US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 12, MARCH 22, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1.  Strengthening US-Israeli Relations To Benefit America's Interests -- 
President Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
2.  Secretary Christopher Meets With Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
3.  US Support for Democracy in Haiti -- President Clinton, Haitian 
President Aristide
4.  Need for a Just and Lasting PeaceIn Northern Ireland -- President 
Clinton, US Ambassador-Designate Smith, Irish Prime Minister Reynolds 
5.  UN Security Council Adopts Resolution 808 on War Crimes Tribunal -- 
Ambassador Albright, UNSC Resolution
6.  UN Security Council Calls for an End To Conflict in Bosnia-
Herzegovina
7.  Statement at Confirmation Hearing -- J. Brian Atwood
8.  Statement at Confirmation Hearing -- Lynn E. Davis
9.  Mine Clearing in Central America


ARTICLE 1:

Strengthening US-Israeli Relations To Benefit America's Interests
President Clinton, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
Opening statements at a news conference released by the White House, 
Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, March 15, 1993

President Clinton:  It is a great pleasure for me to welcome Prime 
Minister Rabin back to Washington.  Since we first met here last August, 
much has changed.  But one thing I can say definitely will never change 
is the unique bond that unites the United States and Israel.  It is a 
bond that goes back to the founding of the state of Israel and beyond, 
based on shared values and shared ideals.

Israel's democracy is the bedrock on which our relationship stands.  
It's a shining example for people around the world who are on the front 
line of the struggle for democracy in their own lands.  Our relationship 
is also based on our common interest in a more stable and peaceful 
Middle East--a Middle East that will finally accord Israel the 
recognition and acceptance that its people have yearned for [for] so 
long and have been too long denied; a Middle East that will know greater 
democracy for all its peoples.

I believe strongly in the benefit to American interests from 
strengthened relationships with Israel.  Our talks today have been 
conducted in that context.  We have begun a dialogue intended to raise 
our relationship to a new level of strategic partnership--partners in 
the pursuit of peace; partners in the pursuit of security.

We focus today on our common objective of turning 1993 into a year of 
peace-making in the Middle East.Prime Minister Rabin has made clear to 
me today that pursuing peace with security is his highest mission.  I 
have pledged that my Administration will be active in helping the 
parties to achieve that end.

At the same time, Prime Minister Rabin and I agree that our common 
objective should be real, lasting, just, and comprehensive peace, based 
on [UN Security Council] Resolutions 242 and 338.  It must involve full 
normalization, diplomatic relations, open borders, commerce, tourism--
the human bonds that are both the fruits and the best guarantee of 
peace.  And Israel's security must be assured.  The Israeli people 
cannot be expected to make peace unless they feel secure, and they 
cannot be expected to feel secure unless they come to know real peace.

Those like Prime Minister Rabin who genuinely seek peace in the Middle 
East will find in me and my Administration a full partner.  But those 
who seek to subvert the peace process will find zero tolerance here for 
their deplorable acts of violence and terrorism.

Prime Minister Rabin has told me that he is prepared to take risks for 
peace.  He has told his own people the same thing.  I have told him that 
our role is to help to minimize those risks.  We will do that by further 
reinforcing  our commitment to maintaining Israel's qualitative military 
edge.  Another way we can strengthen Israel and the United States is to 
combine the skills of its people with those of our own.

I am pleased to announce today the establishment of a US-Israel science 
and technology commission, chaired on the American side by our Secretary 
of Commerce, Ron Brown.  The commission will enhance cooperation to 
create technology-based jobs for the 21st century in both Israel and the 
United States.  Our economies will also benefit from a lifting of the 
Arab boycott.  And I hope that this boycott can end soon.

Prime Minister Rabin, this year will be a year of enhanced relations 
between our countries.  It should also be a year of peace in the Middle 
East, as you have declared.  We have a historic responsibility and a 
historic opportunity.  We stand here together today resolved not to let 
that opportunity pass.

Prime Minister Rabin:  President Clinton, in just a few days I will 
return to Israel, but I know, and will tell everyone in my country, 
Israel has a friend in the White House.  Our home is many miles away, 
but, Mr. President, we feel very close.  We thank you for the hours we 
spent with you and your team, for the atmosphere of friendship, and the 
openness and the depth of our discussions.  The leadership which you 
have displayed in coping with America's domestic problems is inspiring 
and stands out like a beacon in the night.

Today, we were happy to learn that, at the same time, you are also 
willing to invest efforts in promoting peace and stability in the Middle 
East.  In this effort, Mr. President, you will find us to be full 
partners.  You are aware that no one wants peace more than [we] and that 
there is no country more resolved to defend itself when necessary.  We 
are veterans of many wars.  And, today, we say, no more blood and tears.  
We now wish to experience lasting and meaningful peace.

In our talks today, I presented to you Israel's approach to peace-
making, and we are willing to take upon ourselves risks for peace.  But 
we are determined to protect our security.  Peace has many enemies.  
Terror is used by the enemies of peace in an effort to undermine it.  We 
will combat it while we continue to seek a solution that will lead to 
peace.

Since the formation of my government, we have invested efforts in trying 
to advance toward peace in the framework of the Madrid formula.  We 
introduced new ideas in the negotiation tracks with Syria, Lebanon, 
Jordan, and the Palestinians.  Some progress has been made, but more is 
needed in order to come to agreement.  We are ready for compromise, but 
compromises cannot be one-sided.  We call on our partners, the Arab 
states, the Palestinians from the territories, to seize the moment to 
return to the negotiating table so that we can use this historic 
opportunity.  We call upon them to respond openly and willingly to our 
positions.  Our children and grandchildren in Jerusalem and the Arab 
children and grandchildren in Damascus, Beirut, Amman, and elsewhere in 
the Arab world will not forgive us if we all fail to act now.

