US DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 4, NUMBER 8, FEBRUARY 22, 1993
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE:
1. Report on Iraqi Developments -- President Clinton
2. Update on Progress in Somalia -- Robert Houdek
3. Department Statements
Cuban Crackdown on Labor Union Leaders
Support for Colombian Democracy
4. Fact Sheet: Cuba
5. Country Profile: Cuba
6. Fact Sheet: Council of Europe
7. Fact Sheet: Who Belongs To What
8. New Ambassadors
ARTICLE 1:
Report on Iraqi Developments
President Clinton
Text of a letter to Congress, February 16, 1993.
To the Congress of the United States:
I hereby report to the Congress on the developments since the last
report of August 3, 1992, concerning the national emergency with respect
to Iraq that was declared in Executive Order No. 12722 of August 2,
1990. This report is submitted pursuant to sections 401(c) of the
National Emergencies Act ("NEA"), 50 U.S.C. 1641(c), and section 204(c)
of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act ("IEEPA"), 50 U.S.C.
1703(c).
Executive Order No. 12722 ordered the immediate blocking of all property
and interests in property of the Government of Iraq (including the
Central Bank of Iraq) then or thereafter located in the United States or
within the possession or control of a U.S. person. That order also
prohibited the importation into the United States of goods and services
of Iraqi origin, as well as the exportation of goods, services, and
technology from the United States to Iraq. The order prohibited travel-
related transactions to or from Iraq and the performance of any contract
in support of any industrial, commercial, or governmental project in
Iraq. U.S. persons were also prohibited from granting or extending
credit or loans to the Government of Iraq.
The foregoing prohibitions (as well as the blocking of Government of
Iraq property) were continued and augmented on August 9, 1990, by
Executive Order No. 12724, which was issued in order to align the
sanctions imposed by the United States with United Nations Security
Council Resolution 661 of August 6, 1990.
This report discusses only matters concerning the national emergency
with respect to Iraq that was declared in Executive Order No. 12722 and
matters relating to Executive Orders Nos. 12724 and 12817 (the
"Executive Orders"). The report covers events from August 2, 1992,
through February 1, 1993.
1. On October 21, 1992, President Bush issued Executive Order No.
12817, implementing in the United States measures adopted in United
Nations Security Council Resolution ("UNSCR") No. 778 of October 2,
1992. UNSCR No. 778 requires U.N. member states temporarily to transfer
to a U.N. escrow account up to $200 million apiece in Iraqi oil proceeds
paid by the purchaser after the imposition of U.N. sanctions on Iraq.
These funds finance Iraq's obligations for U.N. activities with respect
to Iraq, including expenses to verify Iraqi weapons destruction and to
provide humanitarian assistance in Iraq on a nonpartisan basis. A
portion of the escrowed funds will also fund the activities of the U.N.
Compensation Commission in Geneva, which will handle claims from victims
of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The funds placed in the escrow account
are to be returned, with interest, to the member states that transferred
them to the U.N., as funds are received from future sales of Iraqi oil
authorized by the United Nations Security Council. No member state is
required to fund more than half of the total contributions to the escrow
account.
Executive Order No. 12817 authorized the Secretary of the Treasury (the
"Secretary") to identify the proceeds of the sale of Iraqi petroleum or
petroleum products paid for by or on behalf of the purchaser on or after
August 6, 1990, and directed United States financial institutions
holding such funds to transfer them to the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York ("FRBNY") in the manner required by the Secretary. Executive Order
No. 12817 further directs the FRBNY to receive, hold, and transfer funds
in which the Government of Iraq has an interest at the direction of the
Secretary to fulfill U.S. rights and obligations pursuant to UNSCR No.
778.
2. The economic sanctions imposed on Iraq by the Executive Orders are
administered by the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets
Control ("FAC") pursuant to the Iraqi Sanctions Regulations, 31 CFR Part
575 ("ISR"). The ISR were amended on September 1, 1992, to revoke
section 575.603, which had required U.S. financial institutions to file
monthly reports regarding certain bank accounts in which the Government
of Iraq has an interest. While this information was needed during the
early implementation of the regulations and for a period thereafter, it
is no longer required on a monthly basis and can be obtained by FAC on a
case-by-case basis as required. The amendment is in harmony with
President Bush's Regulatory Initiative.
3. Investigations of possible violations of the Iraqi sanctions
continue to be pursued and appropriate enforcement actions taken. These
are intended to deter future activities in violation of the sanctions.
Additional civil penalty notices were prepared during the reporting
period for violations of the IEEPA and ISR with respect to transactions
involving Iraq. Penalties were collected, principally from financial
institutions which engaged in unauthorized, albeit apparently
inadvertent, transactions with respect to Iraq.
4. Investigation also continues into the roles played by various
individuals and firms outside Iraq in [Iraqi President] Saddam Hussein's
procurement network. These investigations may lead to additions to the
FAC listing of individuals and organizations determined to be Specially
Designated Nationals ("SDNs") of the Government of Iraq.
5. Pursuant to Executive Order No. 12817 implementing UNSCR No. 778, on
October 26, 1992, FAC directed the FRBNY to establish a blocked account
for receipt of certain post-August 6, 1990, Iraqi oil sales proceeds,
and to hold, invest, and transfer these funds as required by the order.
On the same date, FAC directed the eight United States financial
institutions holding the affected oil proceeds, on an allocated, pro
rata basis, to transfer a total of $200 million of these blocked Iraqi
assets to the FRBNY account. On December 15, 1992, following the
payment of $20 million by the Government of Kuwait and $30 million by
the Government of Saudi Arabia to a special United Nations-controlled
account, entitled UNSCR No. 778 Escrow Account, the FRBNY was directed
to transfer a corresponding amount of $50 million from the blocked
account it holds to the United Nations-controlled account. Future
transfers from the blocked FRBNY account will be made on a matching
basis up to the $200 million for which the United States is potentially
obligated pursuant to UNSCR No. 778.
6. Since the last report, one case filed against the Government of Iraq
has gone to judgment. Consarc Corporation v. Iraqi Ministry of Industry
and Minerals et al., No. 90-2269 (D.D.C., filed December 29, 1992),
arose out of a contract for the sale of furnaces by plaintiff to the
Iraqi Ministry of Industry and Minerals ("MIM"), an Iraqi governmental
entity. In connection with the contract, the Iraqi defendants opened an
irrevocable letter of credit with an Iraqi bank in favor of Consarc,
which was advised by Pittsburgh National Bank ("PNB"), with the Bank of
New York ("BoNY") entering into a confirmed reimbursement agreement with
the advising bank. Funds were set aside at BoNY, in an account of the
Iraqi bank, for reimbursement of BoNY if PNB made a payment to Consarc
on the letter of credit and sought reimbursement from BoNY. Consarc
received a down payment from the Iraqi MIM and manufactured the
furnaces. No goods were shipped prior to imposition of sanctions on
August 2, 1990, and the United States claimed that the funds on deposit
in the Iraqi bank account at BoNY were blocked, as well as the furnaces
manufactured for the Iraqi Government or the proceeds of the sale of the
furnaces to third parties. The district court ruled that the furnaces
or their sales proceeds were properly blocked pursuant to the
declaration of the national emergency and blocking of Iraqi Government
property interests, but that, due to fraud on MIM's part in concluding
the sales contract, the funds on deposit in an Iraqi bank account at
BoNY were not the property of the Government of Iraq, and ordered FAC to
unblock these funds. FAC has noted its appeal of this ruling.
7. FAC has issued a total of 337 specific licenses regarding
transactions pertaining to Iraq or Iraqi assets since August 1990.
Since the last report, 49 specific licenses have been issued. Licenses
were issued for transactions such as the filing of legal actions
involving Iraqi interests, for legal representation of Iraq, and the
exportation to Iraq of donated medicine, medical supplies, and food
intended for humanitarian relief purposes.
