.
Although any lucrative criminal enterprise can threaten order in a
country with underpaid law enforcement or military officials, the drug
trade, because of its enormous wealth, poses a threat of a much greater
magnitude: Drug profits can carry corruption to the highest levels of
government. Cocaine and heroin are currently the most abundant,
lucrative commodities in the world. Cultivation is cheap, processing
relatively simple, and profit margins enormous. At average street
prices of $100 a gram, a metric ton [mt] of cocaine is worth $100
million once in the United States. By this measure, the estimated 150-
175 mt of cocaine alone which the US market consumes annually would put
as much as $15-$17.5 billion into criminal hands. The cartels,
therefore, have access to sums of money available to few governments,
and, unlike governments, they are not accountable to any authority
except themselves for the way in which they spend their funds.
It is clear that those countries most affected by the drug trade are
engaged in a defense of national sovereignty against very powerful
enemies. With billions of dollars available to them, traffickers, often
allied with insurgent groups, are theoretically in a position to buy
themselves a controlling interest in governments which they cannot
overthrow by force. A major goal of US anti-drug policy is to ensure
that this does not happen. By supporting those democratic governments
which show the necessary political resolve to take on the drug cartels,
the United States is investing in the future democratic stability of the
hemisphere.
Such an investment, however, can only pay dividends when it supplements
another government's determination to carry out its own anti-drug
campaign. The US Government can only help another government fight the
international drug trade; it cannot do the job for it. Frontline
governments must attack drug corruption out of genuine national self-
interest. Where governments have realized this, there is progress
against the drug trade; where they have not, the traffickers prosper.
Demand Reduction
At one time, many important drug source countries took comfort in a
sense that drug addiction was a rich country's disease. There was a
belief that poor countries were immune to the type of drug epidemic
which fueled international demand for cocaine and heroin. Experience,
however, has taught otherwise. All of the major drug-producing and
transit countries now have significant--often expanding--addict
populations, which not only sap the political, social, and economic
stability of a nation but offer new markets to the drug trade. The US
Government has been working with many of these countries to reduce
demand and prevent drug abuse.
In 1992, the US Government addressed the question of international
demand reduction through continuing bilateral and multilateral efforts.
Bilaterally, INM funded programs on training, public awareness, and
education in Latin America [and] Southeast and Southwest Asia. INM
conducted bilateral programs in 1992 with The Bahamas, Brazil, Colombia,
Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Jamaica, Mexico, Pakistan,
Panama, Thailand, and Venezuela. Multilaterally, the US Government
worked closely with the European Community, the UNDCP [UN International
Drug Control Program], OAS-CICAD [Inter-American Drug Control
Commission], the Colombo Plan, and ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian
Nations] on such projects as setting up regional demand reduction
training centers in Argentina and Thailand and drug prevention services
for "street children" in Brazil and Peru.
The United Nations
The US Government has long had a close working relationship with the
United Nations International Drug Control Program (and its predecessor
UNFDAC) as part of the US Government strategy to promote active anti-
drug cooperation on a global scale. Most recently, the US Government
has intensified its efforts to engage the entire UN system, particularly
the specialized agencies, in drug control issues. The US Government has
been working to further the aims of the UN System-Wide Action Plan on
Drug Abuse Control (SWAP), adopted by the Economic and Social Council
in 1990. The goal of the SWAP has been to make drug control an integral
part of UN programs, especially those of the UN specialized agencies
involved in development, health, labor and children.
1988 UN Convention
Seventy-two states have now ratified or acceded to the 1988 UN
Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic
Substances, an increase from the 58 states reported in the 1992 INCSR
[International Narcotics Control Strategy Report]. As of January 21,
1993, states parties to the convention include: Afghanistan, Australia,
The Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belarus, Bhutan, Bolivia,
Brazil, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Canada, Chile, China, Costa
Rica, Cote d'Ivoire, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ecuador, Egypt,
France, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Honduras, India,
Iran, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Mexico,
Monaco, Morocco, Myanmar [Burma], Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria,
Oman, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Russian
Federation, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Seychelles, Slovenia, Spain, Sri
Lanka, Suriname, Sweden, Syria, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukraine, United
Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United States, Venezuela, and
Yugoslavia. The European Community confirmed Article 12.
Cocaine
Cocaine, particularly in its most addictive form--crack--still poses the
most immediate threat to the United States. While there has been
encouraging data that cocaine use by certain sectors of American youth
has dropped, hundreds of tons of cocaine continue to flow to the United
States. As the nerve center of the cocaine industry, Colombia continued
to play a pivotal role against the drug trade in 1992. The Gaviria
Government's decision in July to challenge the corruption which allowed
drug lord Pablo Escobar to run his Medellin cartel out of a luxury
prison was a sign of government determination to challenge a potential
threat to its sovereignty. The Medellin cartel's violent response
appears to have strengthened the government's resolve to put an end to
the cartel's operations.
Throughout 1992, the Colombian Government maintained an active
enforcement and crop suppression program. Because the government had to
shift limited resources from coca and cocaine control operations to
destruction of the country's rapidly expanding opium poppy crop, year-
end data for coca suppression and cocaine seizures were lower than
projected. Nonetheless, they show progress. Areas under coca
cultivation dropped to 37,100 ha, a slight decline from 1991's estimate
of 37,500 ha. Cocaine HCl [hydrochloride] seizures fell to
approximately 32 mt from approximately 77 mt last year. To a large
extent, the seizure rate was a casualty of shifting enforcement
resources, including aircraft, to the anti-poppy campaign.
Although the Government of Bolivia only eradicated three-quarters of its
7,000-hectare target for 1992, the country's coca cultivation showed a
net decline and is now at its lowest in 5 years. At the end of 1992,
there were an estimated 45,500 ha under cultivation, a 14% drop from
1989's high of an estimated 52,900 ha. This steady reduction
underscores the importance of the combination of political determination
and a regular crop control program in turning back the spread of an
illegal drug crop. Even a modest display of political will can produce
important results.
In counter-narcotics operations, Bolivian enforcement actions led to
record seizures of coca leaf, paste, base, and precursor chemicals. An
important accomplishment was the seizure of approximately 50 mt of "agua
rica" paste and base. Agua rica, a weakly acidic suspension of cocaine
which can apparently last indefinitely without spoiling, is a relatively
new product. Since it can readily be converted into finished cocaine
HCl, seizures of this magnitude have an important impact on drug flows.
Peru continues to be the country where counter-narcotics progress faces
its greatest challenges. Since Peru is also the source of the bulk of
the drug trade's coca leaf, it is the key country in the anti-cocaine
effort. Although more than 60% of the world's coca is cultivated in
Peru, the Fujimori Government has not taken effective anti-drug action
in the face of continuing insurgent violence, economic chaos, and
political uncertainty. Last year, Peru's coca cultivation rose by 7%
from an estimated 120,800 ha in 1991 to an estimated 129,100 ha in 1992.
Most of the expansion was in insurgent areas. Unless the Government of
Peru takes more aggressive action, further expansion of the Peruvian
coca crop will offset hard-won gains in Bolivia and Colombia.
Enforcement authorities in Ecuador scored a major success in June 1992
by dismantling the Jorge Reyes Torres narcotics organization, one of the
continent's important trafficking organizations. Thanks to an operation
along the Colombian border in February, Ecuadorian police seized nearly
4 mt of cocaine, over three times the quantity captured in any of the
previous years.
In Mexico, the Salinas Government continued to pursue a vigorous anti-
drug policy. Mexican authorities seized 38.8 mt of cocaine during 1992,
as well as large amounts of marijuana and heroin. The Northern Border
Response Force (NBRF), working closely with US Government agencies, was
responsible for a record 28.7 mt of cocaine, nearly 70% of the total
seizures. Mexico also continued to make important reductions in its
opium poppy crops.
Law enforcement authorities in most of the Central American countries
have been carrying out active anti-drug efforts. Though the volume of
drugs seized has been relatively small, in Honduras cocaine seizures
tripled from 0.5 mt in 1991 to nearly 1.5 mt in 1992. In Panama, in
July 1992, government authorities seized 5.3 tons of cocaine in the
Colon Free Zone, the largest single cocaine seizure to date in Central
America and the Caribbean. Over 10 mt were seized in Panama in 1992.
In Guatemala, anti-drug operations were responsible for the seizure of
9.5 mt in the country.
In the Caribbean, anti-drug actions continued to show results. In
Jamaica, cocaine seizures rose from 60 kg [kilograms] in 1991 to nearly
0.5 mt in 1992. Although cocaine seizures dropped slightly in The
Bahamas to 4.8 mt from 5.3 mt in 1991, they remain higher than in 1990.
Since the government has maintained a high level of effort, the lower
seizure rate may reflect a shift in modes or routes by the drug trade.
Opium
Amid signs that the US cocaine market may be leveling off, Latin
American trafficking organizations appear to be looking to heroin as the
drug of the 1990s. In contrast to stimulants such as cocaine, which
burn out their users in anywhere from a few months to a few years, a
depressant such as heroin can be used over decades or longer periods.
Heroin is also considerably more lucrative to the drug wholesaler than
cocaine. Where a kilo[gram] of cocaine might fetch between $15,000 and
$30,000 wholesale, an equal amount of heroin could sell for between
$180,000 and $200,000. New forms of heroin are also showing up on the
market. Although most heroin used in the United States is injected, the
fear of AIDS and the convenience of eliminating hypodermic needles may
enhance the appeal of the smokable variety, heroin no. 3.
Traditionally, most of the heroin consumed in the United States has come
from Southeast and Southwest Asia (refined white heroin) or Mexico
(brown tar). In the past few years, however, Colombian cocaine cartels
apparently have been experimenting with diversification by cultivating
opium poppies in the Andes. They have been expanding their operations
rapidly. The estimated 2,300 ha discovered in Colombia in 1991 exploded
to an estimated 32,000 ha in 1992. Thanks to an active and costly poppy
spraying program, the Colombian Government has destroyed an estimated
12,700 ha of the crop. While the remaining 20,000 ha theoretically
could produce as much as 20 mt of heroin, it seems that the
inefficiencies of the "learning curve" are keeping production low.