We have heard today with satisfaction, Mr. President, your concept of 
the role of the full partner as an intermediary.  We shall continue our 
direct talks with our Arab neighbors.  But in order to expedite the 
dialogue between the parties, we welcome your good offices and hope to 
rely on your role as facilitator.

President Clinton, we are deeply indebted to you and to your 
predecessors who helped us in hours of need.  We do appreciate and 
greatly value the decision to maintain the current level of aid to 
Israel.  This decision will help us to integrate new immigrants into our 
society and to bear the heavy burden of our security.

You know, [Mr.] President, that we will not be able to win the battle 
for peace without a qualitative edge.  Therefore, I wish to thank you 
and your colleagues on behalf of the Israeli soldiers and their parents 
and the citizens of Israel for your decision to help to maintain that 
edge.

Moreover, such a qualitative edge enables the Israeli Defense Forces to 
contribute to the overall effort to maintain stability in our stormy 
region.  The decision made today to raise the level of strategic 
dialogue between our two countries will open new doors of opportunity.  
The fact that [in] the next months we will renew the memorandum of 
agreement between us for 5 more years, and that we do it as a matter of 
course is a proof of the kind of mutually beneficial relationships that 
we enjoy.  The formation of new high-level forum[s] for strategic 
dialogue will further upgrade this relationship.

We will also have a turn in the near future with much urgency to address 
the struggle against various kinds of fanaticism, which give berth to 
murderous terror, the kind that recently landed even on these shores.  
We must institutionalize our dialogue and include all free countries in 
consultations on the ways to curb the threatening extremism.

We attach much importance to the decision made today to create the high-
level joint commission for the development of projects of science and 
technology.  The investment in research and industrial applications in 
Israel and in America will explore new frontiers of knowledge.  And they 
are a telling example of how our two countries can mutually benefit from 
this cooperation.

President Clinton, thank you for your invitation and reception, for the 
warmth on a wintery day, and for your good will.  I came from Jerusalem, 
the city of the prophets.  I return to Jerusalem, the city that 
witnessed so many wars and wants so dearly peace, because she knows that 
in war there are no winners and in peace no losers.  (###)



ARTICLE 2:



Secretary Christopher Meets With Israeli Prime Minister Rabin
Statement by Secretary Christopher, released by the Office of the 
Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC, March 16, 1993.

In light of his announced early departure, it was my pleasure to pay a 
courtesy call this afternoon on Prime Minister Rabin following his 
official meetings with President Clinton, the Vice President, myself, 
Secretary [of Defense] Aspin, and other members of the Administration.

We reviewed the results of the very productive talks we had on a broad 
range of issues and how we plan to follow up on these discussions to 
enhance our close bilateral relationship and move forward on the Arab-
Israeli peace process.  Both the President and I are very pleased with 
the positive tone and substance of our discussions with the Prime 
Minister.

I regret that the Prime Minister is going to have to cut short his visit 
to the United States.  And let me say here that we are deeply troubled 
by the mounting violence and acts of terrorism.  Those who carry out 
these acts of violence are seeking to undermine the hopes and prospects 
for peace.  They won't succeed.

Violence and terrorism don't work and will never work.  Negotiations do 
work and can produce peace and reconciliation.  In this respect, we urge 
all the parties to return to the negotiations on April 20.

Prime Minister Rabin, the other parties to the peace process, and 
President Clinton have been working hard to end the violence that has 
been so much a part of the Middle East landscape.  It's time to end 
violence and promote peace, to give the next generation a reason to hope 
and not to hate, and to make reconciliation and not continued conflict 
the hallmark of a new Middle East.

The peace process provides us with the best opportunity to build this 
new Middle East.  We call on all in the region to look to the future and 
seize this historic opportunity for peace.  (###)


ARTICLE 3:

US Support for Democracy in Haiti
President Clinton, Haitian President Aristide
Opening statements at a news conference released by the White House, 
Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, March 16, 1993

President Clinton:  It's been a great honor for all of us to have 
President Aristide and members of his government and the Ambassador from 
Haiti to the United States here in the Oval Office today.  We wanted to 
have the opportunity to speak to the American people and to the people 
of Haiti from the Oval Office to emphasize how important it is to me, 
personally, and to the United States to restore democracy in Haiti and 
to restore President Aristide as the elected leader of that country.

To those who have blocked the restoration of democracy, I want to make 
it clear in the strongest possible terms that we will not now or ever 
support the continuation of an illegal government in Haiti and that we 
want to step up dramatically the pace of negotiations to restore 
President Aristide under conditions of national reconciliation and 
mutual respect for human rights with a program of genuine economic 
progress.

The Secretary of State has named an experienced diplomat, Lawrence 
Pezzullo, who is here now, to be his special representative in Haiti, to 
work with the [UN/OAS Special Envoy on Haiti Dante] Caputo mission 
through the United Nations and the Organization of American States to 
push forward with a rapid settlement of these issues.  I would urge the 
de facto government of Haiti and the military officials in that country 
and police officials to support this process.  Any opposition, any delay 
will only result in stronger measures taken by the United States and 
more difficulty and hardship for the people of Haiti, who have been the 
innocent sufferers in this whole sad saga.

I look forward to working with President Aristide.  I look forward to 
the success of Mr. Pezzullo.  And I want to make it clear that the 
United States is committed strongly to a much more aggressive effort to 
restore Mr. Aristide to his presidency and to, over the long run, work 
with the people of Haiti to restore conditions of economic prosperity.