To ensure compliance with the terms of the licenses which have been
issued, stringent reporting requirements have been imposed that are
closely monitored. Licensed accounts are regularly audited by FAC
compliance personnel and deputized auditors from other regulatory
agencies. FAC compliance personnel continue to work closely with both
State and Federal bank regulatory and law enforcement agencies in
conducting special audits of Iraqi accounts subject to the ISR.
8. The expenses incurred by the Federal Government in the 6-month
period from August 2, 1992, through February 1, 1993, that are directly
attributable to the exercise of powers and authorities conferred by the
declaration of a national emergency with respect to Iraq are estimated
at about $2 million, most of which represents wage and salary costs for
Federal personnel. Personnel costs were largely centered in the
Department of the Treasury (particularly in FAC, the U.S. Customs
Service, the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Enforcement, the
Office of the Assistant Secretary for International Affairs, and the
Office of the General Counsel), the Department of State (particularly of
the Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs, the Bureau[s] of Near East
[Affairs] and South Asian Affairs, the Bureau of International
Organization [Affairs], and the Office of the Legal Adviser), the
Department of Transportation (particularly the U.S. Coast Guard), and
the Department of Commerce (particularly in the Bureau of Export
Administration and the Office of the General Counsel).
9. The United States imposed economic sanctions on Iraq in response to
Iraq's invasion and illegal occupation of Kuwait, a clear act of brutal
aggression. The United States, together with the international
community, is maintaining economic sanctions against Iraq because the
Iraqi regime has failed to comply fully with United Nations Security
Council resolutions, including those calling for the elimination of
Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, the inviolability of the Iraq-Kuwait
boundary, the release of Kuwaiti and other third country nationals,
compensation for victims of Iraqi aggression, long-term monitoring of
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capabilities, and the return of
Kuwaiti assets stolen during its illegal occupation of Kuwait. The U.N.
sanctions remain in place; the United States will continue to enforce
those sanctions.
The Saddam Hussein regime continued to violate basic human rights by
repressing the Iraqi civilian population and depriving it of
humanitarian assistance. The United Nations Security Council passed
resolutions that permit Iraq to sell $1.6 billion of oil under U.N.
auspices to fund the provision of food, medicine, and other humanitarian
supplies to the people of Iraq. Under the U.N. resolutions, the
equitable distribution within Iraq of this assistance would be
supervised and monitored by the United Nations. The Iraqi regime
continued to refuse to accept these resolutions and has thereby chosen
to perpetuate the suffering of its civilian population.
The regime of Saddam Hussein continues to pose an unusual and
extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the
United States, as well as to regional peace and security. Because of
Iraq's failure to comply fully with United Nations Security Council
resolutions, the United States will therefore continue to apply economic
sanctions to deter Iraq from threatening peace and stability in the
region, and I will continue to report periodically to the Congress on
significant developments, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703(c).
William J. Clinton (###)
ARTICLE 2:
Update on Progress in Somalia
Robert Houdek, Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, Washington, DC, February 17, 1993
Thank you, Mr. Chairman [Harry Johnstone, D., Fla.] for this opportunity
to testify before your subcommittee on the progress we are making in
Somalia. But first, let me offer congratulations as you take up your
duties as chairman. Your committee historically has played a vital and
constructive role in US-African relations. This is a period of dramatic
change in Africa offering both new opportunities and some daunting
challenges. We look forward to working closely with you, the members,
and your staffs.
Mr. Chairman, exactly 2 months ago, Assistant Secretary [for African
Affairs Herman J.] Cohen came before this committee and discussed the
horrific humanitarian crisis in Somalia. At that time, Ambassador Cohen
explained that the US-led Unified Task Force (UNITAF) under UN auspices
had a clearly defined and do-able mission: establishing a secure
environment for the delivery of food and other humanitarian aid in
Somalia. Once sufficient order was established, the mission would be
handed over to an expanded UN peace-keeping operation.
UNITAF has made remarkable progress toward achieving that goal. The
32,000 UNITAF troops presently in Somalia, of which approximately 18,000
are American, have performed with great professionalism and devotion.
Their discipline has minimized casualties on both sides and won the
admiration and support of the vast majority of Somalis.
Security Assessment
I want to share with you our assessment of the current security and
political environment.
UNITAF forces have secured nine key areas in southern Somalia, including
airports and the ports of Mogadishu and Kismaayo. Daily surface convoys
deliver supplies to relief organizations around these key points.
Relief corridors are open, and regular convoys are sent to Baidoa, which
is being used as a staging site for humanitarian distribution into the
Somali interior.
Death rates are falling dramatically. In Baidoa, one relief agency
estimates that death rates for children under 5 [years] have dropped
from 50 to 15 per 10,000 per day (mostly from disease rather than
starvation). More needs to be done, but we are seeing a dramatic
impact.
Circumstances have dictated that UNITAF forces be increasingly active in
disarming armed Somalis to help ensure the sustainability of a secure
environment and to protect the lives of UNITAF forces. In Mogadishu,
Kismaayo, Baidoa, and Bardera, technicals [vehicles used by warring
factions] and heavy weapons have been moved to cantonment areas under
UNITAF supervision. The so-called green line in Mogadishu dividing
previously warring factions is no more. The agreement of factional
leaders Ali Mahdi and Aideed to get their technicals and heavy weapons
out of Mogadishu and dismantle the "green line" was a major achievement.
Further, in Addis Ababa [Ethiopia] last month, leaders of 15 Somali
factions agreed to a cease-fire and to turn over all heavy weaponry to
UNITAF and UN troops. The accords also called for creation of a
committee of representatives of Somali factions to work with the United
Nations and UNITAF. Somali factional leaders have been asked to
inventory their weapons and have been invited by UN Special
Representative Ismat Kittani to discuss [the] next steps in disarmament
and monitoring the cease-fire.
We view this as a promising initiative which should further bolster the
security environment. But it would be misleading to leave the
impression that southern Somalia is now a safe place. Many former
militiamen and gang members, denied the opportunity to extort from
relief agencies or steal relief shipments, have turned to preying on
less lucrative, unprotected targets.
To counter the upsurge in common crime and banditry and to relieve
UNITAF troops from routine security duties, priority is being given to
the establishment of Somali police forces. The United Nations will help
fund auxiliary, interim police forces in Mogadishu and other population
centers. These units, which UNITAF helped to establish, will report to
local combined committees of elders [and] community and religious
leaders. Local police began operating in Mogadishu on February 6.
We expect that interim police forces will be followed by establishment
of trained, professional, [and] neutral regional or national police.
International police experts are now in Somalia developing
recommendations for the United Nations as to how this can be best
accomplished. This is a difficult but central task.
Political Appraisal
The vast majority of the Somali people have welcomed UNITAF forces not
only because UNITAF brought an end to anarchy and starvation but also
because UNITAF made it clear [that] it came in peace to help, not to
impose a settlement.
We have supported the UN's previously articulated strategy of building
political reconciliation from the grassroots up. We have seen broad, if
somewhat uneven, progress in the Somali political situation. The
improved security climate and reduced threats by warlords have
encouraged establishment of representative local committees of Somalis
to discuss security and relief issues among themselves and with UNITAF
and UN leaders, US liaison officers, and USAID/OFDA representatives.
While the process of rebuilding community organizations is in its early
stages, the re-emergence of the influence of elders, religious leaders,
intellectuals, and women's groups in local affairs is encouraging.
Last month's UN-sponsored Addis Ababa conference of factional leaders
was a significant first step in the dialogue of old-time enemies. A
successful followup on implementing the cease-fire and disarmament
accords will be crucial.
Progress on the security and political fronts are closely interrelated.
UNITAF and UNOSOM [UN Operation in Somalia] are working together to
maintain the momentum in implementing the Addis [Ababa] cease-fire and
disarmament accords. We are continuing to give full backing to the UN's
political reconciliation efforts. But we should not expect quick
results. Lasting reconciliation will require further control of arms
and broad participation of the Somali people--local and regional
involvement--not just a deal at the top at the national level. This
political process will take time.
