US DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DISPATCH SUPPLEMENT VOLUME 4, NUMBER 4, SEPTEMBER 1993
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS

ITEMS IN THIS ISSUE:
1.  A Commitment to Peace:  Signing of the Israeli-Palestinian 
Declaration of Principles
 -- Text of Declaration of Principles On Interim Self-Government 
Arrangements 
2.  Ceremony for Signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of 
Principles
 -- President Clinton, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, PLO 
Executive Committee Member Mahmoud Abbas, Secretary Christopher, Russian 
Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, 
and PLO Executive Committee Chairman Yasir Arafat
3.  Luncheon Hosted by Secretary Christopher in Honor of the Signing of 
the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles
 -- Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, PLO 
Executive Committee Member Mahmoud Abbas
4.  White House Briefing for Arab- and Jewish-American Leaders Following 
Signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles
 -- Vice President Gore, President Clinton
5.  Israel and Jordan Initial Common Agenda
 -- Text of the Common Agenda
6.  Ceremony for Initialing the Common Agenda 
7.  Building Peace in the Middle East
 -- Secretary Christopher's Address at Columbia University 
 -- Letters Between Israeli Prime Minister Rabin and PLO Executive 
Committee Chairman Arafat, and From PLO Executive Committee Chairman 
Arafat to Norwegian Foreign Minister Holst
 -- President Clinton's Statement at the White House
 -- Letter of Invitation to the Madrid Middle East Peace Conference
 -- Middle East Peace Process--Meetings Since the Madrid Conference
 -- UN Security Council Resolutions on the Middle East
Ceremony for Signing of the Israeli- Palestinian Declaration of 
Principles

ITEM 1:

A Commitment to Peace:  Signing of The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration 
Of Principles
Text of Declaration of Principles On Interim Self-Government 
Arrangements

Following is the text of the Declaration of Principles between the 
Government of the State of Israel and the P.L.O. team (in the Jordanian-
Palestinian delegation to the Middle East Peace Conference) signed in 
Washington, DC, September 13, 1993, and released by the Office of the 
Spokesman.

The Government of the State of Israel and the P.L.O. team (in the 
Jordanian-Palestinian delegation to the Middle East Peace Conference) 
(the "Palestinian Delegation"), representing the Palestinian people, 
agree that it is time to put an end to decades of confrontation and 
conflict, recognize their mutual legitimate and political rights, and 
strive to live in peaceful coexistence and mutual dignity and security 
and achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement and 
historic reconciliation through the agreed political process.  
Accordingly, the two sides agree to the following principles:

Article I

AIM OF THE NEGOTIATIONS

The aim of the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations within the current 
Middle East peace process is, among other things, to establish a 
Palestinian Interim Self-Government Authority, the elected Council (the 
"Council"), for the Palestinian people in the West Bank and the Gaza 
Strip, for a transitional period not exceeding five years, leading to a 
permanent settlement based on Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338. 

It is understood that the interim arrangements are an integral part of 
the whole peace process and that the negotiations on the permanent 
status will lead to the implementation of Security Council Resolutions 
242 and 338.

Article II

FRAMEWORK FOR THE INTERIM PERIOD

The agreed framework for the interim period is set forth in this 
Declaration of Principles.

Article III

ELECTIONS

1.  In order that the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 
may govern themselves according to democratic principles, direct, free 
and general political elections will be held for the Council under 
agreed supervision and international observation, while the Palestinian 
police will ensure public order. 

2.  An agreement will be concluded on the exact mode and conditions of 
the elections in accordance with the protocol attached as Annex I, with 
the goal of holding the elections not later than nine months after the 
entry into force of this Declaration of Principles. 

3.  These elections will constitute a significant interim preparatory 
step toward the realization of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian 
people and their just requirements.

Article IV

JURISDICTION 

Jurisdiction of the Council will cover West Bank and Gaza Strip 
territory, except for issues that will be negotiated in the permanent 
status negotiations.  The two sides view the West Bank and the Gaza 
Strip as a single territorial unit, whose integrity will be preserved 
during the interim period.

Article V

TRANSITIONAL PERIOD AND PERMANENT STATUS NEGOTIATIONS

1.  The five-year transitional period will begin upon the withdrawal 
from the Gaza Strip and Jericho area. 

2.  Permanent status negotiations will commence as soon as possible, but 
not later than the beginning of the third year of the interim period, 
be- tween the Government of Israel and the Palestinian people 
representatives. 

3.  It is understood that these negotiations shall cover remaining 
issues, including:  Jerusalem, refugees,     settlements, security 
arrangements, borders, relations and cooperation with other neighbors, 
and other issues of common interest. 

4.  The two parties agree that the outcome of the permanent status 
negotiations should not be prejudiced or preempted by agreements reached 
for the interim period.

Article VI

PREPARATORY TRANSFER OF POWERS AND RESPONSIBILITIES

1.  Upon the entry into force of this Declaration of Principles and the 
withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and the Jericho area, a transfer of 
authority from the Israeli military government and its Civil 
Administration to the authorised Palestinians for this task, as detailed 
herein, will commence.  This transfer of authority will be of a 
preparatory nature until the inauguration of the Council. 

2.  Immediately after the entry into force of this Declaration of 
Principles and the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and Jericho area, with 
the view to promoting economic development in the West Bank and Gaza 
Strip, authority will be transferred to the Palestinians on the 
following spheres:  education and culture, health, social welfare, 
direct taxation, and tourism.  The Palestinian side will commence in 
building the Palestinian police force, as agreed upon.  Pending the 
inauguration of the Council, the two parties may negotiate the transfer 
of additional powers and responsibilities, as agreed upon.

Article VII

INTERIM AGREEMENT
 
1.  The Israeli and Palestinian delegations will negotiate an agreement 
on the interim period (the "Interim Agreement"). 

2.  The Interim Agreement shall specify, among other things, the 
structure of the Council, the number of its members, and the transfer of 
powers and responsibilities from the Israeli military government and its 
Civil Administration to the Council.  The Interim Agreement shall also 
specify the Council's executive authority, legislative authority in 
accordance with Article IX below, and the independent Palestinian 
judicial organs. 

3.  The Interim Agreement shall include arrangements, to be implemented 
upon the inauguration of the Council, for the assumption by the Council 
of all of the powers and     responsibilities transferred previously in 
accordance with Article VI above. 

4.  In order to enable the Council to promote economic growth, upon its 
inauguration, the Council will establish, among other things, a 
Palestinian Electricity Authority, a Gaza Sea Port Authority, a 
Palestinian Development Bank, a Palestinian Export Promotion Board, a 
Palestinian Environmental Authority, a Palestinian Land Authority and a 
Palestinian Water Administration Authority, and any other Authorities 
agreed upon, in accordance with the Interim Agreement that will specify 
their powers and responsibilities. 

5.  After the inauguration of the Council, the Civil Administration will 
be dissolved, and the Israeli military government will be withdrawn.

Article VIII

PUBLIC ORDER AND SECURITY

 In order to guarantee public order and internal security for the 
Palestinians of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Council will 
establish a strong police force, while Israel will continue to carry the 
responsibility for defending against external threats, as well as the 
responsibility for overall security of  Israelis for the purpose of 
safeguarding their internal security and public order.

Article IX

LAWS AND MILITARY ORDERS

1.  The Council will be empowered to legislate, in accordance with the 
Interim Agreement, within all authorities transferred to it. 

2.  Both parties will review jointly laws and military orders presently 
in force in remaining spheres.

Article X

JOINT ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN LIAISON COMMITTEE

In order to provide for a smooth implementation of this Declaration of 
Principles and any subsequent agreements pertaining to the interim 
period, upon the entry into force of this Declaration of Principles, a 
Joint Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee will be established in order 
to deal  with issues requiring coordination, other issues of common 
interest, and disputes.

Article XI

ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN COOPERATION IN ECONOMIC FIELDS

Recognizing the mutual benefit of cooperation in promoting the 
development of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Israel, upon the entry 
into force of this Declaration of Principles, an Israeli-Palestinian 
Economic Cooperation Committee will be established in order to develop 
and implement in a cooperative manner the programs identified in the 
protocols attached as Annex III and Annex IV.

Article XII

LIAISON AND COOPERATION WITH JORDAN AND EGYPT

The two parties will invite the Governments of Jordan and Egypt to 
participate in establishing further liaison and cooperation arrangements 
between the Government of Israel and the Palestinian representatives, on 
the one hand, and the Governments of Jordan and Egypt, on the other 
hand, to promote cooperation between them.  These arrangements will 
include the constitution of a Continuing Committee that will decide by 
agreement on the modalities of admission of persons displaced from the 
West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, together with necessary measures to 
prevent disruption and disorder.  Other matters of common concern will 
be dealt with by this Committee.

Article XIII

REDEPLOYMENT OF ISRAELI FORCES

1.  After the entry into force of this Declaration of Principles, and 
not later than the eve of elections for the Council, a redeployment of 
Israeli military forces in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip will take 
place, in addition to withdrawal of Israeli forces carried out in 
accordance with Article XIV. 

2.  In redeploying its military forces, Israel will be guided by the 
principle that its military forces should be redeployed outside 
populated areas. 

3.  Further redeployments to specified locations will be gradually 
implemented commensurate with the assumption of responsibility for 
public order and internal security by the Palestinian police force 
pursuant to Article VIII above.

Article XIV

ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL FROM THE GAZA STRIP AND JERICHO AREA

Israel will withdraw from the Gaza Strip and Jericho area, as detailed 
in the protocol attached as Annex II.

Article XV

RESOLUTION OF DISPUTES

1.  Disputes arising out of the application or interpretation of this 
Declaration of Principles, or any subsequent agreements pertaining to 
the interim period, shall be resolved by negotiations through the Joint 
Liaison Committee to be established pursuant to Article X above. 

2.  Disputes which cannot be settled by negotiations may be resolved by 
a mechanism of conciliation to be agreed upon by the parties.

3.  The parties may agree to submit to arbitration disputes relating to 
the interim period, which cannot be settled through conciliation.  To 
this end, upon the agreement of both parties, the parties will establish 
an Arbitration Committee.

Article XVI 

ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN COOPERATION CONCERNING REGIONAL PROGRAMS

Both parties view the multilateral working groups as an appropriate 
instrument for promoting a "Marshall Plan," the regional programs and 
other programs, including special programs for the West Bank and Gaza 
Strip, as indicated in the protocol attached as Annex IV.

