US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 10, MARCH 8, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. US-UK Special Relationship -- President Clinton, UK Prime Minister
Major
2. US-Russia Summit and Invitations To Middle East Peace Talks
Announced -- Secretary Christopher, Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev
3. Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
4. Statement at Confirmation Hearing -- Peter Tarnoff
5. White House Statements
President Meets With NATO Secretary General
Repatriation Policy for Haitian Asylum-Seekers
6. Department Statements
Hostages Held in Zaire
Chinese Treatment of Foreign Journalists
ARTICLE 1:
US-UK Special Relationship
President Clinton, UK Prime Minister Major
Opening remarks at a news conference, Washington, DC, February 24, 1993
President Clinton: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I want to
formally welcome Prime Minister Major to the White House and to the
United States. We are delighted to have him here. As I'm sure you
know, he has already met earlier today with people on [Capitol] Hill and
with members of my Cabinet. We have just finished the first of two
meetings. We talked for about an hour, and then, this evening, we'll
have a working dinner.
About the conversations we've had so far, I'd just like to make two
points. First, we covered a wide range of topics. We talked about
Bosnia, as you might imagine we would. We talked about the Middle East.
And then the rest of our time was spent virtually exclusively talking
about economic matters--about the upcoming meeting of the G-7 [Group of
Seven leading industrialized nations]; about the importance of trying to
get an agreement under GATT [the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade] and my commitment to that; about the absolute necessity of the
United States, Europe, and Japan working together during this difficult
time to try to prevent a contraction of the global economy and instead
to, hopefully, promote growth, not only here at home but throughout the
world. And we talked about that in some considerable detail.
The Prime Minister, as you know, has been in office a lot longer than I
have. And I asked him for his advice about a number of things and his
opinion about others. We had a very, very good meeting, and I'm looking
forward to our dinner tonight.
A second point I would like to make reaffirms something that some of you
asked me during the photo opportunity, and that is whether the United
States will continue to have a very special relationship with Great
Britain. The answer to that from my point of view is an unqualified
yes. I think that only two presidents ever lived in England--I think
I'm one of only two; there may have been more somewhere in the past
centuries. But this is a very important relationship to me, and I think
it's off to a very good start. And I would like to say again how much I
appreciate the candor with which the Prime Minister has approached the
issues [and] with which we've discussed our mutual interests. Mr. Prime
Minister.
Prime Minister Major: Mr. President, firstly, thank you for your
welcome today. I've found our meeting extremely useful, and I look
forward to continuing it this evening. And I certainly had some very
useful meetings this morning on the Hill and with other members of your
Cabinet earlier this morning, with [Treasury Secretary] Lloyd Bentsen
and, of course, over lunch as well with some of your colleagues.
It's nice, having had a number of telephone conversations over the last
few months, to actually see a face across the table rather than just
hear a voice across the phone. And I look forward to continuing that
dialogue this evening.
You set out some of the things we were able to discuss over the last
hour or so. I was particularly pleased we were able to reach such a
meeting of minds on the importance of reaching an agreement to the
Uruguay Round [of GATT] as speedily as possible. I think we share the
view that for a raft of reasons it's important to get a satisfactory and
fair agreement to the GATT round, not just because of the impetus that
will give to trade growth and, hopefully, to prosperity and job growth
as well, but also because of the very remarkable advantage that will
give not just to the industrialized but to the non-industrialized world
with the many difficulties that are faced economically at the moment.
So I was particularly pleased at our meeting of minds on that particular
subject.
We found also a complete agreement about the need for the [UN] Security
Council resolutions that have been imposed in respect to Iraq to be
fully met and to be fully honored in the future. I had the pleasure of
being able to welcome the President's initiative of humanitarian
airdrops in Bosnia. The United Kingdom--we've got a number of thousands
of troops actually delivering humanitarian aid in central Bosnia.
They've been doing that for some time. I think as a result of their
activities, many people who otherwise might not have lived through this
winter have done [so]. And I think this new initiative by the President
is thoroughly welcome. So it's been a very worthwhile and a very
enjoyable meeting thus far, and I look forward to continuing it this
evening. (###)
ARTICLE 2:
US-Russia Summit and Invitations To Middle East Peace Talks Announced
Secretary Christopher, Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev
Opening statements at a news conference, Geneva, Switzerland, February
25, 1993
Foreign Minister Kozyrev (through interpreter): Ladies and gentlemen, I
would like, in the first place, to express my satisfaction with the very
businesslike meeting that we had, especially with the fact that it was
not just a get-acquainted session--although, of course, I am quite happy
to meet personally the Secretary and also with the atmosphere that we
developed right from the very outset. But I am also satisfied with the
very businesslike discussion that we've just had.