Transition From UNITAF To UNOSOM
We anticipate a smooth, phased transition from UNITAF to UNOSOM II; in
fact, parts of the transition have already occurred. Some US forces
have returned home, replaced by non-American UNITAF troops, some of whom
will become part of UNOSOM II.
US military planners are working with their UN counterparts on the
transition. Secretary of State Christopher has assured UN Secretary
General Boutros-Ghali that the United States is prepared to aid UNOSOM
II with logistics and other support, as well as with a quick reaction
force, if necessary. The United States will also provide an officer to
be the deputy commander of UNOSOM II.
Neither the exact number of American personnel nor the total number of
UNOSOM forces has been decided at this point. Those decisions must
await issuance of the Secretary General's report, the subsequent
Security Council resolution authorizing formation of UNOSOM II, and
final discussions among UNOSOM II participants, the United Nations and
contributing countries' military experts. However, I can assure you
that the vast majority of UNOSOM II forces will not be American.
The UN Secretary General is expected to present his latest report on
Somalia to the UN Security Council this week, opening the way for prompt
Security Council debate on a new resolution. We anticipate that the
report will reflect the close consultations in New York and Somalia
between the United Nations, the United States, and the UNITAF coalition.
From our consultations, we believe that the Secretary General's report
will coincide with much that is in our own general approach: most
importantly that the new UNOSOM should have sufficient size,
capabilities, and rules of engagement to enable it to enforce the peace
under Chapter VII of the UN Charter throughout all of Somalia.
We share the view that without improved security the political process
cannot prosper. We also agree that the new mandate must include
prevention of the resumption of violence; control of heavy weapons;
maintenance of the cease-fire; and the building of a new professional
police force to ensure that the UN's efforts to promote political
reconciliation and rehabilitation can progress.
While the elements of UNOSOM's new mandate are important, equally
important is international support for UNOSOM. The earlier UN Operation
in Somalia has been criticized; but, in a real sense, the success of
UNOSOM's future operations depends on widespread international support.
We have assured the Secretary General of our military backing for
UNOSOM's peace enforcement operations. We are heartened by the offers
of many UNITAF troop contingents to remain in Somalia under UNOSOM, as
well as the offers of other countries to send troops to be part of
UNOSOM. We are confident that the United Nations will field a force
that will accomplish its mission. Additionally, we have told the United
Nations [that] we are willing to assist on the civilian side, with some
staff if needed, to contribute to progress on the rehabilitation and
reconciliation fronts. We also are urging our friends to help.
This is not a time for self-congratulation; the starving and the
suffering continue in areas of Somalia. But I would be remiss if I did
not highlight the superb cooperative work of [Head of US Command in
Somalia Lieutenant] General Johnston and [US Special envoy] Ambassador
Oakley. They, and the men and women who work with them, have made an
incredibly difficult job look deceptively easy. Here I would like to
emphasize the essential contributions of our coalition partners.
International cooperation has worked under harsh conditions and in an
unprecedented state of anarchy.
We are moving to a new phase of our efforts in Somalia--from UNITAF to
UNOSOM; from the job of re-establishing a secure environment to get
relief to the most needy to the challenge of consolidating security
gains and promoting political reconciliation and rehabilitation.
While progress has been swift under UNITAF, patience and endurance will
now be needed, because there are no shortcuts to restoring trust and
rebuilding a civil society.
Television images of starving Somalis, which moved the American
conscience last fall, are now replaced by those of suffering peoples
elsewhere. The Somalis are a resilient people. They are returning to
their villages and are planting crops. Markets are coming alive;
children are leaving feeding kitchens, some to return to school.
But this picture of normalcy is deceptive. A tremendous amount needs to
be done before Somalia is a normal society. The essential work of
UNOSOM may well take place without great public pressure for
international involvement. But if we are to avoid the risk of
forfeiting the gains of Operation Restore Hope, continued American and
allied assistance will be essential. This Administration is committed
to such a course and looks forward to Congress' continued cooperation
and support.
In this spirit, we welcome congressional support--as expressed in S. J.
[Senate Joint] Resolution 45, for the efforts we have been making in
creating a secure environment for provision of humanitarian relief
alleviating the massive suffering of the Somali people. The dual
catastrophes of famine and merciless civil strife have been devastating
to Somalia. Although the Administration does not believe specific
statutory authorization for the deployment of US forces to Somalia is
necessary, we are immensely gratified that the Hill and the
Administration have cooperated so well in delivering an appropriate and
urgent response. (###)
ARTICLE 3:
Department Statements
Cuban Crackdown on Labor Union Leaders
Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman,
Washington, DC, February 16, 1993.
The United States is concerned about the Cuban Government's treatment of
Cuba's nascent free trade unions. Free trade union leaders Juan
Guarino, Javier Troncoso, Jorge Bonet, Eduardo Rois, Roberto Trobajo,
Leonardo Varo, Omar Fernandez, and Lazaro Corp were detained by police
on February 5 while they met to discuss details of the merger of the
unions they represent. Police reportedly threatened them if they
continued their free union activities. All were issued a written
warning and released at 3 am the following day.
On February 6, Rafael Gutierrez Santos, head of the Labor Union of Cuban
Workers, was arrested by plainclothes security agents. He is being held
incommunicado, in violation of Cuban law, at state security
headquarters.
Cuba has ignored International Labor Organization (ILO) criticisms of
its abuse of worker rights. The ILO reminded Cuba in 1992 that
arresting trade unionists without a warrant or when no grounds for
conviction exist is a violation of trade union rights; concluded that
Cuba violates ILO norms on freedom of association and the right to
organize; and found that Cuban Government restrictions on the freedom to
choose or change employment are incompatible with ILO conventions
prohibiting forced labor.
We call on the Cuban Government to release Mr. Gutierrez without delay,
to comply with the conclusions of the ILO, and to permit free trade
unions to register legally and operate freely and independently for the
benefit of Cuban workers.
Support for Colombian Democracy
Statement by State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, February 17,
1993, Washington, DC.
Colombian democracy, one of the oldest and most stable in our
hemisphere, is under attack from a vicious combination of narcotics
traffickers and guerrillas. We condemn the recent series of bombings
against innocent civilians as well as civil and police officials who are
the true heroes of Colombia's struggle to preserve its democratic
institutions. We extend our sympathy to the families of these people.
We admire the Colombian Government and people who continue to defend and
develop Colombia's democratic institutions and its economy despite the
terrible violence. We support the Colombian Government's condemnation
of all terrorist acts. We strongly support Colombia's efforts, under
the leadership of President Gaviria, to improve law enforcement measures
against major drug traffickers, to bring about significant judicial
reform, and to achieve greater economic prosperity. (###)
ARTICLE 4:
Fact Sheet: Cuba
PEOPLE
Cuba is a multi-racial society with a population of mainly Spanish and
African origins. The largest organized religion is the Roman Catholic
Church. Officially, Cuba has been an atheist state for most of the
Castro era. How-ever, a constitutional amendment adopted on July 12,
1992, changed the nature of the Cuban state from atheist to secular,
enabling religious believers to belong to the Cuban Communist Party
(PCC).
HISTORY
Before the arrival of Columbus in 1492, Cuba was inhabited by three
groups--Siboneys, Guanahabibes, and Tainos--the last of which introduced
agriculture, including maize and tobacco, to the island. As Spain
developed its colonial empire in the Western Hemisphere, Havana became
an important commercial port. Settlers eventually moved inland,
devoting themselves mainly to sugar cane and tobacco. As the native
Indian population died out, African slaves were imported to work the
plantations. A 1774 census in Cuba recorded 96,000 whites, 31,000 free
blacks, and 44,000 slaves. Slavery was abolished in 1886.