Since some fields have also been found in Ecuador and there are reports
of incipient cultivation in Peru, the US Government is working closely
with the concerned governments to ensure that the opium industry does
not gain a firm foothold in South America.
Such action is especially important because most of the world's opium
grows in Burma, Afghanistan, and Laos, countries in which the US
Government and other Western governments have limited influence. If all
its potential poppy cultivation were processed into heroin, Burma alone
could satisfy the world's known demand for the drug. Since the break-up
of the Soviet empire, there are indications that some of the Central
Asian countries could also become illicit opium producers. Economic
difficulties and the presence of well-organized smuggling groups raise
the specter of new heroin-trafficking networks to Europe and perhaps the
United States.
Another disturbing development is the emergence of Nigerian drug-
trafficking organizations which seek to control heroin distribution in
the way that the Colombian cartels dominate the cocaine trade. There
are reports of Nigerian drug couriers turning up in capitals from Tokyo
to Addis Ababa, not to mention the growing numbers arrested annually by
US Customs. The US Government is working with the Nigerian Government
to curb the growth of an international "Nigerian connection" and focus
enforcement efforts on Nigerian drug barons rather than on low-level
couriers.
The good news in opium and heroin control is that in those areas where
governments have been willing to destroy crops systematically,
cultivation has declined markedly. Mexico's sustained crop control
program over the past 3 years has reduced poppy cultivation to its
lowest level in nearly a decade. As all significant reduction has taken
place under the Salinas Administration, there is a clear correlation
between the exercise of political will and accomplishment. In
Guatemala, there were also dramatic results from an aggressive crop
control program. In 1992, with US Government assistance, Guatemalan
authorities virtually eliminated a crop which a year earlier potentially
could have yielded nearly 12 mt of opium.
In Southwest Asia, there was limited progress in controlling opium
production. Although Pakistan--which produces about one-fifth of the
heroin coming to the United States--reduced opium poppy cultivation
slightly, the government lost momentum in attacking traffickers. In
1992, there were only two prosecutions of major traffickers, while less-
stringent banking regulations made it easier for trafficking
organizations to launder their profits. In Afghanistan, the second-
largest opium producer after Burma, poppy cultivation increased in 1992
by 12%. The US Government is working with local Afghan leaders and
other donor nations to help Afghanistan reduce its opium poppy
cultivation.
In the Golden Triangle area of Burma, Laos, and Thailand--where three-
quarters of the world's opium originates--total cultivation was down by
approximately 6%, primarily as a result of weather. Burma, which
continues to account for about 60% of potential worldwide opium and
heroin production, took few effective measures to curb either poppy
cultivation or heroin-trafficking. Opium poppy cultivation expanded in
some insurgent-controlled areas where previously Burmese Government crop
suppression campaigns had made important inroads. These are areas where
the Burmese Government reached a political accommodation with certain
ethnic groups to permit poppy cultivation and drug-trafficking. Burmese
authorities have made only half-hearted attempts to curb the drug trade.
Seizures remain insignificant, while major traffickers in some cases
openly associate with senior military officials. The current Burmese
Government seems more interested in maintaining a truce with former
insurgent groups linked to the drug trade than in curtailing heroin
production. The US Government continues to urge the Government of Burma
to move against the trafficking organizations.
Laos, the world's third-largest opium producing country, is the only one
of the top three to reduce its potential opium production in each of the
past 3 years. Thanks to US Government and UNDCP assistance, better
enforcement, and an active public information program, estimated opium
production declined 13% in 1992 from 1991, bringing the total crop
reduction since the initiation of US Government and UNDCP-funded rural
development/opium replacement programs in 1989 to 39%.
Once a source country for opiates, Thailand has sustained an active
opium poppy crop control program, with total cultivation declining by
50% since 1989. Opium poppy hectarage in 1992 was at its lowest in
more than 12 years. Thailand, however, remains the primary conduit for
heroin from the Golden Triangle sold in the United States.
Next Steps
Under US Government leadership, the international anti-drug effort must
continue to focus on the drug trade at its four most vulnerable points:
at the source, in processing, in the distribution system, and in the
financial area. Except for crop destruction at the source, the drug
trade is most vulnerable in its finances, since not only are financial
flows potentially subject to the greatest degree of intergovernmental
control, but they lie at the heart of the enterprise. The drug cartels
are part of a large money-generating machine which itself is fueled by
money. Without fuel, the machine can neither function nor produce more
money. If through joint action concerned governments can cut the flow
of illicit drug money for long enough, they can deal a strong blow to
the drug trade.
More effective action and cooperation with other countries in the
Chemical Action Task Force is also important in order to deprive the
drug processors of the chemicals they need to transform raw materials
into finished drugs. The US Government will continue to support OAS
efforts to foster adoption and effective implementation of the OAS model
regulations on precursor chemicals controls and on money-laundering and
asset forfeiture. The US Government will also work with the UNDCP and
OAS-CICAD in strengthening the judicial systems of Latin American and
Caribbean states.
Reducing the demand for drugs overseas will continue to be an important
focus of US Government anti-drug policy, helping developing countries
reduce or prevent the growth of addict populations. While the US
Government will strengthen its bilateral demand reduction programs, it
will also promote a strong United Nations effort, working with the major
industrialized countries to implement the UN System-Wide Action Plan.
We will give special attention to working with the UN specialized
agencies such as UNICEF [UN Children's Fund] to promote effective drug
abuse prevention programs in those countries of Latin America where
large numbers of young people, especially "street children," are at
risk.
While promoting short- to medium-term success requires assistance from
the United States, Europe, and other donors, long-term progress in
suppressing the drug trade depends on the commitment of the frontline
drug countries themselves. The drug trade has prospered because for
many years the major drug-producing and transit countries felt neither
responsible for nor threatened by the drug problem. In less than a
decade, attitudes have altered dramatically. The frontline drug
countries recognize the threat which the drug trade poses to their
national sovereignty. Only a few, however, have the economic resources
and political determination to crack down on the drug trade on their
own.
We must work to change this situation. Although the US Government will
provide the leadership as well as many of the resources in attacking the
international drug trade, we cannot be the sole driving force. The
frontline drug-producing and transit countries themselves must take the
initiative to protect their national sovereignty by attacking drug-
related corruption before it undermines the core of democratic
government. They must strengthen judicial and legislative institutions
partially tainted by drug money as well as reform financial institutions
to prevent money-laundering. They must also focus on the damage which
drug consumption is doing among their own youth and create effective
demand reduction and treatment programs to protect a generation which
otherwise could be lost to addiction.
In summary, success depends on joint action driven by individual
national commitment. If we can build on our achievements in denying the
drug trade the necessary raw materials, in restricting its area of
operations, and, more importantly, in eliminating any useful market for
its products, in a few years we may be able to downgrade illicit drugs
from serious threat to manageable nuisance. (###)
ARTICLE 8.