I am prepared to commit the United States to its fair portion of a 5-
year, multinational $1 billion effort to rebuild the Haitian economy.  
And we are going to begin on this project in earnest now.

I'd like to now invite President Aristide to make whatever remarks he 
would like to make and then open the floor for your questions.

President Aristide:  Mr. President Clinton, we are delighted to be here 
with you, with the Vice President, Secretary of State, Ambassador 
Pezzullo.  We want to thank you on behalf of the Haitian people for your 
support.  We want to thank you for what you just said.  That went 
directly to the heart of the Haitian people working peacefully for the 
restoration of democracy.

I grasp this opportunity to thank the American people for their 
solidarity because with our American brothers and sisters these 18 
months, we realize how beautiful it is to work in a non-violent way for 
the restoration of democracy.  The Haitian people today hear your voice 
and, on behalf of them, I can say, in the past, we wanted to be with 
you--we are with you; in the future, we will be with you, and you will 
be welcome in Haiti when I will be there after the restoration of 
democracy.

We have a lot of people suffering these 18 months.  Today, I'm sure they 
are happy, because they realize, finally, the day for the restoration of 
democracy will come.  And since today they can continue to build . . . 
that democracy, always in a non-violent way.  The refugees can feel 
happy.  Those who are in Guantanamo can feel happy.  Those who are in 
Haiti working peacefully for that democracy can feel happy, because that 
day is coming because of you, because of the American Government, 
because of the United States, because of the OAS [Organization of 
American States].  (###)



ARTICLE 4:

Need for a Just and Lasting Peace In Northern Ireland
President Clinton, US Ambassador-designate Smith, Irish Prime Minister 
Reynolds
Excerpts from opening statements at a news conference released by the 
White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC, March 17, 
1993

President Clinton:  Good day, ladies and gentlemen.  On this St. 
Patrick's Day, I am delighted to welcome Prime Minister Reynolds, called 
Taoiseach in his country, to the White House.  We both share a love of 
music and a love of Ireland, and I'm looking forward to working with him 
in the years ahead.

I accept with honor this beautiful bowl of shamrocks he has presented 
from the people of Ireland to the people of the United States.  And it 
will be proudly displayed in the White House as [a] symbol of our shared 
values and common heritage.

The Prime Minister's visit is an opportunity not only to recall our 
kinship but also to work together on issues of critical importance to 
both our nations.  We just concluded a good meeting which covered many 
issues, and I benefited greatly from the Prime Minister's advice and 
counsel.

We discussed the importance of bringing the Uruguay Round [of the 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] to a successful conclusion.  We 
reviewed the humanitarian relief effort in Somalia, including the 
generous contributions of Irish citizens working in such organizations 
as [World] Concern and UNICEF [UN Children's Fund].

Let me take a moment here, Mr. Prime Minister, to extend to the families 
and friends of [relief workers] Valerie Place and Sean Devereux the 
heartfelt condolences of the American people over their tragic deaths 
and our gratitude for their service.  Their dedication to the relief 
efforts in Somalia will serve as an inspiration to us as we seek to 
extend the hand of comfort to victims of strife.

The Prime Minister and I also discussed the continuing tragic conflict 
in Northern Ireland that has cost 3,000 lives over the last 2 decades.  
I congratulate both the Irish and the [UK] Governments for their joint 
efforts to promote the necessary dialogue to bring about a just and 
lasting peace.

And I want to underscore my strong support for that important goal.  We 
agree that such an outcome cannot be coerced or imposed and that those 
who resort to violence must not be tolerated.  Violence condemns 
generation[s] to harvest the seeds of bitterness, not peace.  Nor can 
the problem be resolved by the language of victories or defeats.  It 
must be resolved in the language and spirit of compromise and 
conciliation.

I told the Prime Minister that the United States stands ready to do 
whatever we can to help in bringing peace to Northern Ireland.  We are a 
nation of diversity.  We are prepared to help in any way that we can.  I 
think that it is important to say that the most significant thing I 
should be doing now is to encourage the resumption of the dialogue 
between the Irish and the [UK] Governments, which I think is a critical 
precondition to any establishment of a lasting peace.  Our support for 
the international fund for Ireland is an important demonstration of our 
commitment to encourage investment and economic growth and to advance 
the cause of peace and tolerance.

My discussions with Prime Minister Reynolds, as with [UK] Prime Minister 
Major, were the first of many that I think you will see our governments 
having as we offer our assistance in trying to end the troubles.

Let me close by saying that the ties of culture, history, and friendship 
between the United States and Ireland mean a great deal to me.  Last 
night, the Prime Minister and I joined together in singing "When Irish 
Eyes Are Smiling."  He did a slightly better job than I did.  Today we 
pause to renew our ties to Ireland and the challenges ahead.

Let me add that Ireland will have a friend in the White House, Mr. Prime 
Minister, not just on St. Patrick's Day but on every day of the year.

I also want to take advantage of the Prime Minister's visit here to 
announce my intention to nominate as ambassador to Ireland a 
distinguished individual, as Irish as Americans can be, Jean Kennedy 
Smith.  I can think of no one who better captures the bonds between 
Ireland and the United States or who will work harder to advance our 
relationship.  In many ways she's already been an unofficial 
international ambassador.  Since she founded Very Special Arts 2 decades 
ago, she has traveled tirelessly throughout the United States and the 
world.  Very Special Arts provides opportunities for the disabled and 
creative arts in all 50 states and over 50 countries, including Ireland.  
As a testament to her success, a play from her young playwrights program 
in Dublin [Ireland] will open shortly off Broadway.