Cuba was the last major Spanish colony to gain independence in a
movement which began in 1850, when Cuban planters financed and led
several expeditions against Spanish garrisons. In 1868, the Ten Years'
War for independence began under the leadership of Carlos Manuel de
Cespedes, whom the Cubans consider to be the father of their country.
Jose Marti, Cuba's greatest national hero, initiated plans for a general
uprising 24 years later. In 1895, Marti announced the Grito de Baire,
heralding the beginning of Cuba's final struggle for independence.
Shortly after, he died in battle.
The United States entered the conflict on the side of the
revolutionaries when the USS Maine, anchored in Havana Harbor to protect
US citizens, was sunk by an explosion of unknown origin on February 15,
1898. On December 10, 1898, Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, ending
the Spanish-American War and relinquishing control of Cuba to the United
States. The United States administered the island for 3 years.
Independence was proclaimed May 20, 1902, although the United States
retained the right to intervene to preserve Cuban independence and
stability under the Platt Amendment, which established conditions
mandated by Congress for the withdrawal of US troops from Cuba.
In 1934, the amendment was repealed in keeping with the Roosevelt
Administration's "Good Neighbor" policy. Later the same year, the
United States and Cuba reaffirmed by treaty the 1903 agreement which
leased the Guantanamo Bay naval base to the United States. This
agreement remains in force today and can only be terminated by mutual
agreement or abandonment by the United States.
Cubans elected General Gerardo Machado as president in 1924, but he
forcibly extended his rule until a popular uprising deposed him in 1933.
Army Sergeant Fulgencio Batista led the revolt and established himself
as Cuba's dominant leader for more than 25 years. He ruled through a
series of presidents and was himself elected in 1940 for 4 years. In
March 1952, shortly before regularly scheduled elections, Batista seized
the presidency in a bloodless coup.
On July 26, 1953, an armed opposition group led by Fidel Castro attacked
the Moncada army barracks at Santiago de Cuba. The attack was
unsuccessful, and many, including Castro, were captured and imprisoned.
Castro, released by Batista under a May 1955 amnesty, went into exile in
Mexico, where he formed a revolutionary group, the "26th of July
Movement."
On December 2, 1956, Castro and 81 of his followers landed in eastern
Cuba aboard the yacht Granma. All but 12 were soon captured, killed, or
dispersed. From this nucleus, Castro's forces eventually grew to
several thousand. While other groups also actively opposed Batista,
Castro's "26th of July" forces became predominant when Batista fled on
January 1, 1959. Castro's assumption of power was acclaimed in Cuba and
abroad because he seemed to embody the hopes of most Cubans for a return
to democratic government and an end to graft and corruption.
Within months, Castro moved to consolidate his power and to set up an
authoritarian government. Many leaders of the opposition to Batista
were executed or sentenced to lengthy prison terms for opposing Castro's
policies. Moderates were forced out of the government, and hundreds of
thousands of Cubans fled the island.
During an April 1959 visit to Washington, Castro addressed concerns
about a reported leftist tilt to his regime by saying, "We are against
all kinds of dictators, whether of a man, or a country, or a class, or
an oligarchy, or by the military. That is why we are against
communism."
On December 2, 1961, Castro publicly declared himself a Marxist-
Leninist. Representative democracy was abolished, effective freedom of
expression ended, and all opposition political activity was soon
terminated.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
Cuba's once-ambitious foreign policy has been scaled back and redirected
as a result of economic hardship and the end of the East-West conflict.
Cuba aims to find new sources of trade, aid, and foreign investment, and
to drum up opposition to US policy toward Cuba, especially the trade
embargo and the Cuban Democracy Act. Support for revolutionary
movements, once an article of faith for the regime, is largely a thing
of the past. Cuba has relations with nearly 140 countries and has
civilian assistance workers--principally medical--in more than 20
nations.
When it first came to power, the Castro Government supported the spread
of revolution by aiming to reproduce throughout Latin America its rural-
based guerrilla warfare experience. In 1959, Cuba aided armed
expeditions against Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti. During
the 1960s, Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, and Bolivia all faced
serious Cuban-backed attempts to develop guerrilla insurgencies. These
movements failed to attract popular support. The most conspicuous
failure occurred in 1967. Castro had sent Che Guevara--a charismatic
revolutionary hero from Argentina and symbol of Cuban efforts to spread
the revolution throughout Latin America--to lead an insurgency in
Bolivia. Guevara's efforts were opposed by both the peasantry and the
Bolivian Communist Party. Guevara was killed, and the insurgency
collapsed.
Cuba's support for Latin revolutionaries, along with the openly Marxist-
Leninist character of its government and its alignment with the USSR,
contributed to its isolation in the hemisphere. In January 1962, the
Organization of American States (OAS) excluded Cuba from active
participation. Two years later, OAS foreign ministers resolved that
member nations should have no diplomatic and consular relations with
Cuba and should suspend all trade and sea transportation.
In the late 1960s, Cuba de-emphasized its policy of supporting
revolutions abroad and began to pursue normal government-to-government
relations with other Latin American nations. By the mid-1970s, Cuba had
reestablished diplomatic relations with a number of countries in the
region. In 1975, the OAS lifted comprehensive sanctions and deferred to
individual member states the option of diplomatic and trade relations
with Cuba.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Cuba expanded its military presence
abroad--deployments reached 50,000 troops in Angola, 24,000 in Ethiopia,
1,500 in Nicaragua, and hundreds more elsewhere. In Angola, Cuban
troops, supported logistically by the USSR, backed the Popular Movement
for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), one of the movements competing for
power after Portugal granted Angola its independence.
Cuban forces played a key role in Ethiopia's war in the Ogaden region
against Somalia, 1977-78, and remained there in substantial numbers as a
garrison force for a decade. Cubans served in a non-combat advisory
role in Mozambique and the Congo. Cuba also used the Congo as a
logistical support center for Cuba's Angola mission.
In the late 1980s, Cuba began to pull back militarily. Cuba
unilaterally removed its forces from Ethiopia; Cuba met the timetable of
the 1988 Angola-Namibia accords by completing the withdrawal of its
forces from Angola before July 1991; and Cuba ended military assistance
to Nicaragua following the Sandinistas' 1990 electoral defeat. In
January 1992, following the peace agreement in El Salvador, Castro
stated that Cuban support for insurgents was a thing of the past.
Cuban-Soviet Relations
Ties between Cuba and the Soviet Union were close from 1960 until
perestroika and the subsequent demise of the USSR. Cuba received
critical economic and military assistance, which kept its economy afloat
and enabled it to maintain a disproportionately large military
establishment. However, as the former USSR's economy experienced
growing problems, its reliability as a trade and aid partner for Cuba
declined. Russia has drastically reduced economic and military aid to
Cuba. In November 1992, Cuba and Russia signed a number of economic and
commercial agreements. Russian officials have stated that all trade
will be at world prices.
Cuban-Soviet ties led to a direct confrontation between the United
States and the Soviet Union in 1962 over the installation of nuclear-
equipped missiles in Cuba, resolved only when Moscow agreed to the
withdrawal of the missiles and other offensive weapons. In late 1970,
the possibility that the Soviet Union would establish submarine bases in
Cuba became an issue. However, they were never established. In 1971,
President Nixon affirmed the existence of an understanding between the
United States and the USSR that the Soviet Union would not install any
offensive weapons systems in Cuba nor operate such systems from there,
including sea-based systems.
Cuba's special relationship with the Soviet Union began to disintegrate
during perestroika, due to growing economic difficulties and ideological
differences. During a visit in April 1989, President Gorbachev spoke
out against the "export of revolution." Following Gorbachev's trip,
Castro and the Cuban press began to harshly criticize reforms in the
Soviet Union.
With the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union undertook a worldwide
reduction of its military forces. Soviet military personnel in Cuba,
numbering around 15,000 in 1990, today total under 4,000 Russian troops.