UN Security Council Resolutions On Somalia, UNPROFOR
Resolution 814 on Somalia (March 26, 1993)
The Security Council,
Reaffirming its resolutions 733 (1992) of 23 January 1992, 746 (1992) of
17 March 1992, 751 (1992) of 24 April 1992, 767 (1992) of 27 July 1992,
775 (1992) of 28 August 1992 and 794 (1992) of 3 December 1992,
Bearing in mind General Assembly resolution 47/167 of 18 December 1992,
Commending the efforts of Member States acting pursuant to resolution
794 (1992) to establish a secure environment for humanitarian relief
operations in Somalia,
Acknowledging the need for a prompt, smooth and phased transition from
the Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to the expanded United Nations Operation
in Somalia (UNOSOM II),
Regretting the continuing incidents of violence in Somalia and the
threat they pose to the reconciliation process,
Deploring the acts of violence against persons engaging in humanitarian
efforts on behalf of the United Nations, States, and non-governmental
organizations,
Noting with deep regret and concern the continuing reports of widespread
violations of international humanitarian law and the general absence of
the rule of law in Somalia,
Recognizing that the people of Somalia bear the ultimate responsibility
for national reconciliation and reconstruction of their own country,
Acknowledging the fundamental importance of a comprehensive and
effective programme for disarming Somali parties, including movements
and factions,
Noting the need for continued humanitarian relief assistance and for the
rehabilitation of Somalia's political institutions and economy,
Concerned that the crippling famine and drought in Somalia, compounded
by the civil strife, have caused massive destruction to the means of
production and the natural and human resources of that country,
Expressing its appreciation to the Organization of African Unity, the
League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and
the Non-Aligned Movement for their cooperation with, and support of, the
efforts of the United Nations in Somalia,
Further expressing its appreciation to all Member States which have made
contributions to the fund established pursuant to paragraph 11 of
resolution 794 (1992) and to all those who have provided humanitarian
assistance to Somalia,
Commending the efforts, in difficult circumstances, of the initial
United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) established pursuant to
resolution 751 (1992),
Expressing its appreciation for the invaluable assistance the
neighbouring countries have been providing to the international
community in its efforts to restore peace and security in Somalia and to
host large numbers of refugees displaced by the conflict and taking note
of the difficulties caused to them due to the presence of refugees in
their territories,
Convinced that the restoration of law and order throughout Somalia would
contribute to humanitarian relief operations, reconciliation and
political settlement, as well as to the rehabilitation of Somalia's
political institutions and economy,
Convinced also of the need for broad-based consultations and
deliberations to achieve reconciliation, agreement on the setting up of
transitional government institutions and consensus on basic principles
and steps leading to the establishment of representative democratic
institutions,
Recognizing that the re-establishment of local and regional
administrative institutions is essential to the restoration of domestic
tranquillity,
Encouraging the Secretary-General and his Special Representative to
continue and intensify their work at the national, regional and local
levels, including and encouraging broad participation by all sectors of
Somali society, to promote the process of political settlement and
national reconciliation and to assist the people of Somalia in
rehabilitating their political institutions and economy,
Expressing its readiness to assist the people of Somalia, as
appropriate, on a local, regional or national level, to participate in
free and fair elections, with a view towards achieving and implementing
a political settlement,
Welcoming the progress made at the United Nations-sponsored Informal
Preparatory Meeting on Somali Political Reconciliation in Addis Ababa
from 4 to 15 January 1993, in particular the conclusion at that meeting
of three agreements by the Somali parties, including movements and
factions, and welcoming also any progress made at the Conference on
National Reconciliation which began in Addis Ababa on 15 March 1993,
Emphasizing the need for the Somali people, including movements and
factions, to show the political will to achieve security, reconciliation
and peace,
Noting the reports of States concerned of 17 December 1992 (S/24976)
and 19 January 1993 (S/25126) and of the Secretary-General of 19
December 1992 (S/24992) and 26 January 1993 (S/25168) on the
implementation of resolution 794 (1992),
Having examined the report of the Secretary-General of 3 March 1993
(S/25354 and Add.1 and 2),
Welcoming the intention of the Secretary-General to seek maximum economy
and efficiency and to keep the size of the United Nations presence, both
military and civilian, to the minimum necessary to fulfil its mandate,
Determining that the situation in Somalia continues to threaten peace
and security in the region,
A
1. Approves the report of the Secretary-General of 3 March 1993;
2. Expresses its appreciation to the Secretary-General for convening
the Conference on National Reconciliation for Somalia in accordance with
the agreements reached during the Informal Preparatory Meeting on Somali
Political Reconciliation in Addis Ababa in January 1993 and for the
progress achieved towards political reconciliation in Somalia, and also
for his efforts to ensure that, as appropriate, all Somalis, including
movements, factions, community leaders, women, professionals,
intellectuals, elders and other representative groups are suitably
represented at such conferences;
3. Welcomes the convening of the Third United Nations Coordination
Meeting for Humanitarian Assistance for Somalia in Addis Ababa from 11
to 13 March 1993 and the willingness expressed by Governments through
this process to contribute to relief and rehabilitation efforts in
Somalia, where and when possible;
4. Requests the Secretary-General, through his Special Representative,
and with assistance, as appropriate, from all relevant United Nations
entities, offices and specialized agencies, to provide humanitarian and
other assistance to the people of Somalia in rehabilitating their
political institutions and economy and promoting political settlement
and national reconciliation, in accordance with the recommendations
contained in his report of 3 March 1993, including in particular:
(a) To assist in the provision of relief and in the economic
rehabilitation of Somalia, based on an assessment of clear, prioritized
needs, and taking into account, as appropriate, the 1993 Relief and
Rehabilitation Programme for Somalia prepared by the United Nations
Department of Humanitarian Affairs;
(b) To assist in the repatriation of refugees and displaced persons
within Somalia;
(c) To assist the people of Somalia to promote and advance political
reconciliation, through broad participation by all sectors of Somali
society, and the re-establishment of national and regional institutions
and civil administration in the entire country;
(d) To assist in the re-establishment of Somali police, as appropriate
at the local, regional or national level, to assist in the restoration
and maintenance of peace, stability and law and order, including in the
investigation and facilitating the prosecution of serious violations of
international humanitarian law;
(e) To assist the people of Somalia in the development of a coherent
and integrated programme for the removal of mines throughout Somalia;
(f) To develop appropriate public information activities in support of
the United Nations activities in Somalia;
(g) To create conditions under which Somali civil society may have a
role, at every level, in the process of political reconciliation and in
the formulation and realization of rehabilitation and reconstruction
programmes;
B
Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
5. Decides to expand the size of the UNOSOM force and its mandate in
accordance with the recommendations contained in paragraphs 56-88 of the
report of the Secretary-General of 3 March 1993, and the provisions of
this resolution;
6. Authorizes the mandate for the expanded UNOSOM (UNOSOM II) for an
initial period through 31 October 1993, unless previously renewed by the
Security Council;
7. Emphasizes the crucial importance of disarmament and the urgent need
to build on the efforts of UNITAF in accordance with paragraphs 56-69 of
the report of the Secretary-General of 3 March 1993;
8. Demands that all Somali parties, including movements and factions,
comply fully with the commitments they have undertaken in the agreements
they concluded at the Informal Preparatory Meeting on Somali Political
Reconciliation in Addis Ababa, and in particular with their Agreement on
Implementing the Cease-fire and on Modalities of Disarmament (S/25168,
annex III);
9. Further demands that all Somali parties, including movements and
factions, take all measures to ensure the safety of the personnel of the
United Nations and its agencies as well as the staff of the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), intergovernmental
organizations and non-governmental organizations engaged in providing
humanitarian and other assistance to the people of Somalia in
rehabilitating their political institutions and economy and promoting
political settlement and national reconciliation;
10. Requests the Secretary-General to support from within Somalia the
implementation of the arms embargo established by resolution 733 (1992),
utilizing as available and appropriate the UNOSOM II forces authorized
by this resolution, and to report on this subject, with any
recommendations regarding more effective measures if necessary, to the
Security Council;
11. Calls upon all States, in particular neighbouring States, to
cooperate in the implementation of the arms embargo established by
resolution 733 (1992);
12. Requests the Secretary-General to provide security, as appropriate,
to assist in the repatriation of refugees and the assisted resettlement
of displaced persons, utilizing UNOSOM II forces, paying particular
attention to those areas where major instability continues to threaten
peace and security in the region;
13. Reiterates its demand that all Somali parties, including movements
and factions, immediately cease and desist from all breaches of
international humanitarian law and reaffirms that those responsible for
such acts be held individually accountable;
14. Requests the Secretary-General, through his Special Representative,
to direct the Force Commander of UNOSOM II to assume responsibility for
the consolidation, expansion and maintenance of a secure environment
throughout Somalia, taking account of the particular circumstances in
each locality, on an expedited basis in accordance with the
recommendations contained in his report of 3 March 1993, and in this
regard to organize a prompt, smooth and phased transition from UNITAF to
UNOSOM II;
C
15. Requests the Secretary-General to maintain the fund established
pursuant to resolution 794 (1992) for the additional purpose of
receiving contributions for maintenance of UNOSOM II forces following
the departure of UNITAF forces and for the establishment of Somali
police, and calls on Member States to make contributions to this fund,
in addition to their assessed contributions;
16. Expresses appreciation to the United Nations agencies,
intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations and the ICRC for
their contributions and assistance and requests the Secretary-General to
ask them to continue to extend financial, material and technical support
to the Somali people in all regions of the country;
17. Requests the Secretary-General to seek, as appropriate, pledges and
contributions from States and others to assist in financing the
rehabilitation of the political institutions and economy of Somalia;
18. Requests the Secretary-General to keep the Security Council fully
informed on action taken to implement the present resolution, in
particular to submit as soon as possible a report to the Council
containing recommendations for establishment of Somali police forces and
thereafter to report no later than every ninety days on the progress
achieved in accomplishing the objectives set out in the present
resolution;
19. Decides to conduct a formal review of the progress towards
accomplishing the purposes of the present resolution no later than 31
October 1993;
20. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
VOTE: Unanimous (15-0).
Resolution 815 on UNPROFOR (March 30, 1993)
The Security Council,
Reaffirming its resolution 743 (1992) and all subsequent resolutions
relating to the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR),
Reaffirming in particular its commitment to ensure respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Croatia and of the other
Republics where UNPROFOR is deployed,
Having considered the report of the Secretary-General dated 25 March
1993 (S/25470 and Add. 1),
Deeply concerned by the continuing violations by the parties and others
concerned of their cease-fire obligations,
Determining that the situation thus created continues to constitute a
threat to peace and security in the region,
Determined to ensure the security of UNPROFOR and its freedom of
movement for all its missions, and to these ends acting under Chapter
VII of the Charter of the United Nations,
1. Approves the report of the Secretary-General, in particular its
paragraph 5;
2. Reaffirms all the provisions of its resolutions 802 (1993) and 807
(1993);
3. Decides to reconsider one month after the date of this resolution,
or at any time at the request of the Secretary-General, UNPROFOR's
mandate in light of developments of the International Conference on the
Former Yugoslavia and the situation on the ground;
4. Decides, in this context, further to extend UNPROFOR's mandate for
an additional interim period terminating on 30 June 1993;
5. Supports the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the
International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in their efforts to
help to define the future status of those territories comprising the
United Nations Protected Areas (UNPAs), which are integral parts of the
territory of the Republic of Croatia, and demands full respect for
international humanitarian law, and in particular the Geneva
Conventions, in these Areas;
6. Requests the Secretary-General to report urgently to the Council on
how the United Nations Peace Plan for Croatia can be effectively
implemented;
7. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
VOTE: Unanimous (15-0). (###)
ARTICLE 9.
Sixth Report on War Crimes In the Former Yugoslavia Following is the
text of the Supple- mental United States Submission of Information to
the United Nations Security Council in Accordance With Paragraph 5 of
Resolution 771 (1992) and Paragraph 1 of Resolution 780 (1992), dated
March 1, 1993.
Editor's Note: The report contains graphic descriptions.
For the texts of the first five reports, see the following issues of
Dispatch:
Vol. 3, No. 39, p. 732;
Vol. 3, No. 44, p. 802;
Vol. 3, No. 46, p. 825;
Vol. 3, No. 52, p. 917; and
Vol. 4, No. 6, p. 75.