This meeting made it possible for us to see once again that in the
multipolar world that we live now, Russia and the United States, instead
of confronting each other, are in a position to realize the partnership
relationship and the cooperative relationship that has been already
agreed to.
And a major event that would make it possible to broaden that
cooperation, to remove all artificial delays, and to accelerate it would
be a summit meeting of the two Presidents. At least we agreed--and this
is something that we want to recommend to the two Presidents--that the
summit meeting take place [on] April the 4th.
I can tell you that this date has been suggested by the US side. The US
side also suggested several other dates--earlier dates--but we believe
that the meeting calls for additional preparation; therefore, we picked
out of the dates suggested by the US side a later date so [that], we
believe, it could be better prepared.
We also agreed that we would proceed forthwith with preparations for the
summit meeting on all levels, including a possibility--if there is a
need for that--of an additional meeting between the two of us.
We discussed several questions related, among other things, to the fact
that the two sides are now concentrating on their domestic economic
situation. But this is not to suggest that there is less interest in
cooperation between the two sides. On the contrary, we believe that
cooperation and assistance to Russian reforms is in the agenda--in the
domestic agenda--of the two countries.
We also discussed the possibility for and the need for strategic
cooperation, including:
-- Opening access to markets;
-- State support of investment;
-- Promoting the rescheduling of Russia's external debt; [and]
-- The possibility of Russia gaining access to conventional arms
markets--of course, under the condition that there would be full
compliance with the existing international norms and standards.
We also discussed situations in several flash points, and I appreciate
the fact that the Secretary of State shared some of the information that
he brought back from his trip to the Middle East. And I must also note
that that trip has resulted in some positive movement in the direction
in which we intend to move further as co-sponsors--that is, the
direction of the peace process. And I believe that [the] Secretary will
have a few words to say on his trip.
I can tell you that there is a symbolic coincidence in our bilateral
movement, although from Geneva we intend to go in different geographic
directions. I'm leaving for Copenhagen [Denmark] and [the] Secretary
for Brussels [Belgium]. But Brussels is the headquarters of the
European Economic Community and NATO, while Copenhagen--and Denmark--is
the coordinator of the European Economic Community. Therefore, in the
political sense, we will be moving in the same direction--that is, the
direction of broader European cooperation.
Secretary Christopher: Thank you very much, Mr. Minister. Foreign
Minister Kozyrev and I have had a very good and, as he said, a
businesslike session. I believe we have established a good working
relationship, building on our prior contacts and building on contacts
between Presidents Clinton and Yeltsin. We've been in touch quite
frequently and have been since the first days of our new Administration.
Our meeting today has set the stage for a summit between the two
Presidents. As the Minister said, we are pleased to announce that
Presidents Clinton and Yeltsin will be meeting together on the 4th of
April at a site to [be] mutually agreed upon during the interregnum
between now and then. President Clinton sent me to this meeting today
to underscore his strong personal support for the reform policies of the
Yeltsin Administration. It is of the utmost importance to the United
States and, indeed, to the world that President Yeltsin's reform efforts
succeed. A strong and cooperative US-Russian relationship, a
relationship of genuine partnership, is of the highest priority for
President Clinton and his Administration.
The United States and Russia have important interests in common. Today,
as Minister Kozyrev and I prepared the ground for the summit, we
discussed a full range of these common interests. I gave Minister
Kozyrev a thumbnail sketch of my trip to seven Middle East countries,
and we discussed the respective consultations that I've had with the
parties in those countries. It is an important beginning for our
relationship--a very hopeful reflection on what the partnership may
mean--that Mr. Kozyrev and I today are able to jointly announce that we
will be extending invitations for the ninth round of the bilateral Arab-
Israeli negotiations, to be held in Washington [DC] during the month of
April.
We also exchanged views on the continuing bloodshed and suffering in the
former Yugoslavia, and we explored ways to promote a peaceful settlement
there. We are committed, both of us and our governments, to consulting
and coordinating very carefully and closely in pursuit of that goal. In
addition to the matters I've mentioned, we also dealt with questions of
arms control, including the important matter of proliferation. And we
discussed economic cooperation, which can serve our mutual interests.
The United States is determined to support the cause of reform in
Russia. It is in the interest of the world as well as being in the
interest of the Russian people. (###)
ARTICLE 3:
Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
Joint US-Russian statement, Geneva, Switzerland, February 25, 1993.