In September 1991, then-President Gorbachev announced the withdrawal of
the 2,800-man Soviet combat brigade. An estimated 1,600 soldiers still
in Cuba are to be withdrawn by June 1993. Russia maintains a signal
intelligence-gathering facility, the largest of the former USSR, at
Lourdes. It is staffed by 2,100 technicians and monitors US civilian
and military communications.
US-Cuban Relations
After Castro came to power, bilateral relations deteriorated sharply,
primarily because of its imposition of a repressive dictatorship, its
uncompensated nationalization of American property valued at about $1.8
billion in 1962, and its support for violent subversive groups. The
United States broke diplomatic relations on January 3, 1961, after the
Cuban Government demanded that the US embassy in Havana be reduced to a
skeleton staff. In 1962, the United States imposed a comprehensive
economic embargo against Cuba. Tensions between the two governments
peaked during the abortive "Bay of Pigs" invasion by anti-Castro Cubans
supported by the United States in April 1961 and the October 1962
missile crisis.
Following Cuba's de-emphasis of the export of revolution in the 1970s,
the United States did not oppose the OAS decision to make discretionary
the application of sanctions against Cuba and began to discuss
normalization of relations with Cuba. Talks began but were halted when
Cuba launched a large-scale intervention in Angola. Subsequent efforts
undertaken to improve relations led to the establishment of interests
sections in the two capitals on September 1, 1977. Currently, the US
interests section in Havana and the Cuban interests section in
Washington, DC, are under the protection of the Swiss embassy.
New differences in the late 1970s--Cuba's failure to withdraw troops
from Angola, intervention in Ethiopia, increasing subversion in the
Caribbean Basin and Central America, the delivery of sophisticated
Soviet weaponry, and the Cuban Government's deliberate efforts to
violate US sovereignty and immigration laws through the 1980 Mariel
exodus--eroded the possibility of improvement in bilateral relations.
Quiet efforts to explore the prospects for improving relations were
initiated by the United States in 1981-82; however, the Cuban Government
refused to alter its conduct with regard to US concerns about Cuba's
support for violent political change and its close political and
military cooperation with the Soviet Union. The liberation of Grenada
by the United States and regional allies in 1983 and the expulsion of
Cuban forces based there was a setback for Cuba's plans to expand its
regional sphere of influence.
One year later, the United States and Cuba negotiated an agreement to
normalize immigration and return to Cuba the "excludables" (criminals or
insane persons who, under US law, are not allowed to reside in the
United States) who had arrived during the 1980 Mariel boatlift. Cuba
suspended this agreement in May 1985 following the US initiation of the
Radio Marti by the Voice of America (VOA), which broadcasts news to
Cuba. The Mariel agreement, reinstated in November 1987, allowed normal
migration to occur between the two countries. In March 1990, VOA began
transmitting TV Marti to Cuba. Since its inception, Cuba has jammed TV
Marti and blocked Radio Marti on the AM band. Radio Marti on short wave
has a large audience.
With the peace settlement in El Salvador and establishment of democracy
in Nicaragua, US concerns focused on Cuban resistance to democratic
reforms and its denial of human rights--two major obstacles to improved
bilateral relations. In May 1991, President Bush said that if Cuba
holds free and fair elections under international supervision, respects
human rights, and stops subverting its neighbors, US-Cuban relations
could improve significantly. In October 1992, President Bush signed
into law the Cuban Democracy Act. This bipartisan legislation was
intended as a statement of US policy toward a free and democratic Cuba.
Its principal provisions ban most US subsidiary trade with Cuba and
exclude any vessel which stops in Cuba from entering US ports for 180
days . It also provides for humanitarian donations to non-govern-
mental organizations in Cuba and improved telecommunications. Despite
existing tensions, the United States continues to discuss areas of
mutual concern, such as immigration, with the Government of Cuba.
Interests Sections
Havana: US Interests Section, Calzada between L and M, Vedado. Tel.
33-3551 through 33-3559.
Principal Officer--Alan Flanigan
Deputy Principal Officer--Vincent Mayer
Consul--William H. Griffith
Public Affairs Adviser--Gene Bigler
Washington, DC: Cuban Interests Section, 2630 16th Street, NW,
Washington, DC 20009. Tel. 202-797-8518.
Principal Officer--Alfonso Fraga Perez
Deputy Principal Officer--Miguel Nunez
GOVERNMENT
Cuba is a totalitarian state dominated by Fidel Castro, who is President
of the Council of State and the Council of Ministers, First Secretary of
the Communist Party, and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Castro
exercises control over nearly all aspects of Cuban life through a
network of directorates ultimately responsible to him through the Cuban
Communist Party.
From January 1959 until December 1976, Castro ruled by decree. The 1976
constitution, extensively revised in July 1992, provides for a system of
government in which the PCC is "the highest leading force of the society
and state." The center of party power is the Politburo, which has 24
members, in addition to Fidel Castro and his brother, Raul Castro.
There are 205 members in the Central Committee.
Executive and administrative power is vested in the Council of
Ministers; its president since 1959, Fidel Castro, is head of
government. There are 10 other vice presidents on the Council of
Ministers. Legislative authority rests with the National Assembly of
People's Government, which meets for about 5 days per year. When the
assembly is not in session, it is represented by the Council of State,
of which Fidel Castro is the president and Raul Castro is first vice
president.
The PCC is Cuba's only legal political party. It monopolizes all
government positions, including judicial offices. All pre-1959
political parties and political organizations have been abolished.
Though not a formal requirement, party membership is a de facto
prerequisite for high-level official positions and professional
advancement in most areas, although non-party members have been elected
to the National Assembly. Cuba's trade unions, women's federation, and
youth and other mass organizations are controlled by the government and
party. These organizations attempt to extend Cuban Government and PCC
control over each citizen's daily activities at home, work, and school.
The Cuban Communist Party is composed of the pre-revolution communist
party which, along with two other political groups supporting the
revolution, was absorbed into a new political entity formed by Castro in
July 1961. Further refinements resulted in the emergence in late 1965
of the PCC. The party's Politburo and Central Committee together
include most of the country's military and civilian leaders.
In July 1992, the National Assembly convened for 3 days to amend the
1976 constitution. Changes included abolishing references to the former
Soviet bloc; outlawing discrimination for religious beliefs; permitting
foreign investment; giving Fidel Castro new emergency powers; and
allowing direct elections to the National Assembly, although candidates
will still be approved by quasi-governmental bodies, and campaigns will
not be allowed.
Cubans do not possess equal protection under the law, the right to
choose freely government representatives, freedom of expression, freedom
of peaceful assembly and association, or freedom to travel to and from
Cuba without restriction. The government and party control all
electronic and print media.
Cuba has no independent judiciary. Although the constitution specifies
that the courts shall be "a system of state organs independent of all
others," it explicitly subordinates the judiciary to the National
Assembly and, thus, to the Council of State. The People's Supreme Court
is the highest judicial body. Due process safeguards can be
circumvented constitutionally, and defense attorneys face severe
disadvantages under the Cuban judicial system. The Ministry of Interior
ensures political and social conformity as well as internal security:
It operates border and police forces, orchestrates public
demonstrations, investigates evidence of non-conformity, regulates
migration, and maintains pervasive vigilance through a network of
informers and 80,000 block committees (Committees for the Defense of the
Revolution--CDR).
In practice, the top leadership determines the degree to which civil
liberties are exercised. In February 1992, member states of the UN
Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) voted 23-8 (with 21 abstentions) to
approve a resolution expressing "alarm at continuing reports of human
rights abuses" and profound concern at "numerous uncontradicted reports
of continued violations . . . of human rights." Cuba refused to
cooperate with 1991 and 1992 UNHRC resolutions creating special envoys
to investigate Cuba's human rights situation. Human rights activists
continue to be the subject of arbitrary arrest, court procedures that
violate even Cuban constitutional guarantees, and lengthy prison
sentences based on the flimsiest of evidence.