For the text of Resolution 771, see Dispatch Vol. 3, No. 33, p. 652 or
Dispatch Supplement Vol. 3, No. 7, p. 44.
For the text of Resolution 780, see Dispatch Vol. 3, No. 41, p. 769.
This is the sixth submission by the US Government of information
pursuant to paragraph 5 of Security Council Resolution 771 (1992)
relating to the violations of humanitarian law, including grave breaches
of the Geneva Conventions, being committed in the territory of the
former Yugoslavia. As in our previous reports, we have focused on grave
breaches of the Geneva Conventions and, in accordance with Resolution
771, have provided information that is "substantiated," that is, which
rests upon eyewitness testimony directly available to us or that
includes detail sufficient for corroboration.
We have tried not to duplicate information provided to us from other
countries and non-governmental sources, which we understand will submit
reports pursuant to Resolutions 771 and 780. The United States has
further information substantiating the incidents included in this
report, which we will make available on a confidential basis directly to
the commission of experts established under Security Council Resolution
780.
In accordance with paragraph 1 of Resolution 780, the United States
intends to continue providing reports as additional relevant information
comes into our possession. As in our previous reports, the notations at
the end of each of the items indicate the source from which the
information was drawn.
Former Yugoslavia: Grave Breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention,
Sixth Submission
Willful Killing
Jul.-Aug 92: A 20-year-old Bosnian Muslim from the village of
Harambine, near Prijedor, described his capture by Serbian forces in
July and the events leading to the murder of his father and five other
men. He was held in Omarska camp for 3 weeks, from July 20 until August
6. During his time there, he witnessed the deaths of about 20 men. He
was then transferred to Manjaca camp, from which he was released to the
International Committee of the Red Cross [ICRC] on December 18, 1992.
The witness fled his home on May 23, 1992, when Serbian soldiers
attacked. He said his village was the first in the region attacked by
the Serbs because they claimed Muslim soldiers from Harambine had killed
Serbian soldiers. He fled with his family to the settlement of Ravne,
in the nearby village of Biscani, to live with his uncle. On July 20,
however, Serbs came to arrest all men over the age of 15 from Biscani.
Judging by their accents and the style of caps which they wore, the
witness believes that his captors were Montenegrins.
One hundred meters from the house, on the road leading to the center of
Biscani, the soldiers stopped the group and searched them for valuables.
Another 200 meters down the road, the group stopped again. This time
the soldiers ordered the eight men, who had lined up in pairs, to begin
beating the man next to them in line. The witness was on the end of the
line and standing next to his father, so he was being ordered to begin
beating his father. Each of the pairs in the group were similar, with
father pitted against son, or brother versus brother.
After a short while, the man in the pair next to the witness refused the
soldiers' exhortations to beat his son more fiercely. One of the
soldiers then marched the man off the road and into the ditch where he
shot him.
By the end of the ordeal, six of the men either refused or were unable
to continue beating their kin and were executed. The witness and the
youngest in the group managed to persuade the soldiers to spare them by
lying and pleading that they were only 18 years old. The soldiers,
however, did beat the two boys badly, and the witness lost a tooth.
The two prisoners continued down the road with the soldiers, leaving
their relatives' bodies in the ditch. After 500 meters, they joined a
group of over 100 men, all of whom were ordered to lie on the ground
with their hands on their heads. They were then beaten for 30 minutes
before two buses arrived to take the men to the detention camp. Many of
the men never made it onto the buses. The witness described how an
elderly cousin of his was asked his age. The man replied, "70," and was
told to go home, but 50 meters before the old man reached his house,
another soldier shot him in the back.
After 4 hours, the buses arrived at Omarska camp, a distance of about 20
kilometers from Biscani. All of the men, about 100 in all, were sent to
the "white house." The witness was held in the white house for 2 weeks,
during which time he was only interrogated and beaten once. But many
mornings, on the way to the toilets, he saw bodies awaiting transport or
burial.
After 2 weeks, the witness was transferred to a large hangar, where the
majority of the prisoners were held. He saw no beatings here, but
guards came to the hall sometimes, calling out a list of names of men
who would then be taken away. The witness saw some of them die after
returning from their beatings.
On four or five occasions, the men would be lined up for a roll call in
the central yard after lunch. As they stood there, someone would begin
shooting at the group from a distance. They could hear the bullets
whistling through the air. He saw a man killed in this manner, and
another who was hit in the ear by a bullet. On August 6, the witness
was transferred to Manjaca camp where he said beatings occurred but
where conditions were much better than they had been in Omarska.
(Department of State)
Jul-Aug 92: A 40-year-old Muslim male from Matrici witnessed tortures
and murders in the Keraterm and Trnopolje camps.
On July 9, 1992, local Serbs and others from outside the area collected
all Muslim males from Matrici in groups and marched them to Trnopolje.
The witness, one of those rounded up, believes the Serb captors belonged
to the White Eagle paramilitary organization and to "Arkan's men." He
identified two of the men, both from Gornji Orlovci. The Serbs randomly
beat and killed some of the prisoners along the way. The witness saw
approximately 25 bodies along the roads and in nearby fields,
apparently victims from earlier groups.
Upon arrival at Trnopolje, the men of Matrici were bused to Omarska,
then to the Keraterm facility at Prijedor. The men were then confined
to rooms so tightly packed that they could sit but not lie down. For
the first several days they received no food or water. Following that
period, water and an inadequate amount of food was provided.
The witness estimates that due to beatings, torture, or executions by
guards as well as other Serbs who were not members of the regular camp
complement, about 400-500 prisoners at Keraterm died from early July
until August 5, 1992, when about 1,500 inmates were transferred to
Trnopolje due to an impending visit to Keraterm by the Red Cross.
(Department of State)
Apr-Aug 92: A 22-year-old male from Teslic, about 60 kilometers
southeast of Banja Luka, said that in late April and early May 1992,
Serbian infantry forces attacked Mostar, forcing the populace to flee
into the hills surrounding the city.
Those taken captive were later organized into truck convoys, one of
which arrived on June 1 in Gacko. The 15 prisoners in this truck were
unloaded in front of the city's hotel, where they were beaten by local
Serbs before being put into the hotel's basement. Already incarcerated
in the basement were about 100 prominent Muslims of Gacko, including
its wealthier businessmen, civic leaders, and teachers, as well as one
Croat. Every night, eight or nine prisoners were taken upstairs and
interrogated for military information and beaten for 2 or 3 hours.
About 15 never returned. Through messages passed by secret means, the
prisoners learned those who disappeared were buried in a mass grave in
Gacko's World War II Partisan Cemetery.
One local Serb guard from Gacko, on the night of June 28, began firing
into the basement--killing one Muslim, Osman, and wounding another.
On July 1, the prisoners were called from the basement in groups of 10,
made to pass through a gauntlet of Serb guards who beat them, and then
boarded into a large truck. Semad Memic, the 25-year-old leader of the
local chapter of the Mlada Bosna (Young Bosnian) organization, the youth
wing of the Muslim Party for Democratic Action (SDA), was ordered from
the truck and shot and killed when he tried to escape. The guards also
killed two other Muslim prisoners.
Instead of being exchanged for Serbian prisoners as they had been told,
the roughly 100 Muslims were taken to a former Yugoslav Army Reserve
Officer training academy in Bileca that was commanded by a Serb from the
Sarajevo area. There the prisoners experienced random beating and were
forced to eat from the same cans in which they relieved themselves. Two
prisoners subsequently died from injuries received during beatings.
(Department of State)
Apr-Aug 92: A 34-year-old Croatian from Sanski Most said that the
Serbian repression of the Muslim and Croatian inhabitants of his town,
which had begun in April with the dismissal of non-Serbian police
officers, reached a climax on May 23 when a Serbian artillery element of
the Sixth Krajiska Brigade began advancing on Muslim areas from the
surrounding hills.
The following morning, three- and four-man groups of armed Serbs began
arresting male members of Muslim and Croat families. The men were taken
to the basement of the police headquarters where they were beaten for
days. Some of the men were later released, but of 33 non-Serbian
policemen from Sanski Most, 17 were killed there during interrogations.
Eight were sent to Manjaca. (Department of State)
20-30 Jul 92: A Bosnian Muslim refugee described the rounding up at
gunpoint on July 20 of the inhabitants of the village of Rizvahovici,
near Prijedor, by 100-150 Serbian soldiers. About three-quarters of
this force consisted of Serb "Chetniks" and members of the White Eagle
paramilitary group, while the remainder were local Serbs, most of whom
were well-known to the Muslim villagers. Two Serbs relayed all orders.
The witness, along with other men aged 60 or older, was made to wait in
a house while the younger villagers and others from the surrounding area
were loaded into four buses. During this process, the witness watched
through a window of the house as 29 villagers were randomly separated
from the younger group and killed by the Chetniks and White Eagles.
Nine days later the witness was brought to a Serbian-run detention
center in Trnopolje, commanded by a professor from a technical training
school in Prijedor. A local Serbian coal worker was second in charge.
During the day and night the witness spent in the camp, he saw four Serb
soldiers grab a 17-year-old girl and drag her into the bushes. Those
inmates within sight of this were forced into the school where they
could not see outside. He also observed inhabitants taken out of the
camp that night and then heard gunshots. He never saw these individuals
return to the camp. (Department of State)
Jun-Jul 92: A 58-year-old Bosnian Muslim said that a Serbian unit
identified as the Sixth Brigade from Sanski Most occupied the village of
Sanica Gorija on June 1, 1992, and began rounding up all Muslims between
the ages of 18 and 60 for transport to the Manjaca camp. During the
witness's time at Manjaca, the camp received hundreds of inmates from
various areas of Bosnia including a group of 1,200 Muslims from the
Omarska area on the evening of July 19.