The Russian Federation and the United States of America confirm their
determination to continue efforts within the CSCE [Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe]-sponsored Minsk Group to obtain a
peaceful settlement to the conflict on and around Nagorno-Karabakh. The
course of events once again demonstrates the danger for the Armenian and
Azeri peoples of any attempt to settle the conflict by military means.
All sides should look to remove obstacles to serious negotiations within
the framework of the CSCE Minsk Conference on Nagorno-Karabakh with the
participation of all interested parties. Only a compromise political
agreement on the basis of mutual concessions and mutual benefit can be
strong and durable enough to bring peace and stability back to this
region.
Russia and the United States strongly appeal to all parties to the
conflict to accept their historic responsibility for the destiny of
their peoples and to demonstrate the political will to settle the
conflict solely through peaceful means. The most important task now is
to put an immediate end to the bloodshed.
They urge the conflicting parties, as a gesture of goodwill and as the
first step toward overcoming mutual distrust, voluntarily to refrain
from offensive operations in Nagorno-Karabakh and neighboring areas and
to stop the use of military aviation and missile-artillery systems, the
employment of which causes needless civilian casualties. Russia and the
United States await a positive response to this proposal. (###)
ARTICLE 4:
Statement at Confirmation Hearing
Peter Tarnoff, Under Secretary for Political Affairs-Designate
Opening statement before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC, March 4, 1993
Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, it is an honor and a privilege
for me to appear before you as President Clinton's nominee for Under
Secretary of State for Political Affairs.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, the Administration, the Congress, and the
country face a very different set of international challenges compared
to those we have successfully confronted in the last half-century.
Thanks to our steadfast and bipartisan opposition to international
communism, our promotion of democracy and human rights, our resolute
commitment to military preparedness, and the vitality of our economic
systems, the West--led by the United States--has prevailed over our
former adversaries in what came to be known as the Cold War.
However, our success compels us to change how we conduct the business of
foreign affairs. Secretary Christopher has spoken to you about our
changed priorities: harnessing America's influence abroad to improve
the quality of life at home and fostering the spread of free thought,
free association, and free markets around the world. My role, today, is
not to repeat his objectives but to talk to you about how I, as the
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, would help fulfill them.
Doing Business Differently
To meet the challenges we face today, we will have to change how we go
about formulating foreign policy and how the Department of State goes
about implementing it. First, we will need to begin to practice the
politics of inclusion in formulating policy:
-- By including America's domestic priorities, like free trade, open
markets, and a clean and safe environment, high on our policy agenda;
-- By including the counsel of leaders of business, labor,
environmental, human rights, and other private organizations in our
deliberations; and
-- By including the Congress through meaningful and close consultations
between us, so we can ensure that our foreign policy objectives serve
the best interests of the American people.
Second, we need to reshape the Department of State so it can effectively
implement our foreign policy. Deputy Secretary Wharton has described
the new structure of the Department. I would like to outline what my
role would be in this new structure.
The Role of the Under Secretary For Political Affairs
As the Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, my primary task
would be to assist Secretary Christopher and Deputy Secretary Wharton in
fulfilling our country's foreign policy objectives. The emphasis will
be on team work. The men and women whom President Clinton has
designated to lead the State Department know each other--and the leaders
of the other agencies concerned with foreign affairs--very well. I
served under Secretary Christopher when he was Deputy Secretary. Clif
Wharton, Strobe Talbott, and I know each other from the Board of the
Council on Foreign Relations, and the other Under Secretaries-designate-
-Lynn Davis, Tim Wirth, Joan Spero, Brian Atwood--and I are old friends.
Although there may be differences of opinion among us, I am confident
that our basic sense of mutual trust will serve the Department well.
The Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs oversees the
coordination of our bilateral relationships. My responsibility would be
to work closely with the Assistant Secretaries for Regional Affairs and
International Organizations to see that our policies are developed
creatively and then faithfully implemented.
I will also do my best to ensure that the conduct of these relations is
well integrated with our global policy objectives. Today, many of
America's vital national interests transcend national borders, such as
promoting human rights and democracy, fostering economic cooperation, or
countering threats from weapons proliferation and terrorism. The
Department's under secretaries and the assistant secretaries who support
them will coordinate their activities closely, all of us recognizing
that no single issue now determines our bilateral relationship with most
other nations.