Article XVII

MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

1.  This Declaration of Principles will enter into force one month after 
its signing. 

2.  All protocols annexed to this Declaration of Principles and Agreed 
Minutes pertaining thereto shall be regarded as an integral part hereof.

DONE at Washington, D.C., this thirteenth day of September, 1993.

For the Government of Israel:   (Shimon Peres) 

For the P.L.O. :   (Mahmoud Abbas)

Witnessed By:
The United States of America:
(Warren Christopher)

The Russian Federation:
(Andrei Kozyrev) 


ANNEX I

PROTOCOL ON THE MODE  AND CONDITIONS OF ELECTIONS

1.  Palestinians of Jerusalem who live there will have the right to 
participate in the election process, according to an agreement between 
the two sides.

2.  In addition, the election agreement should cover, among other 
things, the following issues:

a.  the system of elections; 
b.  the mode of the agreed supervision and international observation and 
their personal composition; and
c.  rules and regulations regarding election campaign, including agreed 
arrangements for the organizing of mass media, and the possibility of 
licensing a broadcasting and TV station.

3.  The future status of displaced Palestinians who were registered on 
4th June 1967 will not be prejudiced because they are unable to 
participate in the election process due to practical reasons.

ANNEX II

PROTOCOL ON WITHDRAWAL OF ISRAELI FORCES FROM THE GAZA STRIP AND JERICHO 
AREA

1.  The two sides will conclude and sign within two months from the date 
of entry into force of this Declaration of Principles, an agreement on 
the withdrawal of Israeli military forces from the Gaza Strip and 
Jericho area.  This     agreement will include comprehensive 
arrangements to apply in the Gaza Strip and the Jericho area subsequent 
to the Israeli withdrawal. 

2.  Israel will implement an accelerated and scheduled withdrawal of 
Israeli military forces from the Gaza Strip and Jericho area, beginning 
immediately with the signing of the agreement on the Gaza Strip and 
Jericho area and to be completed within a period not exceeding four 
months after the signing of this agreement. 

3.  The above agreement will include, among other things:

a.   Arrangements for a smooth and peaceful transfer of authority from 
the Israeli military government and its Civil Administration to the 
Palestinian representatives.
b.   Structure, powers and responsibilities of the Palestinian authority 
in these areas, except:  external security, settlements, Israelis, 
foreign relations, and other mutually agreed matters.
c.   Arrangements for the assumption of internal security and public 
order by the Palestinian police force consisting of police officers 
recruited locally and from abroad (holding Jordanian passports and 
Palestinian documents issued by Egypt).  Those who will participate in 
the Palestinian police force coming from abroad should be trained as 
police and police officers.
d.   A temporary international or foreign presence, as agreed upon. 
e.   Establishment of a joint Palestinian-Israeli Coordination and 
Cooperation Committee for mutual security purposes. 
f.   An economic development and stabilization program, including the 
establishment of an Emergency Fund, to encourage foreign investment, and 
financial and economic support.  Both sides will coordinate and 
cooperate jointly and unilaterally with regional and international 
parties to support these aims.
g.   Arrangements for a safe passage for persons and transportation 
between the Gaza Strip and Jericho area.

4.  The above agreement will include arrangements for coordination 
between both parties regarding passages: 

a.  Gaza-Egypt; and     
b.  Jericho-Jordan.

5.  The offices responsible for carrying out the powers and 
responsibilities of the Palestinian authority under this Annex II and 
Article VI of the Declaration of Principles will be located in the Gaza 
Strip and in the Jericho area pending the inauguration of the Council. 

6.  Other than these agreed arrangements, the status of the Gaza Strip 
and Jericho area will continue to be an integral part of the West Bank 
and Gaza Strip, and will not be changed in the interim period. 

ANNEX III

PROTOCOL ON ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN COOPERATION IN ECONOMIC AND DEVELOPMENT 
PROGRAMS

The two sides agree to establish an Israeli-Palestinian Continuing 
Committee for Economic Cooperation, focusing, among other things, on the 
following: 

1.  Cooperation in the field of water, including a Water Development 
Pro-gram prepared by experts from both sides, which will also specify 
the mode of cooperation in the management of water resources in the West 
Bank and Gaza Strip, and will include proposals for studies and plans on 
water rights of each party, as well as on the equitable utilization of 
joint water resources for implementation in and beyond the interim 
period.

2.  Cooperation in the field of electricity, including an Electricity 
Development Program, which will also specify the mode of cooperation for 
the production, maintenance, purchase and sale of electricity resources.

3.  Cooperation in the field of energy, including an Energy Development 
Program, which will provide for the exploitation of oil and gas for 
industrial purposes, particularly in the Gaza Strip and in the Negev, 
and will encourage further joint exploitation of other energy resources.  
This Program may also provide for the construction  of a Petrochemical 
industrial complex in the Gaza Strip and the construction of oil and gas 
pipelines.

4.  Cooperation in the field of finance, including a Financial 
Development and Action Program for the encouragement of international 
investment in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and in Israel, as well 
as the establishment of a Palestinian Development Bank.

5.  Cooperation in the field of transport and communications, including 
a Program, which will define guidelines for the establishment of a Gaza 
Sea Port Area, and will provide for the establishing of transport and 
communications lines to and from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to 
Israel and to other countries.  In addition, this Program will provide 
for carrying out the necessary construction of roads, railways, 
communications lines, etc.

6.  Cooperation in the field of trade, including studies, and Trade 
Promotion Programs, which will encourage local, regional and inter-
regional trade, as well as a feasibility study of creating free trade 
zones in the Gaza Strip and in Israel, mutual access to these zones, and 
cooperation in other areas related to trade and commerce.

7.  Cooperation in the field of industry, including Industrial 
Development Programs, which will provide for the establishment of joint 
Israeli-Palestinian Industrial Research and Development Centers, will 
promote Palestinian-Israeli joint ventures, and provide guidelines for 
cooperation in the textile, food, pharmaceutical, electronics, diamonds, 
computer and science-based industries.

8.  A program for cooperation in, and regulation of, labor relations and 
cooperation in social welfare issues.

9.  A Human Resources Development and Cooperation Plan, providing for 
joint Israeli-Palestinian workshops and seminars, and for the 
establishment of joint vocational training centers, research institutes 
and data banks.

10. An Environmental Protection Plan, providing for joint and/or 
coordinated measures in this sphere.

11. A program for developing coordination and cooperation in the field 
of communication and media.

12. Any other programs of mutual interest. 

ANNEX IV

PROTOCOL ON ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN COOPERATION CONCERNING REGIONAL 
DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS

1.  The two sides will cooperate in the context of the multilateral 
peace efforts in promoting a Development Program for the region, 
including the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, to be initiated by the G-7.  
The parties will request the G-7 to seek the participation in this 
program of other interested states, such as members of the Organisation 
for Economic Cooperation and Development, regional Arab states and 
institutions, as well as members of the private sector.

2.  The Development Program will consist of two elements:

a.   an Economic Development Program for the West Bank and the Gaza 
Strip. 
b.   a Regional Economic Development Program.

A.   The Economic Development Program for the West Bank and the Gaza 
Strip will consist of the following elements:

(1)  A Social Rehabilitation Program, including a Housing and 
Construction Program. 

(2)  A Small and Medium Business Development Plan. 

(3)  An Infrastructure Development Program (water, electricity, 
transportation and communications, etc.). 

(4)  A Human Resources Plan.  

(5)  Other programs.

B.   The Regional Economic Development Program may consist of the 
following elements:

(1)  The establishment of a Middle East Development Fund, as a first 
step, and a Middle East Development Bank, as a second step. 

(2)  The development of a joint Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Plan for 
coordinated exploitation of the Dead Sea area.

(3)  The Mediterranean Sea (Gaza)-Dead Sea Canal. 

(4)  Regional Desalinization and other water development projects.

(5)  A regional plan for agricultural development, including a 
coordinated regional effort for the prevention of desertification. 

(6)  Interconnection of electricity grids. 

(7)  Regional cooperation for the transfer, distribution and industrial 
exploitation of gas, oil and other energy resources. 

(8)  A Regional Tourism, Transportation and Telecommunications 
Development Plan.

(9)  Regional cooperation in other spheres.

3.  The two sides will encourage the multilateral working groups, and 
will coordinate towards their success.  The two parties will encourage 
inter-sessional activities, as well as pre-feasibility and feasibility 
studies, within the various multilateral working groups.

AGREED MINUTES TO THE DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES ON INTERIM SELF-
GOVERNMENT ARRANGEMENTS

A.  GENERAL UNDERSTANDINGS AND AGREEMENTS

Any powers and responsibilities transferred to the Palestinians pursuant 
to the Declaration of Principles prior to the inauguration of the 
Council will be subject to the same principles pertaining to Article IV, 
as set out in these Agreed Minutes below.

B.  SPECIFIC UNDERSTANDINGS AND AGREEMENTS


Article IV  

It is understood that:

1.  Jurisdiction of the Council will cover West Bank and Gaza Strip 
territory, except for issues that will be negotiated in the permanent 
status negotiations:  Jerusalem, settlements, military locations, and 
Israelis. 

2.  The Council's jurisdiction will apply with regard to the agreed 
powers, responsibilities, spheres and authorities transferred to it.

Article VI(2)  

It is agreed that the transfer of authority will be as follows:

1.  The Palestinian side will inform the Israeli side of the names of 
the authorised Palestinians who will assume the powers, authorities and 
responsibilities that will be transferred to the Palestinians according 
to the Declaration of Principles in the following fields:  education and 
culture, health, social welfare, direct taxation, tourism, and any other 
authorities agreed upon.

2.  It is understood that the rights and obligations of these offices 
will not be affected.

3.  Each of the spheres described above will continue to enjoy existing 
budgetary allocations in accordance with arrangements to be mutually 
agreed upon.  These arrangements also will provide for the necessary 
adjustments required in order to take into account the taxes collected 
by the direct taxation office.
	4.  Upon the execution of the Declaration of Principles, the 
Israeli and Palestinian delegations will immediately commence 
negotiations on a detailed plan for the transfer of authority on the 
above offices in accordance with the above understandings. 

Article VII(2)  

The Interim Agreement will also include arrangements for coordination 
and cooperation. 

Article VII(5)  

The withdrawal of the military government will not prevent Israel from 
exercising the powers and responsibilities not transferred to the 
Council. 

Article VIII  

It is understood that the Interim Agreement will include arrangements 
for cooperation and coordination between the two parties in this regard.  
It is also agreed that the transfer of powers and responsibilities to 
the Palestinian police will be accomplished in a phased manner, as 
agreed in the Interim Agreement.