The next morning, as the captives were unloaded for processing, Serbian
guards attacked and killed 24 of the Muslims with knives. One of those
attacked was a prominent 60-year-old businessman from Prijedor. On July
29, a high-ranking member of the Bosnian Muslim party was also beaten to
death by guards. (Department of State)
May-Aug 92: A 32-year-old male Bosnian Muslim from the village of
Kozarusa, near Trnopolje, gave a report on his incarceration at the
Keraterm and Omarska facilities.
Following a 2-day Serbian shelling of his village commencing May 20, he
and the other 200 male inhabitants were rounded up by Serbs, packed into
buses, and taken to detention camps including Keraterm, Omarska, and
Trnopolje. Women and children were bused to Trnopolje, Zenica, and
finally Croatia.
The witness said that those taken to Keraterm were packed so tightly
into a building they could not lie down. During their 2-day stay, they
received neither food nor water. On or about May 23, the Serbs emptied
Keraterm and bused about 300 captives to Omarska.
At Omarska, a Bosnian Serbian army officer on several occasions
conducted interrogation of prisoners accompanied by beatings. The
witness identified a taxi driver from Prijedor as the most vicious
guard. During the initial period two old men died after being beaten.
Other prisoners were taken out nightly and shot by executioners who wore
stocking caps to avoid recognition. Many prisoners also starved to
death at Omarska.
The witness said that on June 25 about 100 inmates were transferred to
Trnopolje. Other beatings and killings continued at Trnopolje. The
witness estimated that 50 to 60 prisoners died at this facility every
day. (Department of State)
May-Aug 92: A 44-year-old Bosnian Muslim from Prijedor, Bosnia, gave
the following report based on his personal experience as an inmate at
the Keraterm prisoner camp, from May to August 1992.
Keraterm camp was commanded by a 32-year-old Serbian male from Prijedor
who had previously been employed at the Celuloz Paper Mill. The guard
who first checked arriving prisoners at the camp was almost always a
brutal 22-year-old man known only as "the cook" because of his previous
occupation at a restaurant in the Sarajevo Agricultural Bank building in
Prijedor. He routinely stripped incoming prisoners of their jewelry and
money before beating them with metal pipes or thick wooden sticks, often
breaking bones. He also personally participated in the mass execution
of nearly 400 men in the prisoner's courtyard in the early morning hours
of July 19, 1992.
Also notorious for his brutality in the greater Prijedor area and the
most-feared man at Keraterm was a taxi cab driver who drove a beige-
colored Polish PZ125 taxi with Prijedor registration. Though not
assigned to Keraterm prison, he freely participated in beatings,
shootings, and the fatal torture of prisoners from the day Keraterm
opened until its closure. (Department of State)
28 May-26 Jul 92: A 60-year-old Muslim farmer from Modrica, in northern
Bosnia, described the looting and burning of all non-Serbian properties
in the village. The Catholic church was demolished by tanks and the
over-500-year-old mosque was dynamited.
There were also three mass killings perpetrated by Bosnian Serbs, the
first of which occurred about 100-200 meters from the power/transformer
station. The victims were buried at the site by a bulldozer. The
second mass killing took place near a second power line and transformer
station, where the victims also were buried at the site. The third mass
killing was performed behind the "Sutjesk" Junior High School on the
Serbian side of Modrica. Again, the victims were buried at the site.
(Department of State)
22 Jul 92: A 31-year-old Bosnian Croatian from Teslic, Slatina,
witnessed drunken Bosnian Serb militiamen beat to death about 50 Muslim
and Croatian prisoners in a local stadium on or about July 22, 1992.
Four or five soldiers, wearing red berets and green uniforms and from
the so-called Crveni Barek militia groups picked up the witness and his
friend, Anto Bavic, on July 12 in Teslic. Both he and his friend, whose
names were on the soldiers' list, were taken to a large, local
government house called Stara Opstina, where all the rooms and the
cellar were packed with Croatian and Muslim prisoners.
The witness described several beatings he received at this site, as well
as forced labor. On July 14, he and his fellow prisoners were
transferred to a local stadium.
On the morning of July 22, a group of about 25 drunken Serb soldiers
arrived at the stadium. The Muslim and Croatian prisoners were lined up
as usual. At about 6 am, the soldiers began calling names from a list.
One by one, the respondents went forward, and were beaten and stabbed to
death by as many as 10 Serbs at a time.
About 50 prisoners were killed by soldiers who over a period of 2 to 3
hours took turns drinking and murdering. Many of the victims, including
16-year-old Grgic Slavko, were mutilated with spikes, but the killers
used anything they could lay their hands on.
The witness's friend, Anto Bavic, was machine-gunned to death when he
refused to step forward and be butchered. Mrgan Grfic, aged 37, was
beaten to death with a baseball bat, and 27-year-old Jozo Gabic's right
eye was removed with a knife before his throat was cut.
The witness was able to escape in August, though not without being shot
in the leg by guards trying to stop him. (Department of State)
Jul 92: A 48-year-old Muslim from Sanica Donja, near Kljuc, witnessed
the occupation and shelling of that town and the decapitation of about
100 prisoners in Tomina.
Following a siege of about 1 month and an initial occupation of Sanica
Donja, regular Yugoslav National Army [JNA] troops again re-entered the
village on about July 3, 1992. Starting at one end of the village and
going from house to house, they took all the men hostage and used them
as a human screen as they went through the village.
The witness believes these JNA forces were from the Sixth Krajina
Brigade headquartered at Palanka. They were local Bosnian Serbs and
their regular JNA uniforms bore a Yugoslav flag on shoulder and hat. A
red ribbon was displayed on the pocket.
The roughly 32 men who were taken prisoner, including the witness, were
marched to the nearby village of Jerzerce, where they were loaded into a
canvas-covered truck and transported to Sanski Most. At around noon the
truck stopped at the Ojedinostvo school in Tomina; the rear canvas was
lifted and the prisoners could see the square in front of the school.
Two livestock transport trucks were parked on the square. Male
prisoners were brought out of the school three at a time by soldiers and
were walked over to three other soldiers near the trucks. These
soldiers laid the prisoners down and cut off their heads with a curved
knife about 30 centimeters long. Four men in civilian clothes,
apparently prisoners, then loaded the heads onto one truck and the
decapitated corpses into the other. During the hour the prisoners'
truck was parked in the square, about 100 prisoners were brought out of
the school and decapitated.
From Tomina the prisoners were driven to the municipal gymnasium at
Sanski Most, where they remained 11 days without food. During this time
two prisoners were taken each night to the police station for individual
interrogation. During the witness' interrogation, two policemen
alternately asked questions and beat him with shovel handles, hit him in
the stomach, and kicked him when he fell.
On about July 14, four large livestock transport trucks with trailers
moved all the prisoners from Sanski Most to Manjaca. Because of
malnutrition and dehydration, combined with the extreme heat in the
trucks, about 18 people died before reaching Manjaca.
Upon arrival at Manjaca the group of prisoners were addressed by the
camp commandant, a lieutenant colonel in the regular JNA, with a husky
build and white hair; from his dialect he appeared to the witness to be
a Macedonian. He wore no insignia indicating branch of service.
Apparently as an example to the prisoners, four soldiers brought two men
to the front and beat them with ax handles.
Each morning at about 6 am guards came through the stables where the
prisoners were housed, randomly beating them. Every night two to five
prisoners were taken by the guards for interrogation. Those called were
mostly wealthy people and intellectuals; at least two of them died as a
result of their beatings. One pharmacist returned with broken ribs.
(Department of State)
22 Jun 92: A 24-year-old Muslim housewife from Agici said that on June
22, 1992, at approximately 7 pm, a group of about 50 Serbians from the
village, which is some 4 kilometers from the Japra River, forced their
Muslim neighbors out of their homes.
The Muslims were marched to a graveyard about 1 kilometer from the
village in the direction of the Japra valley where the men were
separated from the women and children. There, the Serbs began beating
and taunting some of the Muslims; they shot and killed one Muslim 28-
year-old man, Fadic Ekic.
Around midnight, two farm tractors with trailers were brought to the
graveyard and transported the women and children to Urije Street in
Bosanski Novi. There they were taken out of the trailers and ordered to
turn over their valuables on threat of death. After the vehicles left,
the group appealed to residents for housing and were taken in. They
stayed in Bosanski Novi for 1 month before departing for Karlovac and
eventual safety in another country.
The 25 men who remained at the graveyard and two Muslim men who had been
made to drive the tractors transporting the women and children to
Bosanski Novi were never seen again. A Serbian backhoe operator later
told the women that he had been sent to the graveyard to bury the bodies
of the men, who had been killed after first being forced to dig their
own graves with their bare hands. (Department of State)
28 Apr-15 May 92: A 58-year-old Muslim male from Blagaj Japra made the
following report:
On April 28, 1992, Bosnian Serb forces took about 12,000 Bosnian Muslim
men, women, and children from the surrounding area to Blagaj Japra near
Bosanski Novi. Two hundred Muslim men, whose names appeared on a list
of those whose sons and brothers had joined the fighting against Bosnian
Serbian forces, were taken to an open field next to the Alici school
building, where they were lined up and executed by fire from automatic
weapons.
The order for the executions was given by a Bosnian Serb from Rakovac,
Bosnia. Some of the irregular soldiers who carried out the massacre
were local Bosnian Serbs identified by the witness.
The Bosnian Serb forces subsequently withdrew to positions in the nearby
hills encircling the town where for 5 days they periodically fired at
the village with heavy weapons and machine guns. The numbers of dead
and wounded were not known, but all buildings in the village were
heavily damaged.
On May 12, the Bosnian Serb forces re-entered the village and took the
survivors across the Sana River for transport by cargo train. At no
time on the train did they receive food or water. The train then went
to Banja Luka, where it remained for 2 days before departing for Stanari
on the morning of May 15. At Stanari, women, children, and men over 60
were taken off and sent to Croatian-held Doboj on foot.