I know firsthand Jean's achievements from the Arkansas Very Special Arts 
program and remember well when [First Lady] Hillary [Rodham Clinton] 
joined her in our state for the competition to commemorate the 200th 
anniversary of the White House.

The people of the United States will be proud of our new ambassador.  I 
am proud of her, and I'm glad to have a couple of her relatives--the 
Senator [Kennedy] from the State of Massachusetts and Congressman 
Kennedy--to join with us today. . . .

Ambassador-designate Smith:  Thank you very much.  It is a great honor 
for me to be nominated as Ambassador to Ireland.  And I'm extremely 
grateful to President Clinton for his confidence in me.  I will do all I 
can to repay this confidence.  It's a wonderful St. Patrick's Day.  
Thank you.

Prime Minister Reynolds:  Thank you, [Mr.] President.  And, first of 
all, may I take the first opportunity of saying (speaks in Gaelic), 
which is congratulations to Jean Kennedy Smith to be the US ambassador 
to Ireland.  The United States is proud of her.  We are more proud still 
to welcome home Jean Kennedy Smith.  She has been a regular visitor to 
our shores.  She has done marvelous work throughout the world, as the 
President has just said, in relation to her work for the disabled arts.  
And I know she'll get plenty of opportunity to continue that creative 
work in Ireland.  Thank you, [Mr.] President (speaks in Gaelic).

St. Patrick's Day, Mr. President, is an occasion which bonds and brings 
together our two communities and peoples in a uniquely meaningful way.  
It is not simply about shamrock and symbols, important though these are; 
rather [it has] as its core a deep, abiding, and shared belief in 
democracy and freedom and in the protection and extension of human 
rights.

It was because these values were incorporated in the foundation of the 
American republic that Thomas Jefferson could proclaim in his first 
inaugural address what might then have seemed a paradox, and I quote:  
"I believe this the strongest government on Earth."

It is a day; and this is a unique occasion, standing as we are here in 
the house which, as President Clinton remarked last night at that very 
enjoyable function--that this house was designed just over 200 years ago 
by an Irishman, James Hoban.  That's one of the reasons why we are 
contemplating the extraordinary success of Irish America.

You will have no difficulty, Mr. President, if on this day I 
characterize you--you yourself--as reflecting on that Irish American 
success story.  Like John F. Kennedy, Ronald Reagan, Andrew Jackson, 
Ulysses S. Grant, and other Presidents of Irish extraction before you, 
you have risen to the highest position in the land adopted by your 
ancestors and demonstrated again that the great American dream, which 
inspired so many of your forbears, is alive and well and in very good 
hands.

The success story that is Irish America today began as one of political, 
economic, and social struggle in the home country.  It should not be 
surprising, therefore, that when the earlier waves of our immigrants 
reached these shores, they were to the forefront in the American war of 
independence and in the drafting and promulgation of the American 
Declaration of Independence and that later waves of immigrants quickly 
and enthusiastically embraced that declaration--to quote just one 
historian--not as a tired formula but as an ideal to be reached out for 
and grasped.

It is against that background, Mr. President, for I have always believed 
that the constructive interest and support of the United States has the 
potential to be uniquely helpful in finding a solution to the situation 
in Northern Ireland--that last residual problem of a long and often sad 
history between Ireland and [the UK].

My government [is] determined not to allow another generation to suffer 
the scourge and savagery of violence or its demeaning and related 
manifestations--disadvantage, harassment, and discrimination.

There are no immediate answers, no simple solutions, but there is a way 
forward.  It involves courage, commitment, and imagination.  It will 
require, above all, the letting go of all vestiges of triumphalism on 
every side and replacing it with a willingness and a determination to 
work together in partnership within new structures which will embrace 
and seek to reconcile the two conflicting rights and aspirations in our 
small country.

We warmly welcome your concern, Mr. President, your commitment, and your 
active support as we take on this daunting but vital challenge.  If we 
can succeed, Mr. President, in establishing in Ireland structures that 
achieve these goals, the benefits may not just be for Ireland alone.  In 
a world where deeper ethnic divisions have assumed a new and violent 
prominence, it may well be that the model we create in Ireland will have 
application in similar conflict situations around the world.

So, in conclusion, Mr. President, may I thank you again for the 
hospitable American reception you have given us here today at the White 
House.  In so doing, you acknowledge and honor the contribution of the 
millions of fellow Irish who have made their homes and built their 
dreams in this great land.  You make us all proud.

As we travel together now for a gathering on Capitol Hill, hosted by 
another outstanding Irishman, [House] Speaker Foley, may I extend to 
you, Mrs. Clinton, and your family our warmest, best wishes on this very 
special day for all of us and convey our sincerest wish for the success 
of your Administration. (###)



ARTICLE 5:

UN Security Council Adopts Resolution 808 on War Crimes Tribunal
Statement by US Ambassador Albright
Statement by Madeleine K. Albright, US Permanent Representative to the 
United Nations, UN Security Council, New York City, February 22, 1993.

There is an echo in this chamber today.  The Nuremberg principles have 
been reaffirmed.  We have preserved the long-neglected compact made by 
the community of civilized nations 48 years ago in San Francisco:  to 
create the United Nations and enforce the Nuremberg principles.  The 
lesson that we are all accountable to international law may have finally 
taken hold in our collective memory.

This will be no victors' tribunal.  The only victor that will prevail in 
this endeavor is the truth.  And, unlike the world of the 1940s, 
international humanitarian law today is impressively codified, well 
understood, agreed upon, and enforceable.  The debates over the state of 
international law that so encumbered the Nuremberg trials will not 
burden this tribunal.