Principal Government Officials
President, Council of State and Council of Ministers; First Secretary of
the Communist Party; and Commander in Chief--Fidel Castro
First Vice President, Council of State and Council of Ministers; Second
Secretary of the Communist Party; General of the Army and Minister of
Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR)--Raul Castro
Minister of Foreign Relations--Ricardo Alarcon
Ambassador to the United Nations--Alcibiades Hidalgo
ECONOMY
Since the late 18th century, the Cuban economy has been dominated by
sugar production and has prospered or suffered due to fluctuations in
sugar prices. The Castro regime has been unable to break that pattern,
and sugar accounts for about three-quarters of export earnings. Cuba's
famous tobacco provides a second source of export earnings, but it is
also subject to market forces. Cuba has never diversified from its
basic monocultural economy despite some development of natural resources
such as nickel, iron ore, copper and timber and a well-educated work
force.
For more than 30 years, the defects in Cuba's economy and the effects of
the economic embargo imposed by the United States in 1962 were at least
partially offset by heavy subsidies from the former Soviet Union and
favorable trade relationships with the countries of the former Soviet
bloc. But those supports ended abruptly with the collapse of the Soviet
bloc in the late 1980s and with the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991.
Cuba's break with its former patron and its failure to undertake needed
reforms combined to produce an unprecedented economic crisis. Its
economy is estimated to have declined by 40% from 1989 through 1992.
The economic prospects are not good, largely because of the Castro
regime's decision to maintain the state's highly centralized control
over economic decision-making, the lack of inputs for industry, and the
"Special Period in Peacetime," which relies upon strict rationing of
food, fuel, and electricity. The "Special Period" gives priority to
domestic food production, development of tourism, and biotechnology
production.
Responsibility for running the economy and for economic policy rests
with the Council of State. Basic public services are provided by the
state, either free of charge or for minimal fees. Access to education
generally is adequate, but urban housing and medical care have
deteriorated, as have communications and transportation. The Central
Planning Board, working closely with the Banco Nacional de Cuba, directs
nearly all economic activity and sets prices and targets for production,
imports, and exports. Five-year plans have fallen into disuse with the
advent of the "Special Period" and the disintegration of the trading
relationship with the former Soviet bloc. The last 5-year plan was for
1986-1990.
The state owns and operates most of Cuba's farms and all industrial
enterprises. State farms occupy about 70% of farmland, while peasant
cooperatives account for about 20%. Private farms account for about 10%
of Cuba's agriculture. Cuba's manufacturing sector emphasizes import
substitution and provision of basic industrial materials. In recent
years, many Cuban firms have closed or reduced production because of
shortages of foreign exchange and limited access to spare parts and
imported components.
Castro's efforts to diversify the economy and reduce Cuba's dependence
on sugar exports in the country's international trade have been
unsuccessful. Sugar continues to account for about 75% of export
earnings, although sugar production and exports have declined over the
past 5 years. Cuba specializes in the production of sugar byproducts
and, to a lesser extent, light industry, electronics, pharmaceuticals,
and biotechnology. Tobacco and tobacco products traditionally have been
Cuba's second-largest agricultural export. Other important crops
include coffee and citrus.
Cuba's light industrial sector, which grew in the 1970s and 1980s, has
declined because of a lack of spare parts and components. Hard hit are
the electrical power, food processing, cigar, chemical, petroleum,
textile, and metallurgy industries.
Cuba has three large oil refineries--two expropriated from US firms--and
a recently completed refinery at Cienfuegos, built with Soviet
technology and capital. The two older refineries are operating well
below capacity, while the one at Cienfuegos has never opened.
Traditionally, Cuba's mining sector has accounted for a significant part
of export earnings. The country's nickel reserves are the fourth
largest in the world. The ore is processed on the island in two
formerly US-owned plants at Nicaro and Moa Bay. Plants are also located
at Punta Gorda and Las Camariocas.
Much of Cuba's transportation network was developed in pre-revolutionary
Cuba to serve the sugar industry. The road network exceeds 30,000
kilometers (19,000 mi.), of which about half is paved. The island has a
14,640 kilometer (5,600 mi.) railway system. Buses are found throughout
urban areas but are notoriously crowded and in disrepair. Public
transport has been crippled by the lack of fuel. A significant portion
of rural public transport is provided by horse and buggy, while in urban
areas bicycles largely have replaced private vehicles. Havana is the
most important of the country's 11 major ports. The national airline,
Cubana de Aviacion, serves major cities in Cuba and a shrinking number
of foreign cities in Europe and Latin America. Aero-Caribbean, a
charter company formed in 1982, provides unscheduled passenger and cargo
service to the Caribbean Basin and Western Europe.
During the 1980s, more than 80% of Cuba's external trade was with the
former Soviet bloc, of which the Soviet share normally was more than
70%. The Soviet Union alone imported 80% of all Cuban sugar and 40% of
all Cuban citrus. Cuba's trade with the Soviet bloc involved use of
non-convertible currencies. Annual trade protocols set the volume of
goods to be exchanged between Cuba and these countries. This system was
abandoned as the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union
introduced market-oriented economic policies that affected trade with
Cuba.
Currently, Cuban trade with Russia is only a fraction of its trade with
the former Soviet Union, which had subsidized Cuban oil imports. Cuban
oil imports from the former Soviet Union of an estimated 13 million tons
in 1989 have fallen to about 5 million tons in 1992 from all sources.
An oil-for-sugar barter agreement with Russia was completed in June
1992. Russia has announced the end of all trade subsidies to Cuba.
In November 1992, Cuba and Russia announced that agreements for trade,
scientific, and maritime relations had been signed. Among the
cooperative programs discussed was how to continue financing and
construction of the Juragua, Cuba, nuclear power plant, begun in 1983
with the former Soviet Union. Completion of the power plant is a Cuban
priority, but construction lagged during the 1980s and fell further
behind schedule due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In 1992,
Cuba suspended work because it could not afford the cost of Russian
technical assistance. However, the November 1992 agreement between the
two states would result in completion of the plant if a financier can be
found for the nuclear safety and control equipment.
Although Cuba is not a signatory to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) or the Treaty of Tlatelolco, a Latin American regional non-
proliferation regime, it is subject to International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) safeguards normally applied to non-NPT parties. Cuba has
entered into an agreement with the IAEA to apply safeguards to
individual facilities including the Juragua power plant. The reactors
that would be installed are of the VVER-400 type, an advanced model of
the Soviet pressurized water reactor. They are not the same as those
installed at Chernobyl. In addition, the Cuban reactors are housed in a
reinforced concrete containment dome.
The United States has imposed a comprehensive trade embargo on Cuba.
Legislation signed into law in October 1992 revoked Treasury authority
to issue licenses for most US subsidiary trade with Cuba and bans for
180 days vessels which have entered a Cuban port from loading or
unloading in US ports. The legislation provides support for the Cuban
people by permitting licensing for "efficient and adequate"
telecommunications and for humanitarian donations to non-governmental
organizations in Cuba.
With the loss of trade and aid from the former Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe, Cuba has attempted to attract foreign investment and Western
buyers for its sugar and nickel, as well as for its biotech products.
Except in tourism, Cuba has had limited success in attracting investors
because of the deterioration of the economy, its unpaid debt to Western
countries, and the lack of clear titles to expropriated property. In
1990, tourism generated $325 million; most of the visitors came from
Western Europe and Canada. Since July 1986, Cuba has not serviced its
roughly $7-billion debt owed to Western, mainly governmental, creditors.
Consequently, Cuba has not received rescheduling either from the Paris
Club (an association of international governmental lenders) or from
private institutions. Cuba is not servicing its debts to Russia--
perhaps as high as $20 billion--or to Eastern Europe.
"Rectification" Policy
In April 1986, Castro called for "rectification of errors and negative
tendencies" and mandated the observance of strict Marxist orthodoxy in
running the economy. The policy, which continues today, is the
antithesis of the Soviet perestroika (restructuring) concept.