My Contribution to the Team
The role of the Under Secretary for State for Political Affairs would
require me to be familiar with all of the principal policy issues the
Department will face as well as the countries which affect our interests
and the foreign leaders who are instrumental in matters of importance to
the United States
Regarding my own qualifications, I feel that I have been preparing for
this position for all of my adult life. Immediately after college and
graduate school, from 1961 until 1982, I was a career Foreign Service
officer at the Department of State. I had a wonderfully fulfilling
personal and professional experience during that period, serving in
Africa, Asia, and Europe as well as in Washington. For several years I
worked directly for Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, and, during my last
assignment in Washington, I was the Executive Secretary of the
Department and Special Assistant to Secretaries Vance and Muskie. I
also have a keen appreciation for the high quality of the men and women
of the Department of State, and I will devote a good part of my
attention to the need to streamline its operations so as to better serve
America's new and traditional interests around the world.
For the past 10 years, I have analyzed US foreign policy from a
perspective outside government: first at the World Affairs Council of
Northern California in San Francisco and then at the Council on Foreign
Relations in New York. It was enormously valuable for me to be able to
reflect on questions of American foreign policy from a vantage point in
the private sector. In San Francisco and New York, my work involved
discussing these issues with representatives of business, labor, the
universities, and the communications industry, as well as with countless
public and private foreign leaders whom I met both at home and abroad.
Over the years, I learned to appreciate the enormous diversity of
America's foreign interests and the deep reserves of talent available in
this country to help chart our nation's course in the post-Cold War era.
The Importance of Political Consensus and Open Debate
As I stated earlier, a strong bipartisan consensus firmly based on the
support of an informed public was the foundation for the success of
American foreign policy in defeating the military and ideological threat
of communism. This was achieved by previous administrations in part as
a result of close consultation and cooperation between the executive
branch and Congress. Real consultation, with this committee and this
Congress, will be a hallmark of this Administration and its Department
of State.
I regard this consultation as extremely valuable to those in policy-
making positions. In my 20 years of service in the State Department--
under Democratic and Republican presidents--and 10 years in the private
sector, I have learned to respect the advice of Americans in all walks
of life and the views of public and private thinkers on both sides of
the aisle. I will actively seek out their counsel for several reasons:
First, I have seen that where America's international interests are
concerned, there is considerable bipartisan consensus on our policy
objectives;
Second, I know well that no party and no individual has a monopoly on
creativity or common sense; and
Third, I have seen that there is great benefit to encouraging full and
free debate on policy means and ends. Some views will not win the day,
and others may prove, in hindsight, to have been less than far-sighted.
But that is the price--well worth paying--of open discussion, and that,
of course, is also the American way.
For my part, I look forward to encouraging such debate and candor among
the fine and diverse minds in the Foreign Service and the Civil Service
in the Department of State, and I would expect the same degree of
openness from this committee.
Let me thank you once again for this privilege and promise you that I
would work closely with this committee and the Congress in helping to
fashion a foreign policy which serves our nation's interests and ideals.
(###)
ARTICLE 5:
White House Statements
President Meets With NATO Secretary General
Statement by White House Press Secretary Dee Dee Myers, Washington, DC,
March 2, 1993.
The President welcomed NATO Secretary General Manfred Woerner to the
White House today. The President reaffirmed the fundamental importance
of NATO and the trans-Atlantic relationship and his commitment to
maintaining a significant American military presence in Europe to defend
the interests of the United States and its allies and friends.
The President and Secretary General Woerner discussed the crisis in the
former Yugoslavia and what actions NATO could take to support the
efforts of the international community to bring that tragedy to a
peaceful conclusion.
In addition, the President and Secretary General Woerner discussed the
ongoing work in NATO to develop the alliance's peace-keeping
capabilities in support of the United Nations and the CSCE [Conference
on Security and Cooperation in Europe] and with the involvement of
NATO's partners in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council.
The President thanked Secretary General Woerner for his continued
stewardship of the Atlantic alliance and looks forward to working
closely with him in continuing to adapt the alliance to meet the common
challenges of the future.
Repatriation Policy For Haitian Asylum-Seekers
Statement by White House Director of Communications George
Stephanopoulos, Washington, DC, March 2, 1993.
Today, the Supreme Court heard arguments concerning the current
repatriation policy regarding Haitian asylum-seekers. At that time, the
Justice Department supported the President's legal authority to carry
out the practice of direct return. The President believes [that] it is
essential that he retain the ability to implement such measures when
exceptional circumstances demand.
The current practice of direct returns is based on the President's
conviction that it is necessary to avert a humanitarian tragedy that
could result from a large boat exodus. Hundreds, if not thousands,
could lose their lives in overloaded, unseaworthy vessels if the United
States reversed the practice of direct return precipitously.
At the same time, the President regards the current practice of direct
return as a policy for exceptional circumstances. It is continually
under review and will be adjusted when conditions permit.
In addition, the President is taking a series of initiatives to promote
human rights and democratization in Haiti and to enhance the safety and
well-being of those who have reason to fear persecution.