Those men remaining on the train were taken back to Bosanski Novi, where
the stadium had been turned into a detention camp. The witness said
that food provided to the prisoners consisted only of soup given once a
day. Prisoners were also tortured during interrogation at a nearby
hotel; some prisoners taken for interrogation never returned.
(Department of State)
30 Apr 92: During the assault by Serbian forces on the region of Foca,
a 50-year-old male Bosnian Muslim from the village of Odzak witnessed 24
fellow villagers killed as they stood begging for mercy. Their bodies
were then thrown into nearby cisterns located at an unfinished airfield.
(Department of State)
6 Apr 92: A 43-year-old Bosnian Muslim witnessed murders by Bosnian
Serb militiamen.
On April 6, the witness fled Divic in the hope of finding greater
security at Hasim Hadziavdic's home in Zvornik, a few miles to the
north. When Bosnian Serb militiamen arrived there as well, he ran into
the woods behind Hasim's home, after failing to convince Hasim to flee
with him. Hasim felt he had to stay because his wife was disabled and
could not have kept up.
At about 4 pm, from a hiding place behind a nearby shed in the woods, he
saw a group of Arkan's soldiers approach Hasim's house. He recognized
one of them as a local "secret policeman." The police, carrying a list,
went into the house and came out with Hasim and a 74-year-old neighbor.
The witness was close enough to hear the police demand to know where
Hasim hid his money. In the middle of the discussion, shooting started
inside the house. Moments later, Hasim's wife was brought out, bleeding
from her head, nude from her waist up. She was dragged past her
husband, the neighbor, and their interrogators and into a waiting car.
The Serb police continued questioning Hasim, now demanding to know where
Hasim and other local Muslims were hiding their guns. When Hasim
pleaded "Where should I get guns from," the police abandoned the
interrogation and ordered a Serb soldier at his side to "slaughter him."
The nearby soldier grabbed Hasim by the mouth, yanked his head back,
pulled out a large knife, and cut Hasim's throat open. The elderly
neighbor fainted immediately. The same soldier stepped on the old man's
chest and slit his throat too.
The police and his accomplice then moved to the next house, which was
already being searched by other members of Arkan's militia. Sehic
Hakija, an old man sick with cancer, was waiting outside, along with his
son. Hakija tried showing his medicine as proof of his illness, but the
same soldier who had just murdered the two men next door similarly cut
the throats of Hakija and his son. The witness said that 46 people were
killed during that one hour by Arkan's men. (Department of State)
Jun-Jul 91: A 54-year-old Bosnian Muslim female resident of the village
of Zecovi, near Prijedor, gave the following report based on her
experience in that village:
On June 23, 1991, all males in Zecovi aged 16 or older were rounded up.
Some were killed on the spot while others were taken to unknown
locations. She identified the local Serbs responsible for the roundup
and killings (and later those of their wives and children) and the
looting and destruction of their victims' property.
(Department of State)
Torture of Prisoners
Aug-Dec 92: A 30-year-old woman described her experience as a Serbian
prisoner for 4 months in the town of Vogosca, near Sarajevo.
On the nights of August 19, 1992, at approximately 10 pm, a large group
of Serbian soldiers in uniform, carrying pistols, entered the witness's
apartment building. The soldiers had been going around to neighboring
apartment buildings looking for Muslim names on the doorbells.
The soldiers found the witness and other building residents in the
basement, where they separated the Muslims from the Serbs. Four of the
soldiers accompanied the witness to her apartment. There, they hit her
with a gun while asking her the whereabouts of her husband and looted
the apartment--taking what they wanted and destroying much of the rest.
She was then told to pack. She said the Serbs went into every Muslim
apartment building in the area ordering Muslims out of the buildings.
The Serbian soldiers loaded the witness, her son, four other women, and
another child into a truck. They were taken to a motel in Vogosca, 15
kilometers from Sarajevo, where they joined a group of about 40 Muslim
women, aged 18 to 40, and two 16-year-old girls. The witness remained
at the motel from August 20 to December 10, 1992.
The day she arrived at the motel, the witness was taken to speak with
the soldiers' commander, who demanded information about her husband and
brothers in the army. The commander kicked her and struck her head with
his hands. She said she was not beaten for a prolonged time on the
first occasion but that she was beaten 12 times in the first month. She
was raped twice during the 4 months.
She was raped the first time between late September and mid-October by
two drunken soldiers. She was raped a second time by three men in the
same time period. The soldiers who raped her were assigned to the camp.
In the motel, all the women slept in one room. Soldiers, usually drunk,
would come to the room at night to select their victims and take them
upstairs to be raped. Victims were chosen randomly. She believes every
woman at the motel was raped at least once.
The witness provided the names of two of the five men who raped her and
the aliases of two more of the men. She and her son were able to leave
the camp, according to her husband, because of a prisoner exchange. Her
family was later reunited in Hungary. (Department of State)
Jul 92: A 15-year-old Bosnian Muslim girl from Kozarac described being
gang-raped by at least eight Serbian soldiers and guards near Trnopolje.
The witness was in high school when the Serbian forces took charge of
her town of Kozarac. She fled on foot into the surrounding woods but
was later captured and imprisoned in the Trnopolje camp.
Three days after her arrival at the prison, she went with a large number
of women and other girls to fetch water from a well about 50 meters
from the prison gates. Returning from the well, Trnopolje guards held
back six girls, including the witness, and stopped them from re-entering
the prison gates. They were then joined by four more female prisoners.
Prison guards took the 10 girls to a house across the meadow. They were
taken to the side yard of the house, out of sight of the roadway.
Thirty Serbian soldiers--including "some dressed like a tank crew"--were
there and they taunted the girls, calling them "Turkish whores." The
girls were ordered to undress or have their clothes pulled off. Three
girls resisted or hesitated from their fear. Their clothes were cut off
with knives.
The Serbian soldiers told the naked girls to parade slowly in a circle.
The men sat at the outside of the circle--smoking, drinking, and calling
out foul names. The witness estimates the "parade" lasted about 15
minutes.
Three soldiers took one girl--one to rape her while the two others held
her down. The three men took turns. A soldier approached the witness
and mocked her, saying he had seen her before. Though she did not
recognize him, he pulled out a photo of the witness with her 19-year-old
Muslim boyfriend, whom he cursed for being in the Bosnian Territorial
Defense Forces.
The man with the photograph raped her first. The witness said she
fought and pulled his hair, but he bit her and hit her face. Her lips
bled. He hit her hard with the butt of his gun on her cheek, causing
extreme pain. Another rapist ran the blade of a knife across her
breasts as if to slice the skin off, leaving bleeding scratches. After
that, she was raped by eight more men before losing consciousness.
When the witness regained consciousness, a Trnopolje guard who had
attended her school came along and broke up the gang rape. As this
guard and the witness headed back toward the gates of Trnopolje camp,
the witness said the guard called back to the soldiers and other guards,
"Remember, you will be accountable for this!"
Soon after, the witness and her relatives were among a group of
Trnopolje prisoners released in exchange for Serbian prisoners at
Maglaj. (Department of State)
Mar 92: A 17-year-old Bosnian Muslim girl gave details of her detention
with about 60 women and girls in a forest motel, where the prisoners
were raped over a period of 4 months.
Serbian forces on March 3, 1992, captured the witness's town in the
vicinity of Teslic. She said the soldiers talked with a strong Serbian
dialect, including colloquialisms. Some had the White Eagle insignia on
their uniforms.
Some of the Serbian forces who burned and looted the houses in the town
were drunk. One of the drunk soldiers hit the witness's mother, calling
out that Muslims would regret the day they were born. On departing the
town, the soldiers fought over bottles of wine that had been left behind
in the central marketplace.
The prisoners were taken to a motel complex of small cabins located in
the forest about 5 hours away on foot from their hometown. Some cabins
were used as sentry boxes. The whole motel complex perimeter was fenced
off with barbed wire. Hundreds of old men, women, and children were
prisoners at the motel complex.
Upon arrival, the witness was separated from her mother and sister. She
never saw them again. She said the soldiers "raped us every night."
Most nights, 20 soldiers came to the motel. The female prisoners were
forced to strip, then to cook for the soldiers and serve them. Each
girl or young woman was raped by several soldiers, with several victims
in one room at a time. The witness experienced and saw so many rapes
that she could not give an estimate of the number.
One night, the Serb brother of one of the girls helped 12 girls,
including the witness, escape the motel complex. Two of the escapees
were later found and returned to the prison. The 10 others spent
several days hiding in improvised underground shelters in the forest.
The witness identified the most ruthless of the rapists, a man who raped
10-year-old girls "as a delicacy." She saw many of the younger females
die from the rapes. (Department of State)
17 Nov 91-Apr 92: A 48-year-old male Muslim captured at Vukovar on
November 17, 1991, described the brutal mistreatment and constant
beatings at the Stajicevo camp south of Zrenjanin, Serbia, manned by
Serbian reservists. While interned there he was ordered by an officer
known as Captain Dragan to kiss a Serbian paramilitary emblem. When he
refused, Dragan cut the left side of his mouth and stuck the emblem
between his teeth. When he refused again, Dragan dug out three of the
prisoner's teeth with a knife from which the prisoner bears a 4-inch
scar on the left side of his face.
On another occasion, the prisoner was taken to a small room where he was
strapped into a leather chair. Clamps were attached to his fingers and
electricity was introduced by a guard turning a dimmer switch. When the
prisoner began to quiver, the guards roared with laughter and increased
the power. Just before he passed out, water was thrown in his face and
the process began again.
Others were tortured in like manner. The witness identified the Serbs
who were known among inmates for their brutality. (Department of State)
Nov-Dec 91: A 32-year-old Croatian male from Borovo Naselje, Croatia,
described the torture he and others suffered at the Stajicevo detention
facility near Zrenjanin. At about 1 pm on November 20, 1991, Serbian
forces surrounded the new shoe factory in the town of Borovo Naselje and
forced the surrender of approximately 3,000 men, women, and children who
had taken shelter in the building's basement. These forces included six
T-55 tanks and two armed personnel carriers along with special troops
from a guard unit from Belgrade.