"Rectification" emphasizes centralized direction over market forces and
moral and ideological, as opposed to material, incentives to spur
productivity. It calls upon Cubans to make greater sacrifices to
further the collective good.
In 1986, as a part of the "rectification" effort, the government closed
farmers' markets through which some people had been able to sell produce
grown on their own garden plots at uncontrolled prices since 1980. It
also sought to eliminate many bonuses and overtime pay for workers. The
Castro Government encourages voluntary labor, in the form of "micro-
brigades" and "contingents," especially in the construction sector, and
has tried to reduce corruption and black marketeering.
"Special Period"
In October 1990, Castro announced that Cuba had entered a "special
period in time of peace" and that the economy would function as if in
time of war until the crisis had passed. Cubans are feeling the effects
of the end of Havana's special relationship with Moscow. Most goods are
now rationed, and many previously imported from the Soviet Union simply
have disappeared. Total Cuban imports in 1992 are expected to be less
than 60% of the 1989 total. Economic production may have decreased by
more than 40% from 1989 to 1992.
Underemployment, a chronic problem, has worsened with the idling of
thousands of industrial workers whose jobs depended on inputs from
abroad. Labor has been shifted to agriculture to compensate for fuel
and machinery shortages affecting food and production. Education and
medical care generally are accessible, although both have been affected
by nationwide austerity. Many pharmaceutical products are in short
supply or unavailable. Urban housing, as well as transportation and
communications services, remain seriously inadequate. Havana's bus
system, for example, has reduced service by more than 40% in the last 2
years.
DEFENSE
Under Castro, Cuba has become one of the most highly militarized
societies in the world. In Latin America, only Brazil, with a
population more than 12 times that of Cuba, has a larger military. In
1958, in the middle of an insurrection, Cuba's armed forces numbered
46,000. Today, the Revolutionary Armed Forces contain about 270,000
active duty and ready reserves--235,000 army, 17,000 air force/air
defense, and 13,500 navy, plus some military units under the Ministry of
Interior. More than 1 million Cubans belong to the country's two
paramilitary organizations, the Territorial Militia Troops and the Youth
Labor Army.
Cuba's military establishment is considered to be one of the most modern
in the region. From 1975 until the late 1980s, massive Soviet military
assistance enabled Cuba to upgrade its military capabilities and project
power abroad. The tonnage of Soviet military deliveries to Cuba
throughout most of the 1980s exceeded deliveries in any year since the
military build-up during the 1962 missile crisis. In 1990, Cuba's air
force, with about 150 Soviet-supplied fighters, including advanced MiG-
23 Floggers and MiG-29 Fulcrums, was probably the best equipped in Latin
America. The Cuban army has more than 1,000 Soviet-supplied T-62 and T-
54/55 main battle tanks.
Cuban military power has been drastically reduced by the loss of the
special relationship between the former Soviet Union and Cuba. Lack of
fuel has resulted in reduced training and military exercises. Lack of
spare parts and new materiel has resulted in the moth-balling of planes,
tanks, and other military equipment. Due to the end of the Cold War,
Cuban forces are no longer used as a surrogate for Soviet geopolitical
objectives. (###)
ARTICLE 5:
Country Profile: Cuba
Official Name: Republic of Cuba
People
Nationality: Noun--Cuban(s); adjective--Cuban. Population: 10.8
million; 70% urban, 30% rural. Avg. annual growth rate: 1%. Density:
97/sq. km. (244/sq. mi.). Ethnic groups: Spanish-African mixture.
Language: Spanish. Education: Compulsory--6 years. Attendance: 92%
(ages 6-16). Literacy: 99%. Health: Infant mortality rate--12/1,000.
Life expectancy--77 years for women, 74 years for men. Work force: 3.6
million; 30% government and services, 22% industry, 20% agriculture, 11%
commerce, 10% construction, 7% transportation and communications (June
1990).
Geography
Area: 110,860 sq. km. (44,200 sq. mi.); about the size of Pennsylvania.
Capital: Havana (pop. 2 million). Other cities: Santiago de Cuba,
Camaguey, Santa Clara, Holguin, Guantanamo, Matanzas, Cienfuegos, Pinar
del Rio. Terrain: Flat or gently rolling plains, hills, mountains up
to 2,000 meters (6,000 ft.) in the southeast. Climate: Tropical,
moderated by trade winds; dry season (November-April); rainy season
(May-October).
Government
Type: Communist state; current government assumed power January 1,
1959. Independence: May 20, 1902. Constitution: February 24, 1976.
Branches: Executive--President, Council of Ministers. Legislative--
National Assembly of People's Government. Judicial--People's Supreme
Court. Political party: Cuban Communist Party (PCC). Suffrage: All
citizens age 16 and older, except those who have applied for permanent
emigration. Indirect National Assembly elections were held in 1986.
Administrative subdivisions: 14 provinces including the city of Havana,
and one special municipality (Isle of Youth).
Flag: White star centered on red triangle at staff side, three blue and
two white horizontal bands.
Economy
Gross social product (This economic measure is not convertible to
GNP/GDP) (1991 est.): $21 billion. Real annual growth rate: -20%
(1991). Per capita income: $1,500.
Natural resources: Nickel, cobalt, iron ore, copper, manganese, salt,
timber.
Agriculture: Products--sugar, citrus and tropical fruits, tobacco,
coffee, rice, beans, meat, and vegetables.
Industry: Types--sugar, food processing, oil refining, cement, electric
power, light consumer and industrial products.
Trade: Exports--$3.6 billion (f.o.b. 1991): Sugar and its by-products,
petroleum, nickel, seafood, citrus, tobacco products, rum. Major
markets in 1991: former USSR 63%; OECD 17%; China 6%. Imports--$3.7
billion (c.i.f. 1991): Capital goods, industrial raw materials, food,
petroleum, consumer goods. Major suppliers in 1991: former USSR 47%;
OECD 24%; China 6%.
Official exchange rate: 1 Cuban peso=US $1 for trade. 1 Cuban peso=US
$1.33 for tourists and diplomats. (###)
ARTICLE 6:
Fact Sheet: Council of Europe
Background
The Council of Europe is the oldest European post-World War II
organization. It was founded in 1949 to encourage greater European
unity and cooperation, pluralistic democracy, and human rights. The
location of its headquarters on the French-German border in Strasbourg,
France, symbolized post-war reconciliation. The Council includes the 12
members of the European Community (Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany,
Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and
United Kingdom), as well as Austria, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Finland, Hungary,
Iceland, Liechtenstein, Malta, Norway, Poland, San Marino, Sweden,
Switzerland, and Turkey. Israel is an observer.
The Council is perhaps best known for its work in developing a
multilateral system of human rights safeguards and for its contributions
in harmonizing European laws and policies with more than 140
intergovernmental conventions. The Council's most important
responsibility is the enforcement of the 1950 European Convention on
Human Rights, which all member states must ratify. The Council also
gives priority to other areas, such as promoting pluralist democracy,
enhancing Europe's cultural identity, harmonizing legal practices, and
protecting the environment and social welfare.
As Central and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS) develop democratic institutions, a primary focus of the Council
over the next several years will be on aiding that transition and
expanding its membership as newly democratized states meet the Council's
requirements.
Hungary became a full member on November 6, 1990, the first formerly
communist state to meet the Council of Europe's admission criteria of
pluralist democracy and respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Poland and the former Czechoslovakia became full members in 1991,
followed by Bulgaria in 1992. With the January 1, 1993, dissolution of
Czechoslovakia, the successor states of the Czech Republic and the
Slovak Republic now have "special guest" status and await full
membership.
Structure
The Council includes the Committee of Ministers, the Parliamentary
Assembly, the European Commission of Human Rights, and the European
Court of Human Rights--all supported by a 900-member secretariat. Each
of the Council's 26 member countries is represented on the Committee of
Ministers by a permanent representative with the rank of ambassador.