The United States strongly supports the Council's adoption of today's 
historic resolution, which takes the first step in establishing an ad 
hoc tribunal to prosecute persons accused of war crimes and other 
serious violations of international humanitarian law in the territory of 
the former Yugoslavia.  Virtually all of the parties who have examined 
this issue--including the General Assembly, the Co-Chairmen of the 
International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, and the Commission of 
Experts established by UN Security Council Resolution 780--have urged 
the creation of such a tribunal.

President Clinton has long supported the establishment of a war crimes 
tribunal at the United Nations to bring justice and deter further 
atrocities in the former Yugoslavia.

Just 12 days ago, Secretary Christopher, speaking on the President's 
behalf, explained why the United States believes this and other actions 
are urgently required.  As the Secretary said:

We cannot ignore the human toll.  Serbian 'ethnic cleansing' has been 
pursued through mass murders, systematic beatings and the rapes of 
Muslims and others, prolonged shellings of innocents in Sarajevo and 
elsewhere, forced displacement of entire villages, inhumane treatment of 
prisoners in detention camps and the blockading of relief of the sick 
and starving civilians.  Atrocities have been committed by other parties 
as well.  Our conscience revolts at the idea of passively accepting such 
brutality.

The Secretary also explained that there is another reason for urgent 
action now--that there is a broader imperative here.  The world's 
response to the violence in the former Yugoslavia is an early and 
concrete test of how we will address the concerns of the ethnic and 
religious minorities in the post-Cold War world.  And I quote from the 
Secretary again:

The events in the former Yugoslavia raise the question of whether a 
state may address the rights of its minorities by eradicating those 
minorities to achieve 'ethnic purity.'  Bold tyrants and fearful 
minorities are watching to see whether 'ethnic cleansing' is a policy 
the world will tolerate.  If we hope to promote the spread of freedom or 
if we hope to encourage the emergence of peaceful multi-ethnic 
democracies, our answer must be a resounding no.

The United States has so far submitted five reports to the Council 
pursuant to UN Security Council Resolution 771, which contain 
substantiated information about the atrocities that have taken place in 
the former Yugoslavia.  The Council's action, today, begins the process 
of establishing a war crimes tribunal.

We look forward to working with the Secretary-General to expeditiously 
accomplish his task of providing the Council with options for the 
statute and rules of procedure for such a tribunal.  Once the Secretary-
General's report is received, we, along with the other members, will act 
quickly within the Council to establish a tribunal under Chapter VII.  
We will also, in cooperation with the United Nations, exert every effort 
to ensure that those individuals involved in these outrageous, heinous 
crimes are identified and held accountable for their actions which so 
affront the world's collective conscience.

It is worth recalling that the Nuremberg principles on war crimes, 
crimes against the peace, and crimes against humanity were adopted by 
the General Assembly in 1948.  By its action today with Resolution 808, 
the Security Council has shown that the will of this organization can be 
exercised, even if it has taken nearly a half century for the wisdom of 
our earliest principles to take hold.  I hope that it will not take 
another half century to achieve the peace and security that will render 
the hideous crimes [which] we suspect have been committed strictly 
historical phenomena.  Thank you very much.


Resolution 808 (February 22, 1993)
The Security Council,

Reaffirming its resolutions 713 (1991) of 25 September 1991 and all 
subsequent relevant resolutions,

Recalling paragraph 10 of its resolution 764 (1992) of 13 July 1992, in 
which it reaffirmed that all parties are bound to comply with the 
obligations under international humanitarian law and in particular the 
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and that persons who commit or 
order the commission of grave breaches of the Conventions are 
individually responsible in respect of such breaches,

Recalling also its resolution 771 (1992) of 13 August 1992, in which, 
inter alia, it demanded that all parties and others concerned in the 
former Yugoslavia, and all military forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
immediately cease and desist from all breaches of international 
humanitarian law,

Recalling further its resolution 780 (1992) of 6 October 1992, in which 
it requested the Secretary-General to establish, as a matter of urgency, 
an impartial Commission of Experts to examine and analyse the 
information submitted pursuant to resolutions 771 (1992) and 780 (1992), 
together with such further information as the Commission of Experts may 
obtain,with a view to providing the Secretary-General with its 
conclusions on the evidence of grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions 
and other violations of international humanitarian law committed in the 
territory of the former Yugoslavia,

Having considered the interim report of the Commission of Experts 
established by resolution 780 (1992)   (S/25274), in which the 
Commission observed that a decision to establish an ad hoc international 
tribunal in relation to events in the territory of the former Yugoslavia 
would be consistent with the direction of its work, 

Expressing once again its grave alarm at continuing reports of 
widespread violations of international humanitarian law occurring within 
the territory of the former Yugoslavia, including reports of mass 
killings and the continuance of the practice of "ethnic cleansing",

Determining that this situation constitutes a threat to international 
peace and security,

Determined to put an end to such crimes and to take effective measures 
to bring to justice the persons who are responsible for them,

Convinced that in the particular circumstances of the former Yugoslavia 
the establishment of an international tribunal would enable this aim to 
be achieved and would contribute to the restoration and maintenance of 
peace,

Noting in this regard the recommendation by the Co-Chairmen of the 
Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former 
Yugoslavia for the establishment of such a tribunal (S/25221),

Noting also with grave concern the "report of the European Community 
investigative mission into the treatment of Muslim women in the former 
Yugoslavia" (S/25240, annex I),

Noting further the report of the committee of jurists submitted by 
France (S/25266), the report of the commission of jurists submitted by 
Italy (S/25300), and the report transmitted by the Permanent 
Representative of Sweden on behalf of the Chairman-in-Office of the 
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) (S/25307),

1.  Decides that an international tribunal shall be established for the 
prosecution of persons responsible for serious violations of 
international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former 
Yugoslavia since 1991;

2.  Requests the Secretary-General to submit for consideration by the 
Council at the earliest possible date, and if possible no later than 60 
days after the adoption of the present resolution, a report on all 
aspects of this matter, including specific proposals and where 
appropriate options for the effective and expeditious implementation of 
the decision contained in paragraph 1 above, taking into account 
suggestions put forward in this regard by Member States;

3.  Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

VOTE:  Unanimous (15-0) (###)



ARTICLE 6:

UN Security Council Calls for an End To Conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina 
Statement by UN Security Council
President O'Brien, New York City, March 3, 1993.