Article X  

It is agreed that, upon the entry into force of the Declaration of 
Principles, the Israeli and Palestinian delegations will exchange the 
names of the individuals designated by them as members of the Joint 
Israeli-Palestinian Liaison Committee. It is further agreed that each 
side will have an equal number of members in the Joint Committee.  The 
Joint Committee will reach decisions by agreement.  The Joint Committee 
may add other technicians and experts, as necessary.  The Joint 
Committee will decide on the frequency and place or places of its 
meetings.

ANNEX II  

It is understood that, subsequent to the Israeli withdrawal, Israel will 
continue to be responsible for external security, and for internal 
security and public order of settlements and Israelis.  Israeli military 
forces and civilians may continue to use roads freely within the Gaza 
Strip and the Jericho area.

DONE at Washington, D.C., this thirteenth day of September, 1993.

For the Government of Israel:
(Shimon Peres)

For the P.L.O.:
(Mahmoud Abbas)

Witnessed By:  
The United States of America:
(Warren Christopher)

The Russian Federation:
(Andrei Kozyrev)  (###)


ITEM 2:

Ceremony for Signing of the Israeli- Palestinian Declaration of 
Principles

President Clinton, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, PLO Executive 
Committee Member Mahmoud Abbas, Secretary Christopher, Russian Foreign 
Minister Andrei Kozyrev, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, and PLO 
Executive Committee Chairman Yasir Arafat

The following remarks were made in Washington, DC, September 13, 1993, 
and released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary on the 
same day.

President Clinton.  Prime Minister Rabin, Chairman Arafat, Foreign 
Minister Peres, Mr. Abbas, President Carter, President Bush, 
distinguished guests:  On behalf of the United States and Russia, co-
sponsors of the Middle East peace process, welcome to this great 
occasion of history and hope.

Today, we bear witness to an extraordinary act in one of history's 
defining dramas--a drama that began in the time of our ancestors when 
the word went forth from a sliver of land between the River Jordan and 
the Mediterranean Sea.  That hallowed piece of earth, that land of light 
and revelation is the home to the memories and dreams of Jews, Muslims, 
and Christians throughout the world.

As we all know, devotion to that land has also been the source of 
conflict and bloodshed for too long.  Throughout this century, 
bitterness between the Palestinian and Jewish people has robbed the 
entire region of its resources, its potential, and too many of its sons 
and daughters.  The land has been so drenched in warfare and hatred, the 
conflicting claims of history etched so deeply in the souls of the 
combatants there, that many believe the past would always have the upper 
hand.

Then, 14 years ago, the past began to give way when, at this place and 
upon this desk, three men of great vision signed their names to the Camp 
David accords.  Today, we honor the memories of Menahem Begin and Anwar 
Sadat, and we salute the wise leadership of President Jimmy Carter.  
Then, as now, we heard from those who said that conflict would come 
again soon.  But the peace between Egypt and Israel has endured, just so 
this  bold new venture today, this brave gamble that the future can be 
better than the past must endure. 

Two years ago in Madrid, another president took a major step on the road 
to peace by bringing Israel and all her neighbors together to launch 
direct negotiations.  And today we also express our deep thanks for the 
skillful leadership of President George Bush.  Ever since Harry Truman 
first recognized Israel, every American President--Democrat and 
Republican --has worked for peace between Israel and her neighbors.  Now 
the efforts of all who have labored before us bring us to this moment--a 
moment when we dare to pledge what for so long seemed difficult even to 
imagine:  that the security of the Israeli people will be reconciled 
with the hopes of the Palestinian people, and there will be more 
security and more hope for all.  

Today, the leadership of Israel and the Palestine Liberation 
Organization will sign a declaration of principles on interim 
Palestinian self-government.  It charts a course toward reconciliation 
between two peoples who have both known the bitterness of exile.  Now 
both pledge to put old sorrows and antagonisms behind them and to work 
for a shared future, shaped by the values of the Torah, the Koran, and 
the Bible.

Let us salute, also, today the Government of Norway for its remarkable 
role in nurturing this agreement.  But of all--above all, let us today 
pay tribute to the leaders who had the courage to lead their people 
toward peace, away from the scars of battle, the wounds, and the losses 
of the past toward a brighter tomorrow.  The world today thanks Prime 
Minister Rabin, Foreign Minister Peres, and Chairman Arafat. 

Their tenacity and vision has given us the promise of a new beginning.  
What these leaders have done now must be done by others.  Their 
achievement must be a catalyst for progress in all aspects of the peace 
process, and those of us who support them must be there to help in all 
aspects.  For the peace must render the people who make it more secure.  
A peace of the brave is within our reach.  Throughout the Middle East, 
there is a great yearning for the quiet miracle of a normal life.

We know a difficult road lies ahead.  Every peace has its enemies--those 
who still prefer the easy habits of hatred to the hard labors of 
reconciliation.  But Prime Minister Rabin has reminded us that you do 
not have to make peace with your friends.  And the Koran teaches that if 
the enemy inclines toward peace, do thou also incline toward peace?

Therefore, let us resolve that this new mutual recognition will be a 
continuing process in which the parties transform the very way they see 
and understand each other.  Let the skeptics of this peace recall what 
once existed among these people.  There was a time when the traffic of 
ideas in commerce and pilgrims flowed uninterrupted among the cities of 
the fertile crescent.  In Spain and the Middle East, Muslims and Jews 
once worked together to write brilliant chapters in the history of 
literature and science.  All this can come to pass again.

Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Chairman:  I pledge the active support of the 
United States of America to the difficult work that lies ahead.  The 
United States is committed to ensuring that the people who are affected 
by this agreement will be made more secure by it and to leading the 
world in marshaling the sources necessary to implement the difficult 
details that will make real the principles to which you commit 
yourselves today.

Together, let us imagine what can be accomplished if all the energy and 
ability the Israelis and the Palestinians have invested into your 
struggle can now be channeled into cultivating the land and freshening 
the waters, into ending the boycotts and creating new industry, into 
building a land as bountiful and peaceful as it is holy.  Above all, let 
us dedicate ourselves today to your region's next generation.  In this 
entire assembly, no one is more important then the group of Israeli and 
Arab children who are seated here with us today. 

Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Chairman:  This day belongs to you.  And because 
of what you have done, tomorrow belongs to them.  We must not leave them 
prey to the politics of extremism and despair, to those who would derail 
this process because they cannot overcome the fears and hatreds of the 
past.  We must not betray their future.  For too long, the young of the 
Middle East have been caught in a web of hatred not of their own making.  
For too long, they have been taught from the chronicles of war.  Now we 
can give them the chance to know the season of peace.  For them, we must 
realize the prophecy of Isaiah--that the cry of violence shall no more 
be heard in your land, nor wrack nor ruin within your borders.  The 
children of Abraham, the descendants of Isaac and Ishmael, have embarked 
together on a bold journey.  Together, today, with all our hearts and 
all our souls, we bid them shalom, salaam, peace.

Foreign Minister Peres.  Mr. President, your excellencies, ladies and 
gentlemen:  Mr. President, I would like to thank you and the great 
American people for peace and support.  Indeed, I would like to thank 
all those who have made this day possible.  What we are doing today is 
more than signing an agreement, it is a revolution.  Yesterday, a dream; 
today, a commitment. 

The Israeli and the Palestinian people who fought each other for almost 
a century have agreed to move decisively on the path of dialogue, 
understanding, and cooperation.  We live in an ancient land.  And as our 
land is small, so must our reconciliation be great.  As our wars have 
been long, so must our healing be swift.  Deep gaps call for lofty 
bridges.  I want to tell the Palestinian delegation that we are sincere, 
that we mean business.  We do not seek to shape your life or determine 
your destiny.  Let all of us turn from bullets to ballots, from guns to 
shovels.  We shall pray with you.  We shall offer you our help in making 
Gaza prosper and Jericho blossom again.  

As we have promised, we shall negotiate with you a permanent settlement, 
and with all our neighbors a comprehensive peace--peace for all.  We 
shall support the agreement with an economic structure.  We shall 
convert the bitter triangle of Jordanians, Palestinians, and Israelis 
into a triangle of political triumph and economic prosperity.  We shall 
lower our barriers and widen our roads so goods and guests will be able 
to move freely all over the places--holy and other places.  This should 
be another genesis.  We have to build a new commonwealth on our old 
soil--a Middle East of the people and a Middle East for the children.  
For their sake, we must put an end to the waste of arms race and invest 
our resources in education.  

Ladies and gentlemen:  Two parallel tragedies have unfolded.  Let us 
become a civic community.  Let us bid once and for all farewell to wars, 
to threats, to human misery.  Let us bid farewell to enmity, and may 
there be no more victims on either side.  Let us build a Middle East of 
hope, where today's food is produced and tomorrow's prosperity is 
guaranteed-- a region with a common market, a Near East with a long-
range agenda.  We owe it to our fallen soldiers, to the memories of the 
victims of the Holocaust.

Our hearts today grieve for the lost life of young and innocent people 
yesterday in our own country.  Let their memory be our foundation.  We 
are establishing today a memory of peace on fresh and old pomp.  
Suffering is, first of all, human.  We also feel for the innocent loss 
of Palestinian life.  We begin a new day.  The day may be long and the 
challenges enormous.  Our calendar must meet an intensive schedule.  Mr. 
President, historically, you are presiding over a most promising day in 
the very long history of our region, of our people.

I thank all of you, ladies and gentlemen, and let's pray together.  
Let's add hope to determination as all of us since Abraham believe in 
freedom, in peace, in the blessing of our great land and great spirit.  
From the eternal city of Jerusalem, from this green, promising lawn of 
the White House, let's say together in the language of our Bible:  
peace, peace to him that is far off and to him that is near, saith the 
Lord, and I will heal him.  Thank you.

Mr. Abbas (through an interpreter).  Mr. President, ladies and 
gentlemen:  In these historic moments, with feelings of joy that are 
mixed with a maximum sense of responsibility regarding events that are 
affecting our entire region, I greet you and I greet this distinguished 
gathering.  I hope that this meeting in Washington will prove to be the 
onset of a positive and constructive change that will serve the 
interests of the Palestinian and the Israeli peoples.

We have come to this point because we believe that peaceful coexistence 
and cooperation are the only means for reaching understanding and for 
realizing the hopes of the Palestinians and the Israelis.  The agreement 
we will sign reflects the decision we made in the Palestine Liberation 
Organization to turn a new page in our relationship with Israel.  