First, the Clinton Administration strongly has supported the negotiating
process undertaken by the United Nations and the Organization of
American States (UN/OAS) and has urged other nations, both within and
outside the hemisphere, to provide diplomatic and financial support to
the UN/OAS effort. A UN/OAS civilian monitoring team now is being
deployed in Haiti. We hope and expect that their presence will create
an atmosphere conducive to respect for human rights and political
dialogue, including progress on a settlement to this crisis.
The President will continue efforts to move the negotiating process
forward as expeditiously as possible, leading to the restoration of
constitutional government and the return of [Haitian] President
Aristide. President Clinton will meet with President Aristide on March
16 to review the progress that has been achieved and the challenges that
lie ahead.
Second, the President is committed to enhancing the safety and well-
being of those in Haiti who have reason to fear reprisal for their
political activities and affiliations and has taken a number of actions
to improve in-country processing of Haitian refugees--the procedures by
which Haitians may apply in Haiti for refugee status and resettlement
in the United States.
Shortly after January 20, the President directed that US officials
double our capacity for the interviewing of refugee applicants in Haiti
by officials of the Immigration and Naturalization Service [INS]. The
President also directed the State Department to send a technical mission
to Haiti to develop detailed proposals for:
-- More rapid refugee processing;
-- Making it easier for Haitians outside Port-au-Prince to apply for
refugee status and US resettlement; and
-- Enhancing the safety of the repatriation process for returnees.
Since return of the technical team, we have streamlined procedures and
added staff in Port-au-Prince and have reduced considerably the
processing time for refugee applications in Haiti. We have already
developed the capacity to reduce processing time for high-priority cases
from 2 months or more to about 7 working days.
The technical team, which also included congressional staff and
representatives from the INS, made a series of additional
recommendations for improvements in procedures, including:
-- The addition of personnel at the US Refugee Processing Center in
Haiti to serve as liaison with human rights groups and as a resource for
INS adjudicators;
-- Procedures for identifying those who may be especially at risk; and
-- The establishment of processing centers outside Port-au-Prince to
enhance access to the program for Haitians throughout Haiti.
Based on these and other recommendations made by the team, the President
has directed that US officials implement further improvements in the
process. To accomplish these goals, the President is authorizing
expenditure of up to $5 million from the Emergency Refugee and Migration
Assistance fund.
The United States has been in the forefront of refugee protection around
the world. We will continue to play this important role in the years to
come. (###)
ARTICLE 6:
Department Statements
Hostages Held in Zaire
Statement by Acting Department Spokesman Joseph Snyder, Washington, DC,
February 25, 1993.
Since yesterday, Zairian troops in Kinshasa have been holding hostage
the members of the High Council, demanding that they reverse a
government decision demonetizing controversial banknotes. Meanwhile,
members of the military high command have denounced the President of the
High Council, Archbishop Monsengwo.
These actions constitute a severe threat to the democratic process in
Zaire, a process which the United States has consistently supported.
Zaire's economic crisis is the cause of the government's inability to
pay the army and of the recent military rioting. This crisis can only
be solved by allowing the transition government to function free from
presidential interference.
We call on President Mobutu immediately to instruct his military
commanders to release the High Council and allow the transition process
to continue. The US Government and world opinion will hold him
responsible for the lives and welfare of those being held.
Chinese Treatment Of Foreign Journalists
Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, March
2, 1993.
Last June, ABC News correspondent Todd Carrel was among several foreign
journalists beaten and detained by Chinese police while covering the
anniversary of the 1989 crackdown in Tiananmen Square.
On February 25, 1993, a spokesman for the Chinese Government stated that
Carrel and his colleagues had gone to Tiananmen Square last year for
"illegal reporting activities" and had been attacked by "indignant"
Chinese citizens before being "rescued" by police. This Chinese
statement came after the Foreign Correspondents Club of Beijing recently
renewed its protest over the incident, having received no reply to its
original letter to the Chinese Government.
The journalists were covering a news story in conformity with recognized
international practice. At the time of the incident, we protested
strongly both in Beijing and Washington, DC, as did other foreign
correspondents in Beijing. We understand Mr. Carrel has not recovered
from injuries received during the beating and still has difficulty
walking. We reject this latest Chinese statement, which is not
consistent with the facts.
In our discussions with the Chinese Government, we have pressed them not
to interfere with the ability of journalists to report openly on events
in China and to observe international standards concerning the treatment
of journalists as they carry out their responsibilities to report the
news. We will continue to raise this issue. (###)
END OF DISPATCH VOL 4, NO 10
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