The Security Council, recalling all its relevant resolutions and 
statements, expresses its grave concern at and condemns the continuing 
unacceptable military attacks in eastern Bosnia and the resulting 
deterioration in the humanitarian situation in that region.  It is 
appalled that even as peace talks are continuing attacks by Serb 
paramilitary units, including, reportedly, the killings of innocent 
civilians, continue in eastern Bosnia.  

In this connection, the Security Council is particularly concerned about 
the fall of the town of Cerska and the imminent fall of neighbouring 
villages.  The Security Council demands that the killings and atrocities 
must stop and reaffirms that those guilty of crimes against 
international humanitarian law will be held individually responsible by 
the world community.

The Security Council demands that the leaders of all the parties to the 
conflict in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina remain fully engaged 
in New York in a sustained effort with the Co-Chairmen of the Steering 
Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia to 
reach quickly a fair and workable settlement.  In this connection, the 
Security Council also demands that all sides immediately cease all forms 
of military action throughout the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
cease acts of violence against civilians, comply with their previous 
commitments including the ceasefire, and redouble their efforts to 
settle the conflict.

The Security Council further demands that the Bosnian Serb side as well 
as all other parties refrain from taking any action which might endanger 
the lives and well-being of the inhabitants of eastern Bosnia, 
particularly in the areas near the town of Cerska, and that all 
concerned allow the unimpeded access of humanitarian relief supplies 
throughout the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially 
humanitarian access to the besieged cities of eastern Bosnia, and permit 
the evacuation of the wounded. 

Having determined in the relevant resolutions that this situation 
constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the Security 
Council insists that these steps must be taken immediately.

The Security Council also requests the Secretary-General to take 
immediate steps to increase UNPROFOR's [UN Protection Force] presence in 
eastern Bosnia.

The Security Council remains seized of the matter and is ready to meet 
at any moment to consider further action.  (###)



ARTICLE 7:

Statement at Confirmation Hearing 
J. Brian Atwood, Under Secretary-designate for Management
Statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC, 
March 17, 1993

Mr. Chairman, I am honored to appear before this committee today as 
President Clinton's nominee for Under Secretary of State for Management.  
I am very pleased to have the opportunity, if confirmed, to work closely 
with the members of this committee in addressing the many challenges 
facing the Department of State.

 I am also very pleased once again to have an opportunity to work with 
Secretary of State Warren Christopher.  The Secretary is a man of many 
strengths.  His intelligence and diplomatic skills rest on a strong 
bedrock of personal integrity and a keen appreciation for America's most 
important national values.

Mr. Chairman, after a brief internship at the National Security Agency, 
I began what I then thought would be a long career in the Foreign 
Service in 1966.  I left the service in 1972 to accept a position as 
legislative assistant to Senator Eagleton, but my work with the State 
Department has continued over the years.

Whether on the inside--as Assistant Secretary of State for Congressional 
Relations or Dean of Professional Studies at the Foreign Service 
Institute--or on the outside--as President of the National Democratic 
Institute--I have had almost constant exposure to the Department and its 
dedicated work force over the past 27 years.  When I walked back into 
the Department in November to assume my responsibilities as transition 
team leader for the incoming Administration, I was returning to my 
professional home.

If I am confirmed by this body to undertake the responsibilities of 
Under Secretary for Management, I will, of course, draw from each of my 
previous experiences.  I will also draw from an extraordinary group of 
leaders for whom I have been privileged to work directly.  In addition 
to Warren Christopher and Tom Eagleton, about whom I have already 
spoken, these include such outstanding Americans as Cyrus Vance, Edmund 
Muskie, Lloyd Bentsen, and Walter Mondale.  These are very different 
men, but they share a common love of country, a commitment to service, 
and a personal integrity that distinguishes them as public servants.  If 
even a little of their influence has rubbed off, it will serve me well.

I have also learned in my years in Washington that partisanship has its 
place, but it is of limited value between campaigns.  I believe strongly 
that our foreign policy must have bipartisan support if it is to 
succeed, and our State Department will work to earn that support.

Mr. Chairman, in the past 8 years I have been engaged in the task of 
helping others build democratic institutions in transitional societies 
around the world.  As President of the National Democratic Institute, I 
have worked in such diverse nations as the Philippines, Chile, Haiti, 
South Africa, Hungary, and Russia to assist people as they seek to 
create new civil societies, election systems, and governing bodies.  
This work and the courageous people from these new democracies with whom 
I have worked have had a profound impact on me.  Developing democracy in 
a society that has not practiced it in recent memory causes one to go 
back to basics, to recall first principles.

I have learned, for example, that beyond respect for human rights and 
the pursuit of liberty lies the challenge of developing the concept of 
citizenship--respect for one's countrymen and -women and one's 
responsibility to society.  

Beyond holding a multiparty election lies the challenge of promoting 
acceptance of the role of the loyal opposition.  Beyond the writing of 
democratic constitutions lies the challenge of developing respect for 
laws, procedures, and values.  And beyond the paper creation of 
governmental institutions lies the challenge of making them work 
democratically and efficiently, with both openness and discipline.