We know quite well that this is merely the beginning of a journey that 
is surrounded by numerous dangers and difficulties.  And yet, our mutual 
determination to overcome everything that stands in the way of the cause 
for peace--our common belief that peace is the only means to security 
and stability, and our mutual aspiration for a secure peace 
characterized by cooperation--all this will enable us to overcome all 
obstacles with the support of the international community.  And here, I 
would like to mention in particular the U.S. Government, which will 
shoulder the responsibility of continuing to play an effective and a 
distinct role in the next stage, so that this great achievement may be 
completed.

In this regard, it is important to me to affirm that we are looking 
forward with a great deal of hope and optimism to a date that is 2 years 
from today when negotiations over the final status of our country are 
set to begin.  We will then settle the remaining fundamental issues, 
especially those of Jerusalem, the refugees, and the settlements.  At 
that time, we will be laying the last brick in the edifice of peace 
whose foundation has been established today.  Economic development is 
the principal challenge facing the Palestinian people after years of 
struggle during which our national infrastructure and institutions were 
overburdened and drained.  We are looking to the world for its support 
and encouragement in our struggle for growth and development which 
begins today.

I thank the Government of the United States of America and the 
Government of the Russian Federation for the part they played and for 
their efforts and their sponsorship of the peace process.  I also 
appreciate the role played by the Government of Norway in bringing about 
this agreement, and I look forward to seeing positive results soon on 
the remaining Arab-Israeli track, so we can proceed together with our 
Arab brothers on this comprehensive quest for peace.  Thank you. 

Secretary Christopher.  Mr. President; Mr. Prime Minister; Chairman 
Arafat; Members of Congress; distinguished visitors, guests, friends, 
and colleagues:  I'm honored to have witnessed the signing of this 
agreement on behalf of the United States.

Millions of people have dreamed of this moment--this moment for this 
very region.  The Israelis and the Palestinians have taken a dramatic 
step toward a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace that can lift the 
lives of the people of the Middle East.  They overcame seemingly 
insurmountable obstacles in framing the Declaration of Principles and 
the terms for a mutual recognition.  They've broken through the barriers 
of hatred and fear.  Throughout the process, they've demonstrated 
extraordinary courage and statesmanship.  This gives genuine hope that 
they will complete the journey that has been begun today.

This achievement was the product of a sustained effort, international in 
scope and thoroughly bipartisan here in the United States.  The 
foundation for the breakthrough, as the President said, was laid at the 
Madrid Conference of October 1991, which overcame the impediments to 
direct Arab-Israeli talks and launched a real peace process.  The Madrid 
success, in turn, could not have been realized without its own 
foundation, the 1978 Camp David accords and the 1974 and 1975 
disengagement agreements involving Israel, Egypt, and Syria.

In the distinguished group here assembled today, I see those responsible 
not only for today's breakthrough, but also men and women who have 
toiled for decades in the search for peace in the Middle East.  I salute 
and congratulate each one of you. 

I also salute and congratulate those who have helped at particular 
times.  In particular, I express appreciation to Foreign Minister Holst 
and his Norwegian colleagues, who worked under very difficult 
circumstances and made it possible to facilitate the negotiation of the 
Declaration of Principles.  We also owe a debt of gratitude to Foreign 
Minister Moussa and his Egyptian colleagues and many, many others who 
gave unstinting help to the peace process.  We are all proud of this 
remarkable achievement, but we also understand that much more remains to 
be done if this newly planted tree is to bear fruit.

The United States is committed to a comprehensive peace between Israel 
and all of its Arab neighbors.  We hope and believe that this agreement 
will spur progress in the talks between Israel and Syria, Jordan, and 
Lebanon.  The United States is prepared to do its part in the 
negotiations that lie ahead.  We will spare no effort in helping the 
parties turn the agreements at the table into realities on the ground.  
We will remain a full partner in the search for peace.

But, certainly, we are not the sole partner.  We need the entire 
international community to join us in this work and to oppose any effort 
to subvert the peace.  This Israeli-Palestinian agreement cannot be 
permitted to fail.  Many, many problems remain to be solved.  Today's 
historic agreement demonstrates that the Middle East does not need to be 
a cauldron of hostility; it can, instead, be a cradle of hope.  Thank 
you.

Foreign Minister Kozyrev.  Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, the 
Chairman:  On behalf of President Yeltsin, I would like to congratulate 
you and other colleagues and friends here who made possible, through 
their committed effort and goodwill, this major step on the long road to 
comprehensive peace in the Middle East.

I think it's really time to rejoice but no time for euphoria.  
Unfortunately, this is only the first step-- major, but first step--on 
the long, long road.  And I would like to assure you that Russia is one 
of the co-sponsors, not only witnesses, but co-sponsors.  So the peace 
process will spare no effort together with the United States, with the 
United Nations, and other interested parties to go on--on this road--and 
not let this major event fail.  It is only ironic that, in time when the 
Middle Eastern peace process seems to be on track--and I'm sure it will 
move toward lasting peace--there are other forces which threaten 
security in the region.

Three days ago I was in Kabul, Afghanistan, and on the Tajik-Afghan 
border.  And even there, we can see those forces of subversion, 
terrorism,  and extremism--religious, and not only religious, political 
extremism--doing their destructive job.  I know that in other parts of 
this region, there are also signs of this new danger, and I hope that we 
will not limit our joint effort only to the peace between Israel and its 
neighbors, not only for the cause of Palestinians to gain their 
legitimate rights, but also to see for stability in the whole region.  
And in this, Russia will be also a true and determined co-sponsor. 

Once again, thank you for the effort done by all of the distinguished 
presidents, foreign ministers--actual and former.  And I hope that 
further generations of politicians will be not so much doing with the 
peace, but rather with a peace dividend in the Middle East.  It's high 
time for that. 
Thank you.

Prime Minister Rabin.  President Clinton, the President of the United 
States; your excellencies; ladies and gentlemen:  This signing of the 
Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles here today, is not so 
easy--neither for myself, as a soldier in Israel's war, nor for the 
people of Israel; not to the Jewish people in the diaspora, who are 
watching us now with great hope mixed with apprehension.  It is 
certainly not easy for the families of the victims of the wars, 
violence, terror, whose pain will never heal, for the many thousands who 
defended our lives with their own, and have even sacrificed their lives 
for our own.  For them, this ceremony has come too late.  Today, on the 
eve of an opportunity--opportunity for peace--and perhaps the end of 
violence and wars, we remember each and every one of them with 
everlasting love.

We have come from Jerusalem, the ancient and eternal capital of the 
Jewish people; we have come from an anguished and grieving land; we have 
come from a people, a home, a family, that does not know a single year--
not a single month--in which mothers have not wept for their sons.  We 
have come to try and put an end to the hostilities so that our children, 
our children's children, will no longer experience the painful cost of 
war, violence, and terror.    We have come to secure their lives and to 
ease the soul and the painful memories of the past, to hope and pray for 
peace.

Let me say to you, the Palestinians: We are destined to live together on 
the same soil, in the same land--we, the soldiers who have returned from 
battles stained with blood; we, who have seen our relatives and friends 
killed before our eyes; we, who have attended their funerals and cannot 
look into the eyes of their parents; we, who have come from a land where 
parents bury their children; we, who have fought against you, the 
Palestinians. We say to you today in a loud and a clear voice:  Enough 
of blood and tears!  Enough!  

We have no desire for revenge.  We harbor no hatred toward you.  We, 
like you, are people.  People who want to build a home, to plant a tree, 
to love, live side by side with you in dignity, in empathy, as human 
beings, as free men. We are today giving peace a chance and saying to 
you:  Enough!  Let us pray that a day will come when we all will say 
farewell to the arms.  We wish to open  a new chapter in the sad book of 
our lives together, a chapter of mutual recognition, of good 
neighborliness, of mutual respect, of understanding.  We hope to embark 
on a new era in the history of the Middle East.

Today, here in Washington at the White House, we will begin a new 
reckoning in the relations between peoples, between parents tired of 
war, between children who will not know war.  President of the United 
States, ladies and gentlemen:  Our inner strength, our higher moral 
values have been derived for thousands of years from the Book of the 
Books, in one of which correlate, we read:  

To everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under 
Heaven; a time to be born and a time to die; a time to kill and a time 
to heal; a time to weep and a time to love; a time to love and a time to 
hate; a time for war and a time of peace.  

Ladies and gentlemen:  The time for peace has come.  

In 2 days, the Jewish people will celebrate the beginning of a new year.  
I believe, I hope, I pray that the new year will bring a message of 
redemption for all peoples; a good year for you, for all of you; a good 
year for Israelis and Palestinians; a good year for all the peoples of 
the Middle East; a good year for our American friends, who so want peace 
and are helping to achieve it.  For presidents and members of previous 
administrations, especially for you President Clinton and your staff, 
for all citizens of the world:  May peace come to all your homes.

In the Jewish tradition, it is customary to conclude our prayers with 
the word Amen--as you said, Amen.  With your permission, men of peace, I 
shall conclude with words taken from the prayer recited by Jews daily 
and, whoever of you volunteer, I would ask the entire audience to join 
me in saying, Amen. 


Chairman Arafat (through an interpreter).  In the name of God, the most 
merciful, the passionate; Mr. President; ladies and gentlemen:  I would 
like to express our tremendous appreciation to President Clinton and to 
his Administration for sponsoring this historic event, which the entire 
world has been waiting for.  Mr. President, I am taking this opportunity 
to assure you and to assure the great American people that we share your 
values for freedom, justice, and human rights--values for which my 
people have been striving.  

My people are hoping that this agreement, which we are signing today, 
marks the beginning of the end of a chapter of pain and suffering which 
has lasted throughout this century.  My people are hoping that this 
agreement, which we are signing today, will usher in an age of peace, 
coexistence, and equal rights.  We are relying on your role, Mr. 
President, and on the role of all the countries which believe that, 
without peace in the Middle East, peace in the world will not be 
complete.

Enforcing the agreement and moving toward the final settlement, after 2 
years to implement all aspects of UN Resolutions 242 and 338, in all of 
their aspects and resolve all the issues of Jerusalem, the settlement, 
the refugees, and the boundaries will be a Palestinian and an Israeli 
responsibility.  It is also the responsibility of the international 
community, in its entirety, to help the parties overcome the tremendous 
difficulties which are still standing in the way of reaching a final and 
comprehensive settlement.

Now, as we stand on the threshold of this new historic era, let me 
address the people of Israel and their leaders, with whom we are meeting 
today for the first time.  And let me assure them that the difficult 
decision we reached together was one that required great and exceptional 
courage. 