The witness, along with some 1,500 other males, was sent to the
Stajicevo camp at a farm near Zrenjanin. On November 29, he was
severely beaten several times during interrogation. He identified some
of the guards. (Department of State)
Sep 91: A 43-year-old Croatian male from Glina, Croatia, said that
while attempting to escape to Sisak during the second shelling of
Petrinja, Croatia, the JNA captured him and 30 other Croats and took
them to the Petrinja internment center located in the former JNA camp
known as Vasil Gacesa. The next morning, 26 members of the group were
released. The witness was one of five who were not released.
The witness provided detailed information on one incident in which a
prisoner was repeatedly beaten in an apparent effort to extort a
confession. He identified four interrogators who participated in the
first beating. That evening the prisoner was told his confession was
not acceptable and he was beaten again by the camp's commander, a JNA
major, and four unidentified JNA soldiers until he promised to write a
second confession.
Prisoners at Petrinja were also forced to perform burial details in mass
graves. The witness described two such burials, involving 40 and 18
bodies, respectively. Because the corpses were in a state of advanced
decomposition, the witness could not determine the cause of death.
(Department of State)
Abuse of Civilians in Detention Centers
Jan 93: A 23-year-old married Muslim female reported that she had been
held through the first week of January with 600 women and girls in a
gymnasium at the Doboj Middle School complex in north-central Bosnia.
The witness and other women were taken out in groups of 40 each day.
Each woman was led to an individual classroom in the school and raped,
then returned to the gymnasium. She said the guards told them they were
being held for the purpose of "making Chetnik babies." (Department of
State)
13-14 Aug 92: A 25-year-old Bosnian Muslim from the village of Dabovci,
southeast of Banja Luka, described the August 13, 1992, arrival and
occupation of her village by Serbian forces.
Serbian forces rounded up women and children, as well as the few
remaining men who had not gone off to fight. The women were taken
toward the house where the Serbian forces had established their
headquarters.
After a short while, a large, tarpaulin-covered truck arrived and took
her group away. The witness estimates there were approximately 60 women
and children in her group. The truck took the group to a lumber factory
in Kotor Varos--she thought it was the Vrbanja factory--and the women
and children were forced into the factory's cafeteria. When a similar-
sized group from another village arrived, the two groups were
consolidated and moved from the cafeteria into a large, unfinished hall.
During the late afternoon and early evening, the witness observed the
repeated beating of a man in front of the group of women and children.
Though the victim had documents that theoretically allowed him to leave
Kotor Varos, he was half-Croatian and half-Serbian. The guards kept
referring to his parentage as they beat him. She never saw the young
man again after she left Kotor Varos.
When it began to get dark, the guards began to pick out women and to
take them out of the hall. The witness said the ages of the women
selected ranged between 16 and 35. Some women were taken to an alcove
or room off the large hall where she and the others were being held.
Though she could not see what was happening, she said the cries and
screams of women were clearly audible, as was the laughter of the
guards.
The witness cannot remember the exact time when the guards came for her.
But two guards eventually walked up to her and told her to leave her
child behind and follow them. She was taken to the alcove and told to
undress. When she refused, two other guards joined in and told her she
had the choice of undressing willingly. When she again refused, she was
hit on the back with a gun. When she fell to the floor, the guard whom
she assumed to be the leader of the group started to pull off her
clothes and raped her.
When he finished, he told the other guards to leave her alone and to let
her go back to her child. But after this guard left the alcove, the
remaining four or five guards kept her there and continued raping her.
When she left the alcove, she was warned not to tell anyone what had
happened.
When the witness returned to the large hall, she joined her mother-in-
law, who had been taking care of her baby. She was bleeding and totally
disheveled and very ashamed to be seen in that state. Her mother-in-law
told her that while she was gone another five to six young women had
also been taken out. The witness then noticed about 15-20 women who
were in the same physical state that she was.
Sometime later, the witness was taken to the second-floor offices of the
factory by a guard. She was told to keep her head down. While doing
so, she thinks she counted about 10 pair of shoes in the circle of men
surrounding her. She was told to undress. When she refused, she was
hit about the face. The raping then began. She cannot remember
anything after the fifth or sixth man raped her. Up to that point,
however, she had noticed that some of the men were wearing camouflage
suits, some were in the local police uniform, and some wore at least
parts of special forces uniforms. She recognized a high school
colleague among those who raped her.
They eventually allowed her to go back to the main hall. She was
bleeding badly and was very dizzy. She fell down the stairs coming out
of the factory offices. She eventually made her way back to her mother-
in-law and child. She was not bothered for the rest of the night; other
women, however, were taken throughout the night and came back bleeding
or barely able to walk.
Throughout the evening the witness noticed a steady flow of guards and
soldiers into the factory. The newcomers were not coming to guard the
detainees but were going into the alcove and, she assumed, into the
factory offices. These newcomers wore different uniforms than the
factory guards.
Her group was moved out of Kotor Varos during the afternoon of August
14. Two medium-size buses were waiting to transport them to Mount
Vlasic, from where they were supposed to make their way to Travnik. Her
group of approximately 60-70 persons drove along the Banja Luka route.
The buses were repeatedly stopped and boarded by Chetniks demanding
money and jewelry. When the buses arrived at Vlasic, the women and
children were made to get off and walk until they arrived in Travnik.
(Department of State)
9 May-8 Aug 92: A 27-year-old male Muslim refugee from Crna Rijeka who
was in Blagaj on May 9 made the following report:
At about 8 am on May 9, 1992, two busloads of Serbian soldiers and a
tank passed through that town in the direction of Maslovar. The tank
then turned around on the road facing Blagaj while the troops fanned out
into the woods on either side and began firing "dumdum" bullets toward
the town in an effort to force the Muslims from their houses and toward
the Japra and Sana Rivers. Approximately 60 people were killed during
this incident.
On the bridge over the Japra and Sana Rivers, about 20 soldiers forced
fleeing people to throw their valuables and other belongings onto a pile
before allowing them to cross. Once across, they were herded into a
fenced-in area on the grounds of the "Japra" factory. During this
period, one man was beaten with rifle butts and then shot in the stomach
when he was overheard to say that he recognized one of the "Chetniks."
After about 3 hours, the men were separated from the women and children,
who were loaded aboard cattle cars of a waiting train. The men were
lined up and seven names were read from a list. Three of these men were
located and loaded into a police car from Bosanski Novi. They were
never heard from again.
The remaining men were then loaded onto a train, and more names were
called from a roll. Those men were taken from the train and immediately
killed in front of the prisoners. Two of those killed were Sifet
Bajrektarevic, a member of the SDA, and Hasan Merzihic.
The following day the train stopped in a forest outside of Doboj, where
about half of the men over age 60 were separated into a group with the
women and children; the rest of the men were loaded into separate
trains. The men's train proceeded to Banja Luka and eventually arrived
at Bosanski Novi on May 12. Though no one was murdered during the 45
days the men spent at Bosanski Novi camp, maltreatment occurred
continually, its greatest manifestation being the extreme shortage of
food. (Department of State)
Spring 92: A 32-year-old Bosnian Muslim woman from the vicinity of
Teslic was forced out of her job when Banja Vrucica came under Serbian
authority. Left with no source of income, she went to stay with Serbs
she knew near Banja Luka. They did not treat her badly, but she felt
herself a burden and decided to try to go to Zivinice.
When she reached the town of Doboj, the witness met an older woman who
directed her to a Serbian Red Cross refugee camp, which held 160 Serbs
and 20 Muslims and Croats. The latter 20 were treated as prisoners.
For 4 days, the Serbian Red Cross authorities refused to issue her a
food certificate. She ate nothing during the 4 days.
The witness managed to meet the camp secretary, a Serb, who helped her
to obtain food. Later she witnessed this man being beaten for helping
people. Other Muslim and Croat women informed the witness that she
could sign up at the police station to qualify for a prisoner exchange,
to leave Serbian-occupied territory. She and another Muslim girl did
so.
At about 8 pm that night, two armed soldiers came to camp and showed the
two women a notebook with their names written in it. The soldiers'
uniforms had the initials "SMP" on them. They took the women to
Pijeskovi, a section of Doboj, where Serbs had seized the apartments of
Croats and Muslims. In a two-room apartment, the soldiers raped the two
women the entire night, until 7 am.
At the Serbian Red Cross camp, the witness observed the soldiers coming
nearly every day to take away women in the evenings. Every soldier had
the initials "SMP" on his uniform, They took the witness to the
apartments at Pijeskovi regularly, about every 2 to 4 days. Usually
four soldiers would rape her throughout the night; on one occasion,
eight men raped her.
The witness managed to get out of the camp and to reach Zivinice.
(Department of State)
Impeding Delivery of Food and Medical Supplies to the Civilian
Population
20 Feb 93: Serbian forces in Borika halted a convoy of UNHCR [UN High
Commissioner for Refugees] trucks carrying emergency supplies to the
Muslim community of Zepa. (Reuters)
17 Feb 93: Serbian militia blocked a 10-truck UNHCR convoy, which had
left Belgrade the previous day, from reaching the Muslim town of
Gorazde. They also continued to block another UNHCR convoy from
reaching the Muslim town of Cerska. (Paris AFP)
6 Feb 93: Serbian forces hit a German relief flight with anti-aircraft
fire. The C-160 was at 9,000 feet and just south of Karlovac when the
anti-aircraft fire hit near the right engine housing. The German
loadmaster was seriously wounded in the abdomen.
UN peace-keeping troops witnessed the Serbs shooting at the German plane
with a 23-millimeter anti-aircraft gun set up in Kosijersko Selo.