These principles and lessons can be applied to the institutions of our 
own government as well.  Left to grow unfettered, bureaucracies over 
time tend to accentuate their own weaknesses while losing their strength 
and vitality.  It will be our challenge to reverse this trend at the 
Department of State and to build a foreign affairs institution that can 
address the problems our nation faces at the end of this century and 
beyond.

With the active involvement of Secretary Christopher, Deputy Secretary 
Wharton, and the career service, that process has already begun.  

We have announced a major reorganization of the Department [Dispatch 
Vol. 4, No. 6, p. 69], creating a new capacity to handle global issues, 
eliminating or consolidating a dozen offices and bureaus, streamlining 
the clearance process, reducing bureaucratic layering, and reducing the 
number of high-level executives while pushing responsibility down to the 
levels where the expertise resides.

This reorganization, some of which will require legislation to 
implement, is just the beginning of a process of renewal.  We need next 
to turn to our overseas posts and begin to rationalize staffing on an 
interagency basis.  Our goal must be to move from Cold War patterns of 
representation to a new alignment of resources that reflects both new 
interests and our abiding concerns.  The Department can lead this 
interagency undertaking if it will begin to take more seriously its 
responsibility to determine objectively and advise the President on the 
relationship of policy goals to resources.

We are also aware that we must effect positive change with fewer 
resources.  This places a premium on determining priorities and 
developing budgets that will enable us to do more with less.  

We must also invest in the future.  The Department cannot do more with 
less if it continues to use information technology that was state of the 
art in the 1960s.

Our most important resource, Mr. Chairman, is our people.  I am familiar 
with the many changes that have been made or recommended in the 
Department's personnel system over the years.  I am familiar with the 
complaint that Under Secretaries for Management like to "tinker" with 
the system, changing this part or that.  I am familiar with the 
complaint that we are constantly moving the goal posts for those within 
the system.  Being sensitive to these concerns, however, in no way 
prejudices me against change.  We must change if we are to be ready for 
new challenges.

The problems facing today's career service have been well documented in 
numerous studies.  Despite these problems, we still have the most 
talented group of public servants in the world.  I see this group as a 
single community, but over the years we have inadvertently encouraged 
the individuals within this community to focus more on themselves and 
their differences than on their collective mission.  The promotion and 
assignments system has produced too much negative competition and self-
promotion--"careerism" as some call it.  

The Foreign Service and the Civil Service are viewed as separate and 
unequal entities--this despite the fact that our Civil Service has 
become the mainstay of the Department here in the interagency world of 
Washington.  The cone system not only fails to encompass all the 
specialties we need in the modern Foreign Service, it is a system that 
accentuates differences.

It is not possible to change this situation by tinkering.  What is 
needed is a comprehensive approach that examines discrete aspects to 
determine the effects of the incentives and disincentives we offer our 
people.  We must examine the role of training, a much neglected but 
essential part of preparing our career services for the future.  And we 
must examine the interrelationship of the various specialities in 
meeting the overall objective--carrying out the foreign policy of the 
United States.

We must also create a community of foreign affairs specialists that 
reflects the diversity of our larger American community.  Secretary 
Christopher's appointments at the subcabinet level have thus far 
achieved that goal.  

We now need to invigorate efforts to bring more women and minorities 
into the Department and to keep them with us until they reach the senior 
ranks.

Mr. Chairman, if I am confirmed by the Senate I will look forward to 
working with this committee and the Congress as we seek to address this 
agenda for change.  I know from my previous work that much can be 
accomplished if we earn your trust and sustain it.  I look forward to a 
meaningful partnership with Congress as we work together to build an 
institution that will be capable of managing our foreign policy into the 
next century.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.  I will be happy to take your questions. (###)



ARTICLE 8:

Statement at Confirmation Hearing
Lynn E. Davis, Under Secretary-designate for International Security 
Affairs
Statement before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, DC, 
March 17, 1993

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee:  I am pleased to appear before 
your committee as President Clinton's nominee for the position of Under 
Secretary of State for International Security Affairs.

I am excited and honored to have been asked to be part of Secretary 
Christopher's foreign policy team.  I am at the same time frankly 
sobered by the immensity of the potential task.  We find ourselves in a 
time of tremendous change and facing many uncertainties.

The role of the Under Secretary of State for International Security 
Affairs will require me to be familiar with the principal security 
policy issues, which encompass arms control and non-proliferation, 
export controls and security assistance, as well as regional security 
issues.  While most of these issues call for new concepts and ways of 
thinking, I believe I bring to this position a good foundation in my 20 
years of study and practice in the field of international security 
affairs.

I began my career as a professor of international relations at Barnard 
College and then Columbia University, and later I taught military 
strategy at the National War College.  In the late 1970s, I directed 
Secretary of Defense Harold Brown's policy planning office, with 
responsibility, among others, for NATO's nuclear planning and arms 
control policies.  I have served on the staffs of the NSC [National 
Security Council] and the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence.  I 
had the opportunity to direct the research program in the mid-1980s at 
the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London.  We focused 
on security problems throughout the world and drew our researchers from 
every continent.

I began by writing on the origins of the Cold War but then turned 
primarily to the analysis of strategic and arms control policies.  I 
have just recently completed a project sponsored by the Ford Foundation 
on the future of arms control in Europe.   At Rand [Corporation] for the 
past 2 years, as Vice President of the Army Research Division, I have 
been involved in helping the Army design and restructure its forces and 
operations to meet the demands of the post-Cold War world.