We will need more courage and determination to continue the course of 
building coexistence and peace between us.  This is possible.  And it 
will happen with mutual determination and with the effort that will be 
made with all parties on all the tracks to establish the foundations of 
a just and comprehensive peace.  Our people do not consider that 
exercising the right to self-determination could violate the rights of 
their neighbors or infringe on their security.  Rather, putting an end 
to their feelings of being wronged and of having suffered an historic 
injustice is the strongest guarantee to achieve coexistence and openness 
between our two peoples and future generations.  Our two peoples are 
awaiting today this historic hope, and they want to give peace a real 
chance.  Such a shift will give us an opportunity to embark upon the 
process of economic, social, and cultural growth and development, and we 
hope that international participation in that process will be as 
extensive as it can be.  This shift will also provide an opportunity for 
all forms of cooperation on a broad scale and in all fields.

I thank you, Mr. President.  We hope that our meeting will be a new 
beginning for fruitful and effective relations between the American 
people and the Palestinian people.  I wish to thank the Russian 
Federation and President Boris Yeltsin.  Our thanks also go to Secretary 
Christopher and Foreign Minister Kozyrev, to the Government of Norway, 
and to the Foreign Minister of Norway for the positive part they played 
in bringing about this major achievement.

I extend greetings to all the Arab leaders, our brothers, and to all the 
world leaders who contributed to this achievement.  Ladies and 
gentlemen, the battle for peace is the most difficult battle of our 
lives.  It deserves our utmost efforts because the land of peace--the 
land of peace yearns for a just and comprehensive peace.  Thank you Mr. 
President, thank you, thank you, thank you. 


President Clinton.  We have been granted the great privilege of 
witnessing this victory for peace.  Just as the Jewish people this week 
celebrate the dawn of a new year, let us all go from this place to 
celebrate the dawn of a new era, not only for the Middle East, but for 
the entire world.

The sound we heard today, once again, as in ancient Jericho, was the 
trumpets toppling walls--the walls of anger and suspicion between 
Israeli and Palestinian, between Arab and Jew.  This time, praise God, 
the trumpets herald not the destruction of that city, but its new 
beginning.

Now let each of us here today return to our portion of that effort, 
uplifted by the spirit of the moment, refreshed in our hopes and guided 
by the wisdom of the Almighty, who has brought us to this joyous day.

Go in peace.  Go as peace-makers. (###)


ITEM 3:  

Luncheon Hosted by Secretary Christopher in Honor of the Signing of the 
Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles

Secretary Christopher, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, and PLO 
Executive Committee Member Mahmoud Abbas

The following remarks were made in Washington, DC, September 13, 1993, 
and released by the Office of the Spokesman on the same day.

Secretary Christopher.   Your excellencies, ladies and gentlemen:  It's 
my great pleasure to welcome you to the Jefferson Room of the State 
Department on this magnificent day.  I think God destined that we would 
have a Middle East sun for this day, and it made the day all the more 
shining and bright.

As I say, this is the Thomas Jefferson Room.  That's a very severe bust 
of Jefferson over there, but I think I saw him smiling a bit just as I 
came into the room.  

Millions of people have dreamed of this day for decades.  Now years of 
diligent effort have been rewarded by a breakthrough of truly 
breathtaking proportions.  The hardest work, of course, was accomplished 
by the parties themselves--the Israelis and the Palestinian negotiators-
-those who worked tirelessly here in Washington, and those who achieved 
the breakthroughs in Oslo.  They confronted the most difficult obstacles 
head-on, and they overcame them through extraordinary statesmanship and, 
if I may, extraordinary courage. 

The Declaration of Principles and terms for mutual recognition that we 
celebrate today have many proud parents, both past and present.  I want 
to acknowledge the work of those who successfully negotiated the Madrid 
agreement, the Camp David agreements, and the earlier disengagement 
agreements.  

I feel especially fortunate that we have in the room eight former 
Secretaries of State of the United States.  The efforts to achieve peace 
in the Middle East have been truly a bipartisan effort in the United 
States.  It has had a kind of continuum.  We've all built on the efforts 
of each other.  Indeed, as I look back over the history, we gained 
perhaps as much from the efforts of those who didn't have any tangible 
success during their term as those whose particular pursuits were 
crowned by more immediate success.

And so I'd like to have you all know that here in the room with me are, 
I believe, eight of my nine living predecessors.  Only Dean Rusk, who is 
seriously ill, is absent.  Let me introduce to you--and this is not in 
any order, perhaps not even of service in the State Department:  William 
Rogers; Henry Kissinger; Alexander Haig; George Shultz; Cyrus Vance; Ed 
Muskie; Jim Baker; and Larry Eagleburger.  I'm very fortunate to have 
predecessors of that quality, and I ask you to join me in giving them a 
hand for what they've contributed.  I'm very glad to see that you 
obviously agree with me.  

I also want to congratulate, for their diplomatic triumph, the 
Norwegians and Foreign Minister Holst; Foreign Minister Moussa and his 
colleagues from Egypt; and the Russian co-sponsors and my close 
colleague, Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev, whom I'm glad was able to be 
here today.

We're all thrilled by today's achievement, but we all know that there is 
much hard work ahead.  The United States is committed to a comprehensive 
peace between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors.

We hope the agreement today will be a catalyst, an impetus to progress 
and agreements on the other negotiating tracks.  I assure you that the 
United States will remain a full partner in the pursuit of peace, as 
asked for by the parties.  We will spare no effort in helping the 
parties reach new agreements and then to turn the agreements into 
reality.

To accomplish that end, we will need the international community to 
become all of our partners in mustering the substantial resources 
necessary to make these historic agreements succeed.  The United States 
will try to play a coordinating role in marshaling these resources.  
Together with our international partners, we must ensure that the new 
Palestinian authority will have the resources to enable it to do its 
vital work.  We must also promote economic development in the West Bank 
and the Gaza Strip.

We will also be responsive to the needs of Israel that result from this 
agreement.  For the part of the United States, I want to reaffirm our 
unshakable commitment to Israel's security and well-being.

Even though we have much work ahead, and you can confront this in a 
rather sober way, I want to say that I think we are entitled to take one 
moment at least to savor and celebrate what has been accomplished.  Let 
us raise our glasses to the Israelis and the Palestinians and to all of 
those who helped make today's achievement possible.  We affirm with this 
toast that even what had seemed to be a most intractable problem can be 
overcome.  Let us give thanks that brave and dedicated people have 
dramatically advanced the cause of peace by simply refusing to rest 
until they could say, "we agree."  Thank you very much.


Foreign Minister Peres.   While writing my speech on the way here in the 
plane, I was thinking:  What is [today's] occasion--a Thanksgiving Day 
or a Labor Day?  Since they gave us 3 minutes, I thought:  My God, let's 
postpone the Thanksgiving for the lunch, and let's have the speech for 
the Labor.

I really want to thank you, Mr. Secretary, very much for continuing the 
great tradition of the United States.  I believe in the books of 
history, that nobody will understand the United States, really:  You 
have so much force, and you didn't conquer the land of anybody; you have 
so much power, and you didn't dominate another people; you have problems 
of your own, and you have never turned your back on the problems of 
others.  Thank you so much for being what you are.

And as you have mentioned, there are previous, former secretaries.  I 
really cannot imagine how they would look, historically speaking, 
without the Middle East.  But may I say that the Middle East surely 
would never have become what it is without the eight or nine secretaries 
who are here--what you did.  Days and nights and efforts and thoughts 
you have invested in the Middle East bear, today, the fruits.  You must 
feel that way; we surely do.  So I would like to thank all of you.

Then we became so close with the Norwegians, with Johan Holst and his 
team, that it is almost a shame to say thank you.  But in case you don't 
know, Norway is not only producing salmon excellent, but friendship, 
which is even better than smoked salmon.  We tasted both of that.  And 
Johan--and I think Terry [Larsen] is here--and your people; you were 
wonderful.  And I hope it will be marked in political terms in the near 
future.  For us you are a friend, and thank you very, very much.

I'd like to thank the Secretary of the United Nations, Boutros Boutros-
Ghali.  We were hidden friends for a long time.  Gradually, we are 
emerging in public, which is a sensation!

I want to thank Mr. Kozyrev.  God knows how heavy the agenda is in 
Russia.  The fact, sir, that you came over today shows the seriousness 
that Russia is therefore giving to peace in the Middle East, and your 
personal engagement in it.  We appreciate it very, very much.

I would like to thank our Palestinian partners.  You know, there is some 
indication that the wireless communication was invented by the prophets.  
The evidence is very simple.  In all the power escalations, we didn't 
find any wires, so, apparently, they were communicating without wires.  
They were the first to invent it.  We have had a communication--a 
wireless communication--with the Palestinians.  We tried to understand 
their needs, not their demands.  Not every time they demanded something 
did they need it, really.  But when we felt that you needed it, we tried 
to meet you sincerely and in a friendly manner.

I am very glad to see here our good friends Faisal Husseini and Hanan 
Ashrawi.  The difference between them and the others is that after every 
meeting in Washington, they have had to come back home.  And believe me, 
it wasn't always a celebration because when you negotiate, the problem 
is never to convince the other party;  most of the problem is to 
convince your own party.

I am very glad to see our European friend, President Jacques Delors, the 
president now of all the foreign ministers.  And, you know, some of the 
people who are present--they committed a sin by meeting us for the first 
time.  I think the road to the paradise will not be blocked because of 
it.  On the contrary, the more we shall meet, the better we shall serve 
our people.

Warren, I know how much thought and devotion and effort and travel you 
have invested in this day.  I want to thank you.  I want to thank the 
President.  I want to thank your predecessors.  I want you to tell, 
really, to the--[to] our American friends:  You have shown that history 
can be different, that power can be a service, not a domination.  There 
was an ancient Greek sage by the name of Gorgias who asked, what is the 
difference between peace and war?  He [said that] in time of war, the 
elder are burying the younger; in time of peace, it is the other way 
around.  Being no longer young, may I say that this occasion makes the 
world younger.  Thank you.


Mr. Abbas  (through an interpreter).  Mr. Secretary, former secretaries, 
distinguished guests:  First of all, I would like to apologize because I 
do not have a history--a diplomatic history--so maybe my course will be 
a little bit different than the usual diplomatic course.  And I will try 
to be very careful regarding every word that I will mention and every 
phrase that I will say.

Ladies and gentlemen:  Can we say that a century of struggle is over?  
It might be a very simple word--or two words--a century full of struggle 
and conflict, but what we have accomplished today is a giant leap.  And 
in order not to exaggerate the words and choose the words that might 
magnify the actual fact, I will say that we have embarked on a major 
leap toward the true and the actual work.