The committee, the main decision-making body, meets for 1 week each
month and at least twice a year at the foreign minister level to discuss
matters of common concern to Europe. Many committees of experts work to
harmonize European laws and regulations and to formulate European and
international conventions.
The Parliamentary Assembly, composed of 202 national representatives
selected by member-state legislatures, holds four plenary sessions each
year. The assembly has no major decision-making power but is a
significant voice within Europe on regional and international issues.
The Commission on Human Rights and the Court of Human Rights serve as a
multilateral system to safeguard European civil and political rights.
Relations With the European Community
The growing authority during the 1980s of the European Community (EC)
over a wide range of economic, technical, and political matters sparked
concern about the possible division of Europe into community and non-
community states. In response, the Colombo Commission, created in 1985,
urged closer cooperation between the EC and the Council, reinforced
Council activities among its members, and expanded contacts between the
Council and Eastern Europe and between the Council and the United
States. In 1989, the EC and the Council began to hold regular
"quadripartite" meetings including the Council's Secretary General, its
chair of the Committee of Ministers, and the presidents of the Council
of Europe and the EC Commission. Working-level contacts between the EC
and the Council of Europe also have increased.
A joint statement issued at the October 1990 quadripartite meeting in
Venice gave the Council the leading role in welcoming Central and East
European states back into the European family. Leaders of the two
organizations also pledged to explore ways to bring Council members who
are not in the EC closer to European political cooperation.
The Council expanded its own activities on subjects such as terrorism,
narcotics, and the environment. In 1989, it opened for signature a
convention on cross-border broadcasting and, in 1990, conventions on
international bankruptcy and on the seizure of the proceeds of crime.
The Council continues to be a principal European forum for social,
legal, health, and environmental affairs.
Relations With Central and Eastern Europe and the CIS
In a policy declaration issued on its 40th anniversary, May 5, 1989, the
Council underlined its role as a bridge between Eastern and Western
Europe as well as between EC members and non-members. Then Soviet
President Gorbachev addressed the Council's Parliamentary Assembly in
July 1989. By January 1993, Albania, Belarus, Croatia, the Czech
Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Russia, the Slovak
Republic, Slovenia, and Ukraine had been granted "special guest" status
in the Parliamentary Assembly and were being initiated step-by-step into
selected intergovernmental activities. Most of these countries
expressed interest in full membership. (The former Yugoslavia's special
guest status was suspended in 1992.)
By policy and statute, Council membership requires governments to
practice pluralistic democracy and to respect human rights and the rule
of law. The Council established a program, Project Demosthenes, for
preparing new democracies to meet its standards.
Activities Beyond Europe
The Council's Parliamentary Assembly takes an active role in fostering
the worldwide development of democracy. Together with the European
Parliament, the assembly sponsors major international conferences on
parliamentary democracy in Strasbourg, with the next scheduled for 1995,
and annual regional conferences such as the one held in Guatemala in
1992. The United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan are
active partners in organizing this endeavor, which created the
Strasbourg-based International Institute for Democracy in 1989. As an
offshoot of its North-South campaign, the Council established in 1990 a
Lisbon-based center to promote awareness of global interdependence.
The Council has worked to strengthen its relations in the West as well
as the East and is open to closer cooperation with the United States and
Canada. On several occasions during 1990, it offered its resources and
expertise to the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)
process, particularly for activities related to the human dimension. In
this regard, the Council has proposed that its Parliamentary Assembly
form the basis for a CSCE parliamentary body.
The United States recently gained observer status in the Council's
European Commission for Democracy Through Law and has participated in
meetings on human rights, migration, minorities, data protection, and
narcotics. It is a signatory to the Council's convention on
repatriation of prisoners and has participated in the development of
others on use of drugs in sports and seizure of the proceeds from crime.
Council Secretary General Catherine Lalumiere met with President Bush in
1992, and a delegation from the assembly's Political Affairs Committee
visited Washington, DC, in March 1990. The Council assembly invites US
Members of Congress to attend at least one plenary session each year.
It seeks closer relations with the United States and the other
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries. (###)
ARTICLE 7:
Fact Sheet: Who Belongs To What
Membership by country in selected international organizations.
APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) participating economies
15 members: Australia, Brunei, Canada, China, Hong Kong, Indonesia,
Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore,
Chinese Taipei (Taiwan), Thailand, United States
Arab League
20 members: Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia,
Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Yemen
Arab Maghreb Union
5 members: Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations)
6 members: Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand
Cairns Group (Named after a town in Australia where the group first met
in August 1986.)
13 members: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia,
Hungary, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Thailand,
Uruguay
CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States)
11 members: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan
COCOM (Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls)
17 members: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany,
Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain,
Turkey, United Kingdom, United States
Common Market--See European Community
Council of Baltic Sea States
10 members, plus EC Commission: Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany,
Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Russia, Sweden
Council of Europe
26 members, plus EC Commission: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus,
Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland,
Italy, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland,
Portugal, San Marino, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom
CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe)
53 members, plus EC Commission: Albania, Armenia, Austria, Azerbaijan,
Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Belarus, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus,
Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany,
Greece, the Holy See, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta,
Moldova, Monaco, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia,
San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Tajikistan,
Turkey, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, United Kingdom, United States,
Uzbekistan, Yugoslavia (participation suspended)
EC (European Community)
12 members: Belgium, France, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy,
Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, United Kingdom
EFTA (European Free Trade Association)
7 members: Austria, Finland, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, Sweden,
Switzerland
GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council)
6 members: Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab
Emirates
Group of 5
5 members: France, Germany, Japan, United Kingdom, United States
Group of 7
7 members, plus EC Commission: Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan,
United Kingdom, United States
Group of 24--Same members as OECD
NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization)
16 members: Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland,
Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Turkey, United
Kingdom, United States
NACC (North Atlantic Cooperation Council)
38 members: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria,
Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Georgia, Germany,
Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia,
Lithuania, Luxembourg, Moldova, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal,
Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Spain, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan,
Ukraine, United Kingdom, United States, Uzbekistan
Nordic Council
5 members: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden
OAPEC (Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries)
11 members: Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates
OAS (Organization of American States)
35 members: Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, The Bahamas, Barbados,
Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba
(participation suspended), Dominica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El
Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico,
Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St.
Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, United
States, Uruguay, Venezuela
OAU (Organization of African Unity)
51 members: Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina, Burundi,
Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo,
Cote d'lvoire, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, The
Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya,
Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Mozambique,
Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal,
Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo,
Tunisia, Uganda, Zaire, Zambia, Zimbabwe
OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development)
24 members: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland,
France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
Turkey, United Kingdom, United States
OIC (Organization of the Islamic Conference)
48 members: Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Azerbaijian, Bahrain,
Bangladesh, Benin, Brunei, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Comoros,
Djibouti, Egypt, Gabon, The Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Indonesia,
Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kyrgystan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Malaysia,
Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Oman, Pakistan,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Syria,
Tajikistan, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, United Arab Emirates, Yemen
OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries)
12 members: Algeria, Gabon, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya,
Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Venezuela
WEU (Western European Union)
10 members: Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, United Kingdom (###)
ARTICLE 8:
New Ambassadors
October-December 1992
Benin--Ruth A. Davis, October 8, 1992
Cape Verde--Joseph Monroe Segars, December 4, 1992
Central African Republic--Robert E. Gribbin III, November 25, 1992
Oman--David J. Dunford, October 23, 1992
United Arab Emirates--William Arthur Rugh, October 16, 1992 (###)
END OF DISPATCH VOL 4, NO
To the top of this page
Index of Dispatch Magazine Archives 1993 Issues||
Index of Dispatch Magazine Archives||
Index of "Briefings and Statements"
Index of Electronic Research Collections
ERC Reference Desk ||
Alphabetic Index ||
Sitemap ||
ERC Homepage
Last modified: Jun. 3, 1999
Designed by: Lin Dou