New Concepts of Security And Cooperation
Let me briefly describe the major issues which I see as forming the 
future international security agenda and the areas of my potential 
responsibility.

Secretary Christopher focused in his confirmation hearing before this 
committee on the guiding principles of our foreign policy, one of which 
was to "maintain a strong defense as we adapt our forces to new and 
enduring security challenges."

These new challenges will require us to define new concepts of security 
and cooperation for a world in which many new states and groups are 
seeking for themselves the goals which Americans have fostered 
throughout our history--freedom, self-determination, democracy, and 
collective security.  The Clinton Administration's policies in Somalia 
and Bosnia provide the elements of a future approach: support for the 
United Nations; multilateral diplomacy to bring warring factions to a 
political settlement; [and] steps to provide humanitarian aid--all 
backed up by the possibility of applying American military forces.  The 
goal is to resolve these conflicts while seeking to prevent their 
spilling over into other areas.

Arms Control
Let me now turn to arms control, where the Clinton Administration 
inherits the achievements of the Bush Administration in its negotiation 
of agreements covering strategic nuclear weapons--START I and START II 
[Strategic Arms Reduction Treaties]; conventional forces in Europe--CFE 
[Conventional Armed Forces in Europe] and Open Skies; and chemical 
weapons--Chemical Weapons Convention.

Secretary Christopher has indicated the critical importance he places on 
moving forward to ratification of the START Treaties around the world, 
in the former Soviet Union, and also here in the United States.  These 
treaties will reduce significantly, and equitably, the strategic nuclear 
weapons of both the United States and Russia.  And priority will be 
given to the immediate goal of ensuring the control and dismantling of 
the nuclear weapons within the new states that emerged from the former 
Soviet Union.  "Nunn-Lugar" funds will be directed toward programs for 
the dismantling of strategic nuclear weapons, the disposal of nuclear 
materials, the establishment of science and technology centers, and 
defense conversion.

Non-Proliferation
When Secretary Christopher discussed this position with me, he focused 
on non-proliferation and the priority which the Clinton Administration 
would be giving to countering the proliferation of very deadly weapons--
nuclear, chemical, biological, and enhanced conventional weapons, as 
well as their delivery systems.  He asked me to be prepared to design a 
comprehensive non-proliferation strategy, building on the [Nuclear] Non-
Proliferation Treaty, the various regimes and mechanisms which are in 
place today for controlling exports, as well as the existing export 
control legislation.

I recall the success the United States had in the late 1960s when the 
Administration worked closely with this committee in achieving the Non-
Proliferation Treaty.  If confirmed, I would hope we might recreate that 
atmosphere, spirit, and approach so as to fashion a non-proliferation 
strategy for the 21st century. 

Organizing To Meet Security Challenges
Let me now conclude by briefly describing the steps which Secretary 
Christopher is taking with respect to the organization of the State 
Department to address these international security challenges.  

Secretary Christopher announced last month his plans for designating the 
Deputy Secretary and five Under Secretaries as his principal foreign 
policy advisers.  Portfolios have been shifted and modified to mirror 
the post-Cold War missions.

Indeed, Secretary Christopher proposes to change--with the consent of 
Congress--the title of the Under Secretary for International Security 
Affairs to Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security 
Affairs to reflect the new arms control priorities of the Clinton 
Administration to deal with the heightened threat of proliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction.

If confirmed, my portfolio as this Under Secretary will include all 
aspects of non-proliferation policy, such as nuclear, chemical, 
biological, and conventional weapons proliferation.  This also includes 
our policy on the control of exports that contribute to proliferation of 
weapons of mass destruction or otherwise harm US interests such as 
controls on sensitive dual-use technologies.  The negotiation and 
implementation of arms control treaties--strategic and conventional--
will be part of my portfolio, as well as activities for achieving the 
dismantling of nuclear weapons in the former Soviet Union.  The Bureau 
of Political Military Affairs will report to the Secretary of State 
through me.  The bureau is currently restructuring its activities so as 
to define new concepts and approaches to international and regional 
security in the post-Cold War world.  Security assistance and arms 
transfers will remain the responsibility of the Under Secretary for 
International Security Affairs.

Let me conclude by saying again how much I look forward to working with 
each of you on this committee and trust that you will provide me your 
counsel on what I hope to be my new responsibilities and challenges.  
(###)



ARTICLE 9:

Mine Clearing In Central America

Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, 
Washington, DC, March 17, 1993.

We applaud the efforts of the Organization of American States (OAS), the 
Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the School of the Americas at 
Fort Benning, Georgia, in bringing the first phase of a program of mine 
clearance in Central America to fruition.  The tens of thousands of 
mines that remain in the wake of that region's civil conflicts continue 
to kill and injure innocent civilians and hamper much-needed social and 
economic development, particularly in rural areas.

Training of demining instructors began March 8 at the School of the 
Americas.  Following their training, the 15 instructors on loan from 
Latin American militaries will travel to Nicaragua in mid-April to train 
Nicaraguan personnel who will do the actual demining.

The Nicaraguan demining project is a priority effort of the multilateral 
Partnership for Democracy and Development in Central America (PDD).  The 
first step in a regional demining program that will eventually expand to 
Honduras, Costa Rica, and other countries in the region, the project's 
goal is to remove 60,000 mines in its initial phase.  As a member of the 
PDD, the US Government strongly supports regional demining efforts.  We 
have worked closely with the OAS and the IADB in helping to create this 
program and look forward to its successful implementation in Nicaragua 
and its expansion of other countries in the region.  We have contributed 
or pledged a total of $755,000 to a special OAS fund for demining in 
Central America. (###)

END OF DISPATCH VOL 4, N0 12)