What we have accomplished so far is a great work, but what's waiting 
ahead of us is greater and greater.  And if this agreement is a test for 
both of us--Palestinians and Israelis--in our endeavors toward peace, 
what is waiting ahead of us is more serious and more hard work in order 
to accomplish that peace.  This event, which was welcomed by the  entire 
world, indicates the sincerity and the desire on behalf of the world to 
accomplish true and real peace.

The problem of the Middle East occupied the half of this century, and 
probably the entire world was occupied with the Middle East problem.  
And I would repeat the words that Foreign Minister Peres mentioned--that 
most, if not all, of the previous secretaries of state were occupied 
during their tenure with that particular problem.

It is incredible to see through this particular step and the giant leap 
that we took.  But I've seen in the eyes of the former secretaries of 
state the happiness, the warmth, the excitement, as if this giant leap 
and this particular cause is your cause.  It might be because peace, 
especially peace in the Middle East, is not only peace for the 
Palestinians and the Israelis, it's peace for the entire world, and it's 
peace for you as well.

And I will say today that the Palestinian-Israeli track is one of the 
most important tracks, and I've accomplished something.  But I also have 
to say that all other tracks are equally important in order to 
accomplish comprehensive and just and lasting peace.  After that, and 
after we accomplish what we set out to accomplish, all the old measures 
and old expressions will become part of history. And we will not--we 
will not repent and will not regret what happened in the past, but we 
will have to look forward.  And we will look forward.  We will look 
forward to build a peaceful Middle East and to build a new era--an era 
that is colored by freedom, peace, prosperity for everyone.

And you all have helped us reach that giant leap--the United States of 
America, Russia, the United Nations, the European countries, our Arab 
brothers, and every single country in the world.  I believe that all of 
you have stood by us.  But we still need your help and support.  We will 
still need your help.  We will still need your support.  And as 
President Clinton said today, we have to prevent this particular process 
and this giant step from failing.  Thank you all.


Foreign Minister Peres.  Bear with me for a moment.  I was so excited 
that I omitted a very important factor in the process of making peace, 
and this is President Mubarak and Amre Moussa.  I think that without the 
participation of Egypt in being the first to make peace, we wouldn't 
have arrived at this moment.   Thank you. (###)


ITEM 4:

White House Briefing for Arab- and Jewish-American Leaders Following 
Signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles

Vice President Gore, President Clinton

The following remarks were made in Washington, DC, September 13, 1993, 
and released by the White House, Offices of the Vice President and the 
Press Secretary, on the same day.

Vice President Gore (as prepared).  How many times over the last decade 
have we remarked to each other:  "I never thought I'd live to see the 
day"--whether the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the collapse of the Warsaw 
Pact?

But certainly to walk onto the south lawn of the White House and see 
Chairman Arafat and Prime Minister Rabin standing on the same platform, 
is to have witnessed a historical event of a magnitude that will rarely 
occur in our lifetime.

In a way, it is a very personal event.  Each of you here today brings to 
this event your memories, the passions that have involved you in public 
life, your active involvement in debate and negotiations, your hopes and 
prayers--and anxieties.  Your perspectives are different; but your hope-
-our hope--for success is the same.

Why this time?  Why this place?
There are people advancing many different theories.  But for me, Prime 
Minister Rabin pointed to the most important reason, which was simply 
this:  that parties in the conflict have said "enough."  No more 
bloodshed.  No more children buried by their parents.  It is time for 
peace.  

No, a stroke of the pen today does not guarantee peace.  Nothing can do 
that.  And I'm sure there will be obstacles and setbacks.  What it does 
is create a framework within which Israelis and Palestinians can face 
these challenges together.

Many deserve credit for today's event.  Yes, the United States and 
Russia co-sponsored the Madrid peace process, which has at its core the 
principle that direct talks between the parties was the only road to 
peace.

The Government of Norway played a vital role in bringing us to this day,  
but the most important participants were the Israeli and Palestinian 
leaders themselves.  For, ultimately, only they could take this step.  
And if there is one thing I would urge here, talking to the leaders in 
this room, it is to remember and salute the courage on both sides.

Is the struggle for peace now concluded?  On the contrary; it is just 
beginning.  We are at a delicate moment in history.  And precisely 
because it is so delicate, your support is so important.  We all know 
there are many obstacles ahead.  But if we go in with hope--if we go in 
full of admiration for the difficult steps that have been taken and 
pledging our support--then peace has a chance.

I was impressed, looking around at the crowd this morning, at the 
Israeli and Palestinian children sitting in their green shirts in the 
front row.  I couldn't tell which was which.  They were all young men 
and women whose future should--and can--be bright.

Today we honor the sacrifice on both sides.  We mourn the losses of the 
decades past, but we also celebrate a beginning.  And we prepare for a 
future that will be brighter because of what we saw today.   


President Clinton (as delivered).  I never thought I would enter what 
may well be the first meeting of its kind in the history of our country-
-that I would enter this meeting hearing our erudite Vice President 
quote Lao Tse.  But today, I think we can solve all our problems with 
China, too, and everything else.  All things are possible today.

I do want to acknowledge the presence, also, of a person here who has 
done a lot of wonderful work on this and the other foreign policy 
efforts we've made since I've been President--my National Security 
Adviser, Tony Lake.

I want to thank all of you for the work that so many of you have done--
many of you for years and years and years--to help make this day come.  
I know well that there were a lot of people--I couldn't help when I was 
looking out at that crowd today--I thought there were so many people I 
wish I had the luxury of just standing up and mentioning, because I knew 
of the things which have been done to help this day come to pass.  And I 
thank you all.

I know that most of what needs to be said has already been said, so let 
me just say this:  I am convinced that the United States must assume a 
very heavy role of responsibility to make this work, to implement this 
agreement.  And that means I must ask you for two or three specific 
things.

First of all, this is a difficult time for our country and within our 
own borders, and a lot of our own people are very insecure in a 
profoundly different way than the insecurities about which we talked 
today.  We simply cannot afford to fold up our tent and draw inward.  We 
can't afford to do it in matters of trade, we can't afford to do it in 
matters of foreign policy, and we certainly can't afford to do it when 
we have been given a millennial opportunity and responsibility in the 
Middle East.  And so I ask you, together and individually, to do what 
you can to help influence the Members of Congress whom you know--without 
regard to their party--to recommit themselves to the engagement and 
leadership of the United States in the Middle East.

I have been profoundly impressed by the broad and bipartisan support in 
the Congress for this agreement.  But everyone must understand that this 
agreement now has to be implemented.  A lot of the complicated details 
are left.  And frankly, even beyond the financial issues, the United 
States is perhaps in the best position of any country to help with the 
mechanics of the election, with the mechanics of the law enforcement 
issue, the whole series of complex, factual issues which have to be 
worked through.  And if we are leading, we can send Americans who are 
Jewish or Arab there to work with this process.  So the beginning is a 
sense that there is still the work to be done and a commitment to do it 
in the Congress.

Second, there is an enormous amount of work that can be done by private 
citizens.  Many of you have been doing that and giving of your time and 
money for a very long time.  Now you'll be given the chance to do it in 
a different context, and I hope we will explore ways that this group can 
stay together--work together and define common projects--because I think 
that what we do here as Americans together in specific terms as private 
citizens as well as through government channels will help to shape the 
attitudes of the people who live in the region. 

And finally, let me say that if there's one lesson I learned in my own 
life and politics here in America and one that I relearn every time I 
leave the White House and go out and talk to ordinary citizens in this 
very difficult time, it is that no public enterprise can flourish unless 
there is trust and security.

Indeed, one of the reasons that I think the Vice President's work on the 
National Performance Review is so important--if I might just veer off 
and then come back to this subject--is that because our government for 
so long has had not only a budget deficit and an investment deficit, but 
a general performance deficit, there is this huge trust deficit in 
America, which makes it difficult for us to do what we ought to do.  And 
when millions and millions of our people are profoundly insecure, it is 
even more difficult to restore their trust.

If that is true in America, how much more difficult must it be in the 
Middle East when the very issues of survival have been confronting 
people for a very long time now?  On the other hand, unless the 
political leadership which made this agreement winds up stronger for 
doing it, we won't be able to succeed and move on to the next steps and, 
ultimately, conclude this whole process in a way that will really get 
the job done.

And so the last thing I want to ask you to do--again individually and 
collectively--is to make as many personal contacts as you can with 
people in the region to tell them you support this, the United States is 
going to stand for peace and security and progress, and they should give 
their trust to this process.  It is clear to me now that the major 
threat to our success going forward is not necessarily all those who 
wish to wreck the peace by continuing the killing of innocent non-
combatants but the thin veneer of hope which might be pierced before it 
gets too deep and strong to be broken.

So we--you and I--we have a big responsibility to strengthen the support 
for the people who did this among their constituents--not to interfere 
in the internal affairs of Israel or the PLO--but simply to make it 
clear that we are going to be there and that we believe in it, and that 
we believe it will enhance security, make trust more possible, and make 
all the parties ultimately, over the long run, more reliable.  I think 
this is a very big deal.  And many of you in some ways are in a unique 
position to manifest your belief in that.

So those are the things we must do.  We have to have the support in the 
United States for our government to take the lead in implementing the 
agreement.  We have to have you and more people like you willing to 
undertake projects individually, as groups, and perhaps jointly--as 
citizens, private citizens--that will reinforce what has been done.  And 
we must begin immediately to make it absolutely clear that we support 
this decision and the people who made it for making it, and that we will 
have more security for doing it.

If we will do these three things, then we honor what happened here 
today, and we can validate the feelings we all had.  And instead of just 
being a magic moment in history, it will truly be a turning point.  
That's what I think it is.  Thank you.  (###)


ITEM 5:  

Israel and Jordan Initial Common Agenda
Text of the Common Agenda

Following is the text of the Common Agenda between Israel and Jordan 
[Jordan and Israel], initialed in Washington, DC, September, 14, 1993, 
and released by the Office of the Spokesman.  

A.  Goal:

The achievement of a just, lasting and comprehensive peace between the 
Arab States, the Palestinians and Israel as per the Madrid invitation.

B.  Components of Israel-Jordan [Jordan-Israel] Peace Negotiations:

1.  Searching for steps to arrive at a state of peace based on Security 
Council Resolutions 242 and 338 in all their aspects.  