(Department of State, The New York Times, Reuters, Paris AFP, Bonn DDP)
2 Feb 93: Unidentified forces at 2:50 pm shelled a UN convoy just
outside Mostar, led by personnel from the Danish Refugee Council and
escorted by two Spanish UNPROFOR [UN Protection Force] armored personnel
carriers. One Danish official was wounded seriously; his Croat
interpreter was killed. The Danish workers were associated with an
eight-truck convoy that was returning to Metkovic, having completed
delivery of supplies to central Bosnia. The UNHCR suspended the convoy,
pending an investigation into the incident. (Department of State,
Reuters)
Jan-Feb 93: Bosnian Croatian forces at the end of January and beginning
of February have impeded some international aid supplies (not UNHCR or
ICRC) from reaching Muslim populations around Jablanica and Travnik.
Croat officials also have harassed international relief workers,
confiscated their vehicles, and sought to dictate how humanitarian aid
is distributed in an attempt to limit the share reaching Muslims,
according to relief organization sources in Mostar. (API, The
Washington Post)
24 Jan 93: Unidentified snipers shot at a UNHCR driver while the relief
worker was driving through Stup. Unidentified forces turned back a
Danish UNHCR convoy in the vicinity of Kacuni and challenged the British
UNHCR escort. (Department of State)
14 Jan 93: Unidentified persons inside the hospital in Kosevo shot at a
UNHCR convoy delivering fuel to the hospital. (Department of State)
13 Jan 93: Small arms fire in the town of Gornji Vakuf killed a British
soldier serving with the British force protecting aid supplies in Gornji
Vakuf. Five British UN troops have been wounded by gunfire in Bosnia-
Herzegovina since September 1992. (Department of State, Paris AFP)
Deliberate Attacks on Non-Combatants
18 Feb 93: Bosnian Serb gunners fired five tank shells from Sarajevo's
Mrkovici Heights into the neurological surgery and pediatric surgery
units of Kosevo Hospital. In addition, 20 shells damaged two other
units in the hospital complex. (Paris AFP)
11 Feb 93: Heavy shelling between Bosnian army and Serb troops caused
the closing of the Sarajevo airport. The airlift operation from Zagreb
was also suspended because a British aircraft experienced two radar
lock-ons.
The shelling at Sarajevo airport killed one French UNPROFOR soldier and
wounded three others. (Department of State, Paris AFP)
28 Jan 93: Bosnian Serb forces detained 21 UNPROFOR civilian police in
a hotel in Benkovac. The Serbian militia were using UN police as a
shield against Croatian artillery, according to the UN Secretary
General. Though the Serbs claimed this move was taken "for their
safety," the officers were kept on the hotel's top floor, in the line of
fighting. (Department of State, Paris AFP)
27 Jan 93: An unidentified assailant seriously wounded a UNHCR
logistics assistant at Sarajevo airport. With a bullet wound to the
leg, he was evacuated the next day by a French aircraft, which in turn
was threatened by small arms and mortar fire prior to take-off.
(Department of State)
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees narrowly escaped injury when
unknown snipers fired at the convoy in which she was riding in Sarajevo.
The automobile caravan was attacked enroute to the residence of UNPROFOR
Commander Morillon, and a lead car with journalists was hit twice.
(Department of State) 27
Jan 93: Serb militiamen drove out a Kenyan UNPROFOR contingent, which
had been threatened earlier by Croatian forces, retook the Peruca
hydroelectric dam located near the town of Sinj, and blew up a bridge
constituting part of the dam works. Water began pouring through cracks
in the structure, endangering the lives of 20,000 people living in the
valley below the dam. (Department of State, The Washington Post, The
Sun)
25 Jan 93: Unidentified snipers killed two French soldiers and wounded
three others in Karin, near Zadar. (Department of State, Paris AFP) Jan
93: Bosnian Government forces fired on two UN crews, as the latter
tried to restore electric power in Sarajevo, according to a UN
spokesman. (The Washington Times)
17 Jan 93: Bosnian mortar fire from Hrasnica--a Bosnian-held suburb of
Sarajevo--wounded three French UNPROFOR soldiers who were manning a
checkpoint at Sarajevo airport. (Paris AFP)
Apr-Aug 92: A 43-year-old Bosnian woman from Mostar said that on April
10, 1992, an unidentified JNA unit from the South Camp in Mostar had
arrived at the cigarette factory in that city with six tanks, which
opened fire with machine guns. The factory's Serbian engineering
economist issued orders to the JNA unit. All factory employees were
ordered out onto the street, where all non-Serbian males were separated
out and taken to South Camp, while the women were ordered to remain
home.
At 6 pm on May 1, a JNA unit approached two apartment houses belonging
to the cigarette factory and located on its grounds. They opened fire
with machine guns. A resident called the UN and Red Cross offices
located in the "HIT" department store; shortly after, one JNA Special
Forces soldier wearing a camouflage uniform with a black scarf tied
around his head and two Airborne Military policemen arrived. The
witness judged by their accent that they were from Montenegro. The
Special Forces soldier kicked in an apartment door and, threatening the
occupants, asked about the phone call to the UN representative. A short
time later, a group of JNA soldiers arrived and began to tear apart the
apartment searching for weapons.
The following evening, a group of Serbian civilians wearing paramilitary
uniforms came to the two apartment buildings and took away 10 men. A
senior paramilitary officer told his men they could choose any women
they wanted for their entertainment. Many apartments in both buildings
were set on fire by tracer rounds fired by tanks of the unit.
(Department of State)
Other, Including Mass Forcible Expulsion and Deportation of Civilians
17 Feb 93: Bosnian Serbs showed Belgrade-based foreign journalists 35
bodies thus far exhumed from a grave site discovered the previous day
near the village of Kamenica, 20 kilometers south of Zvornik. The Serbs
found two other grave sites, including one in a frozen pond containing
16 more bodies.
Serbian pathologists, including a member of the Medical Military Academy
of Belgrade, claimed the 35 bodies were Serbian fighters and civilians
killed in November. There had been a Muslim offensive in the area on
November 6, 1992.
As of the time of this report, it is not clear that the grave site
contains evidence of atrocities. (Department of State, Paris AFP)
Feb 93: By blocking relief supplies and general access, Serbian militia
have starved Muslim refugees out of Cerska, Zvornik, and Kamenica--
forcing them to move recently to the Tuzla area of northern Bosnia.
According to a UNHCR spokeswoman on February 9:
They are horribly malnourished, they have severe frostbite, and they are
showing signs of scabies, head lice, and war wounds. We have 50 severe
cases of frostbite. Some of them are losing their fingers and their
toes. (Paris AFP)
Jan 93: Bosnian Serb authorities announced on January 25-26 that the
approximately 6,000 Bosnian Muslims resident in the town of Trebinje and
the surrounding area had 3 days to sell all of their property and to
leave the area no later than February 15. The authorities said they
could not guarantee the safety of the Muslims living in the Trebinje
area after January 29-30, 1993.
"I saw Serbian families already starting to occupy Muslim houses,"
reported a 33-year-old woman from Trebinje. "Men in khaki uniforms with
Serbian-flag shoulder patches came to our house. The men told me they
would kill my 3-year-old daughter unless we moved out."
International officials confirmed on February 1-2 that about 5,000
Bosnian Muslims had already been forced to leave the Trebinje area.
Those refugees who had not sold their property were required to sign
documents turning it over to the Bosnian Serb authorities before leaving
the Trebinje area. (Department of State, The New York Times)
Apr 92: A 34-year-old Muslim male said that shortly after Bosnia
declared its independence on April 8, the head of the local branch of
the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS), became leader of the Foca area Serbs
and ordered that the Muslim population of the city be rounded up and
deported to various camps.
Muslims and Croats were picked up 100-200 at a time and held for a few
hours at local high schools before being sent to various camps. The
first taken were intellectuals, city officials, and police officers.
Later, entire families were removed from their houses which, together
with their shops, were then looted and burned by Chetniks and local
Serbs--including former neighbors.
The witness identified some of the Serbs who led these activities in
Foca, three of whom were former deputies of the National Assembly from
Foca. The witness said that these men also ordered the April 7 attack
on Foca and gave orders for local ethnic cleansing and other criminal
activities.
The witness said that two local Serbs removed the Klapuh family
(husband, wife, and daughter) from their home. The next day, all three
were found dead with their throats cut. (Department of State) (###)
ARTICLE 10.
Deputy Secretary Meets With Nigerian Head Of Government
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, March
24, 1993.
Deputy Secretary Wharton's March 23 meeting with Chief Ernest A.O.
Shonekan, Nigerian Head of Government and Chairman of the Transitional
Council, focused on Nigeria's transition to democracy and covered a wide
range of bilateral, regional, and international issues. Three other
members of the Transitional Council--Secretary for Foreign Affairs Mbu,
Attorney-General Akpamgbo, and Secretary for Petroleum and Mineral
Resources Asiodu--also took part in the meeting.
Chief Shonekan reaffirmed Nigeria's commitment to the scheduled
transition to elected civilian rule in August [1993], to economic reform
efforts, and to peace-keeping in Liberia and elsewhere. The Deputy
Secretary commended Nigeria's significant contribution to international
peace-keeping and stressed the importance which respect for human rights
and a timely restoration of democracy hold for the bilateral
relationship between our two countries.
The two sides agreed on the need for closer counter-narcotics
cooperation, and the United States welcomed Nigeria's commitment to
vigorous prosecution of major drug-traffickers. It also was recognized
that due process in resolving commercial disputes is essential to
ensuring a favorable climate for foreign investment in Nigeria.
The Nigerian delegation's schedule in Washington also included meetings
with the Vice President and the Secretaries of Commerce and Treasury.
(###)
END OF DISPATCH VOL. 4, NO. 15
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