2.  Security:

a.  Refraining from actions or activities by either side that may 
adversely affect the security of the other or may prejudge the final 
outcome of negotiations.

b.  Threats to security resulting from all kinds of terrorism.

c.  i.  Mutual commitment not to threaten each other by any use of force 
and not to use weapons by one side against the other including 
conventional and non-conventional mass destruction weapons.

     ii.  Mutual commitment, as a matter of priority and as soon as 
possible, to work towards a Middle East free from weapons of mass 
destruction, conventional and non-conventional weapons; this goal is to 
be achieved in the context of a comprehensive, lasting and stable peace 
characterized by the renunciation of the use of force, reconciliation 
and openness.

Note:  The above (item c-ii) may be revised in accordance with relevant 
agreements to be reached in the Multilateral Working Group on Arms 
Control and Regional Security.

d.  Mutually agreed upon security arrangements and security confidence 
building measures.

3.  Water:

a.  Securing the rightful water shares of the two sides.

b.  Searching for ways to alleviate water shortage.

4.  Refugees and Displaced Persons:

Achieving an agreed just solution to the bilateral aspects of the 
problem of refugees and displaced persons in accordance with 
international law.

5.  Borders and Territorial Matters:

Settlement of territorial matters and agreed definitive delimitation and 
demarcation of the international boundary between Israel and Jordan 
[Jordan-Israel] with reference to the boundary definition under the 
Mandate, without prejudice to the status of any territories that came 
under Israeli Military Government control in 1967.  Both parties will 
respect and comply with the above international boundary.

6.  Exploring the potentials of future bilateral cooperation, within a 
regional context where appropriate, in the following:

a.  Natural Resources:

--Water, energy and environment
--Rift Valley development

b.  Human Resources:

--Demography
--Labor
--Health
--Education
--Drug control

c. Infrastructure:

--Transportation:  land and air
--Communication

d.  Economic areas including tourism

7.  Phasing the discussion, agreement and implementation of the items 
above including appropriate mechanisms for negotiations in specific 
fields.

8.  Discussion on matters related to both tracks to be decided upon in 
common by the two tracks.

C.  It is anticipated that the above endeavor will ultimately, following 
the attainment of mutually satisfactory solutions to the elements of 
this agenda, culminate in a peace treaty.  (###)


ITEM 6:

Ceremony for Initialing The Common Agenda

Following are remarks by Secretary Christopher; Ambassador Viktor 
Posuvaluk, Director of the African and Middle Eastern Department of the 
Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Ambassador Eliakim Rubinstein, Head 
of the Israeli Delegation to the Joint Jordanian/Palestinian Talks; and 
Ambassador Fayiz Tarawneh, Head of the Jordanian Delegation, Washington, 
DC, September 14, 1993, released by the Office of the Spokesman.

Secretary Christopher.  This is really an extraordinary week for the 
Middle East peace process.  Yesterday, we witnessed the historic signing 
of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles, an event that has 
forever altered the contours and chemistry of the entire region.  As 
President Clinton said yesterday when he spoke of the children of the 
Middle East, "Now we can give them a chance to know a season of peace."

Yesterday, I expressed the hope that we could see progress toward a 
comprehensive peace settlement between Israel and all of her Arab 
neighbors.  Today, we take a very important step toward that very 
comprehensive peace with the initialing of the Israeli-Jordanian 
substantive agenda.

I have here with me today Mr. Viktor Posuvaluk, Director of the African 
and Middle Eastern Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry.  I am 
very pleased that you are here with me today, Viktor.  Together we are 
delighted to introduce the heads of the Jordanian and Israeli 
negotiating teams:  Ambassador Tarawneh of Jordan here on my right; and 
Mr. Elie Rubinstein and his Deputy, Mr. Eitan Bentsur, here on my left.

I don't think that anyone who has been working on these negotiations 
would regard it amiss for me to pay special tribute to Elie Rubinstein, 
who has devoted his life to the problem of the peace between Israel and 
its Arab neighbors since before Camp David and who is one of the leading 
experts on this subject.  We are all in awe of his tireless work on this 
track as well as on the other tracks.

I offer my congratulations to each and every member of these 
delegations.  You have created a substantive framework to negotiate, and 
we hope to resolve vital issues between Israel and Jordan--issues such 
as security, territory, refugees and displaced persons, natural 
resources, and economic cooperation.  This framework is a signpost for 
the progress that we hope and expect will soon come.

I want to say again, as I said yesterday, that the United States will 
spare no effort in seeking peace throughout the Middle East.  We remain 
a full partner in the search for peace.  We will do all we can to 
facilitate these negotiations, just as we are for the negotiations on 
the other track.

We will be working with these parties, as well as with the Israeli-
Syrian parties and the Israeli- Lebanese parties.  We believe today's 
agenda, which has been finalized, will give a strong impetus--a strong 
momentum--to the other negotiations as well as to this negotiation 
itself.

We all share the objective of a just, comprehensive, and lasting peace 
for the Middle East.  This week, with yesterday's action and now today's 
action, we have set a new direction toward a better future for the 
region.  Today's signing moves us a long step down the road toward 
peace.  And news this morning of Prime Minister Rabin's visit to Morocco 
is yet another sign of the momentum that is building  throughout the 
Middle East on this peace process.  It will be a difficult road, but we 
are taking important steps day by day.  And it's a great pleasure for me 
to join in these very important events.


Ambassador Posuvaluk.  Mr. Secretary of State, distinguished heads of 
delegations, ladies and gentlemen:  It gives me special pleasure to 
represent, here, the Russian co-sponsor.  The importance of the present 
ceremony is outstanding in itself.  Agreement on a formal agenda for 
negotiations gives a long-awaited stimulus for peace between Jordan and 
Israel, the way to which started in Madrid.  This document practically 
constitutes a full-fledged program for building peace between your 
countries, as it comprises central components of good, neighborly 
relations.

Co-sponsors of the peace process are also satisfied with the fact that 
dialogue between Israel and Jordan and Israel and the Palestinians has 
borne fruit almost simultaneously.  Note in this symbolic achievement, 
we would like to stress that the success reached yesterday and today has 
to be supported as soon as possible by progress on all negotiating 
tracks.  Only then would it be possible to provide for a comprehensive 
and lasting peace in the Middle East.

Ladies and gentlemen, the Arabs and the Israelis have paid dearly for 
peace, but today at last peace is becoming a reality.  Naturally, we 
understand that your breakthrough is but the first step on a long and 
difficult journey.  There is formidable work ahead in order to establish 
full-scale cooperation, security, and prosperity in the region and to 
work out and implement all necessary agreements.

Russia, being your close neighbor and reliable partner, is prepared to 
continue traveling along this road together with you, bearing its share 
of responsibility as a great power, as a friend of your countries, and--
together with our host, the United States--as a co-sponsor of the peace 
process.  Thank you.


Ambassador Rubinstein.  Mr. Secretary and Mr. Posuvaluk; my colleague 
and friend Ambassador Tarawneh of Jordan; friend, neighbor, and 
colleague Ambassador Bentsur; members of our two delegations; members of 
the U.S. and Russian Administrations; ladies and gentlemen:  Today, we 
are making yet another step in the long road to peace between Israel and 
Jordan within the joint effort, embodied in the Madrid formula, toward a 
comprehensive peace.

The direct negotiations between Israel and Jordan have achieved this 
Common Agenda, which, obviously, is more than a list of items to be 
negotiated.  It details and summarizes the principles which will guide 
us in the coming negotiations.

We have great respect for Jordan, for His Majesty the King, and for the 
government's efforts toward democratization.  We happen to know well 
Prime Minister Majali, who preceded Dr. Tarawneh as head of the 
delegation and with whom this agenda was initially negotiated.  We wish 
him well.

The Israeli-Jordanian relationship will continue to constitute a major 
cornerstone in the great enterprise of peace; it has ever been so by the 
nature of geography and history.  Attention should be paid to nurturing 
it and strengthening it.  We should vigorously work credibly and 
reliably to make the dream--culminating in a treaty of peace--come true.

Indeed, the good and businesslike atmosphere which has characterized our 
negotiations so far, including many moments of good humor, should serve 
to bring our mission to its final end beyond today's milestone.  Our 
negotiation must be widened to cover the concerns and hopes of our 
peoples, not only politically but also economically and technologically-
-developing areas which we've already started to explore as a part of 
our vision.

On this occasion, we should reflect for a moment on the many victims of 
the Arab-Israeli conflict.  Unfortunately, these sad occurrences are not 
over.  The legacy to all of us is to continue the search for peace and 
security.

Let me take this opportunity to thank the members of both our 
delegations for their hard work.  I would like to thank Ambassador 
Bentsur for leading our delegation during this session.  We all are 
grateful to our host, the Secretary of State--and thank you for your 
personal kind words--and to the U.S. peace team for their generous 
assistance and hospitality.  We also thank the Russian representatives 
for their support.

Tomorrow will mark the beginning of the new year in our calendar.  The 
next days are marked as the "Days of Awe," in which the Almighty 
examines the deeds of the individual as well as the states.  This 
accountability commands us to show there are responsibilities.  (Speaks 
in Hebrew.)  Thank you very much.


Ambassador Tarawneh.  Secretary Christopher, Ambassador Posuvaluk, 
Ambassador Rubinstein, Ambassador Bentsur, Dr. Muasher, ladies and 
gentlemen:  Jordan and Israel have agreed on a formal agenda to serve as 
a basis for negotiations on the Jordanian-Israeli track of the bilateral 
Middle East peace talks.  The agenda lists the items and issues to be 
discussed by the two sides, calling for the achievement of a just, 
lasting, and comprehensive peace between the Arab states, the 
Palestinians, and Israel based on Security Council Resolutions 242 and 
338 in all their aspects.

The agenda also addresses Jordan's water rights, the achievement of a 
just political solution to the problem of refugees according to 
international law, and a settlement of the borders between the two 
countries with reference to the boundary definition under the mandate.  
The agenda also includes issues of future regional economic cooperation 
to be discussed.  

We hope this first step will be translated through the substantive and 
lengthy negotiations that will follow into an agreement based on 
comprehensive peace that will positively transform the lives of all 
peoples of the area.  We, in Jordan, look for a global security 
arrangement that goes beyond the traditional definition of military 
security to one that provides for economic security and well-being 
through upgrading the quality of life for the peoples in the area.

The historic moment that we witnessed yesterday between the Palestinians 
and the Israelis gave us faith that progress in the ongoing peace 
process is achievable.  It is our hope that similar progress will be 
realized on all tracks in the near future.

Allow me, Mr. Secretary, to express the gratitude and the appreciation 
of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan to you and to all your colleagues who 
have worked diligently to make this possible.  I also would like to 
extend similar gratitude and appreciation to the Russian Government for 
its dedicated efforts and support.  Thank you very much. (###)


ITEM:  7

Building Peace in the Middle East

Secretary Christopher
Address at Columbia University, co-sponsored by the Council on Foreign 
Relations, New York City, September 20, 1993.

President Rupp, ladies and gentlemen:   Thank you, Les Gelb, for that 
generous and insightful introduction.  The Council on Foreign Relations 
is very fortunate to have Les Gelb as its new president.  As many of you 
know, I had the pleasure of working with Les during our last tour in 
government.  He is one of the nation's leading foreign policy thinkers 
and writers.  His advice is valued by me, in New York, and around the 
world.

Thank you, also, President Rupp, for co-sponsoring our get-together 
today in this very elegant setting.  Columbia University is one of this 
country's oldest and most prestigious institutions of learning.  From 
the schoolroom on Lower Broadway where Samuel Johnson taught eight 
students in 1754 to this magnificent campus on Morningside Heights, 
Columbia has represented the spirit of inquiry and intellectual freedom 
that has made America strong.

Columbia has certainly contributed to the strength of the State 
Department.  In addition to Madeleine Albright, two of our Under 
Secretaries, Joan Spero and Lynn Davis, have studied here and taught 
here.  They carry on Columbia's great tradition of sending women and men 
into public life with a strongly internationalist outlook.

My visit here today is one of several I have made and plan to make 
around the country to talk about our foreign policy.  It happens to be 
my view that Secretaries of State should spend more time explaining 
foreign policy to the audience that really counts--the American people.  
And I intend to do so.

A week ago, from a small platform on the south lawn of the White House, 
the world took a very big step toward a peaceful future.  That simple 
handshake between implacable foes extends a mighty redemptive power that 
can help heal the wounds of this too-often-violent century.

Like the collapse of communism before it, the beginning of the historic 
reconciliation between the Israelis and the Palestinians confirms our 
belief that hope can eventually replace despair, cooperation can 
overcome conflict, and peace and freedom can triumph over war and 
tyranny.

Today, I will share with you my thoughts on last week's historic 
developments in the Arab-Israeli peace process.  I will try to place the 
events of last Monday in historical context and describe to you the 
steps we must take to ensure that this chance for peace does not slip 
from our grasp.

For more than 45 years, Democratic and Republican administrations have 
worked tirelessly to break the cycle of violence between Israel and its 
Arab neighbors.  They did so because they understood that the United 
States has enduring interests in this strategic and historic crossroads; 
enduring interests in a region where conflict always seems to threaten 
world peace; enduring interests in the security and well-being of Israel 
and in cooperative relations with the Arab world from one end to the 
other; and enduring interests in the region's oil resources, which serve 
as the lifeblood of so much of the world's economy.

These durable interests have made Middle East peace a constant and 
essential goal of U.S. foreign policy.  For decades, that goal eluded 
us.  The region remained a tinderbox, threatening to embroil us and the 
rest of the world in its deadly wars.  This volatility was due in no 
small part to the existence of a Soviet Union determined to fuel the 
forces of radicalism and conflict.  While the Soviets were by no means 
the only cause of the Arab-Israeli dispute, they did everything in their 
power to see that the region remained at a constant boil.  Their 
policies emboldened radicals, intimidated moderates, and left Israel--
save for its friendship with the United States--in a lonely state of 
siege.

Throughout the long struggle of the Cold War, only one Arab country--
Egypt--managed to breach the wall of conflict that Moscow had helped to 
erect.  Egypt braved ostracism to make peace with Israel.  For 14 long 
years, that heroic achievement stood strong.  It also stood alone--until 
last Monday.  The Israeli-Palestinian agreement--in which Egypt's 
President Mubarak played such a strong, critical role--is a powerful 
vindication of that nation's courage and vision.

It was not until the Cold War began to wane that new opportunities arose 
to combat rejectionism in the Middle East and to promote peace.  This 
was most dramatically demonstrated during the Gulf war.  With the United 
States and the Soviet Union working together, Saddam Hussein's radical 
challenge was decisively turned back.  Without Moscow's patronage, 
Saddam's "war option" proved to be no option at all for him.  America's 
overwhelming display of power, principle, and leadership helped to tilt 
the Middle East's balance of power toward moderation and toward the 
opportunity for reconciliation that has been seized.

Had the United States let it rest there--had we left to others the job 
of turning opportunity into reality--last Monday's dramatic event might 
never have taken place.  Only America could have provided the Arabs and 
the Israelis with the assurances they needed to go to Madrid and risk 
breaking the taboo on direct negotiations.

Upon his election, President Clinton immediately reaffirmed America's 
historic role and enduring strategic interest in the Middle East and in 
Arab-Israeli peace.  President Clinton saw the opportunity for a 
historic breakthrough.  On the morning after his election, he vowed to 
make the pursuit of Middle East peace a top priority.  That is why he 
moved so quickly to gain the trust of key regional parties and to 
reaffirm America's unstinting support for Israel's security.  And that 
is why, for my first official trip abroad, he sent me to the Middle 
East.  His message was clear:  The United States was irrevocably 
committed to advancing the peace-making process; to reinvigorating the 
negotiations; and to elevating America's role to that of full partner.

The President's efforts built upon the hard work of his predecessors.  
Our victories in the Cold War and in the Gulf created an environment in 
which peace-making became possible.  Our Administration's intervention 
at key moments this year, to resolve crises over Palestinian deportees 
and over the violence in Lebanon, salvaged the peace process when it 
teetered on the brink of collapse.  Throughout the last 22 months, under 
both Republican and Democratic Presidents, America's sustained political 
involvement--whether in presenting a draft declaration of principles or 
in constantly pushing to define the parameters of the possible--set the 
stage for decision-making in the secret Oslo channel, for which we owe 
so much to the Norwegians and particularly to Foreign Minister Holst.

In the end, of course, last Monday's triumph belongs to the parties 
themselves--to the Israeli and the Palestinian people--who reached out 
to each other.  And that is exactly as it should be.  Indeed, the basic 
premise of the Madrid process has been that face-to-face negotiation 
between the parties is essential.  From the beginning, the United States 
has encouraged communications in as many different channels as possible-
-both formal and informal, public and private--with the understanding 
that the most durable solution would be one forged in direct 
negotiations.

It certainly would be a great mistake if the United States were now to 
withdraw or shrink from its full and long-standing partnership that it 
has undertaken in the peace process.  Our leadership is essential if 
this historic agreement is to realize its full potential.

Today, on behalf of President Clinton, I announce our intention to lead 
a wide-ranging effort not simply to give peace a chance, but to ensure 
that it will not fail.  Just as the United States organized a successful 
international coalition to wage war in the Gulf, we will now organize a 
new coalition--a coalition to breathe life into the Israeli-Palestinian 
Declaration.

As a first step, the United States will convene the Conference to 
Support Middle East Peace, building on the Madrid framework.  Secretary 
Bentsen and I, together with our Russian counterparts, will invite 
foreign and finance ministers representing the European countries, 
Japan, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, Canada, the Nordic countries, 
and many others--and, of course, the Israelis and the Palestinians.  The 
World Bank will also be present, and it will play a major role in 
coordinating and providing this assistance.

The purpose of this conference will be to mobilize resources needed to 
make the agreement work.  The international community must move 
immediately to see that the agreement produces tangible improvements in 
the security and daily lives of the Palestinians and the Israelis.  If 
peace is to be achieved, the agreement must be translated into results 
quickly and vividly.

There are varying estimates of the resources required to start building 
an economic base in Gaza and the West Bank.  The World Bank's initial 
estimate is that $3 billion will be needed over the next 10 years.  An 
important portion of this sum will be needed for a quick-start effort 
over the next year, beginning in the next few months.  All agree that we 
must take immediate steps to address the high rate of unemployment that 
robs families of hope and fuels extremism.  Housing, roads, and other 
permanent improvements must be developed quickly.  We must also act now 
to provide assistance in public administration, tax collection, and 
social services.

Given the number and the commitment of our international partners, we 
are confident these needs can be met.  And we will stimulate these 
supporters by our own example.  Working with the Congress, we expect to 
assemble an initial 2-year package worth $250 mil-lion to dedicate to 
this cause.

In this vital effort, we must also involve the private sector.  A 
significant part of the initial U.S. package will include OPIC loans and 
guarantees to spur private sector involvement and economic growth in the 
region.

There is another resource that America can and should provide for this 
effort.  At the White House last Monday, immediately after the signing 
ceremony, the President, the Vice President, and I met with a group of 
Jewish- and Arab-Americans.  This was truly a unique and special event, 
the first time in my experience that they have met jointly at the White 
House.  We were moved by their shared sense of hope and by their spirit 
of reconciliation from that magnificent day.

The President decided that we must draw on their talent, ingenuity, and 
goodwill.  In that spirit, the President will appoint a task force of 
Jewish- and Arab-Americans to help us develop joint projects and private 
investment in the region.  The United States will name a senior 
coordinator for U.S. assistance--much as we have done in the case of the 
former Soviet Union.

Ladies and gentlemen:  The real barrier to peace between the Israelis 
and Palestinians--the psychological barrier--has already been breached.  
Compared to that obstacle, the resource challenge we face can surely be 
met.  I am convinced that, working with our international partners, we 
can and will succeed.

The implementation of the Israeli-Palestinian agreement represents only 
part of a larger task in the Middle East.  We must nurture a 
comprehensive reconciliation between Israel and the rest of the Arab 
world.  We must achieve a peace between the people of Israel and the 
peoples of Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon.  In the recent round of bilateral 
negotiations between their governments in Washington, the discussions--
I'm glad to say--were serious and constructive.  Later this month, at 
the UN General Assembly, I will meet with my counterparts from Syria, 
Jordan, Lebanon, and Israel to try to keep these negotiations moving and 
to discuss further steps ahead.  We will work tirelessly to ensure that 
all the children of the region can come to know, in President Clinton's 
words, "a season of peace."

Another aspect of our effort to promote comprehensive reconciliation is 
working to encourage other Arab friends to act boldly in support of 
peace.  The core antagonists in this conflict have courageously opted 
for mutual recognition and an end to their state of war.  This bold step 
demands an equally bold response from their regional counterparts.  
There have been some good signs already.  Jordan's decision to sign a 
substantive agenda with Israel last Tuesday is a prime example.  Another 
good example is the meeting that same day in Morocco between Prime 
Minister Rabin and King Hassan, which was also a promising first step 
that the United States applauds.  Other nations must also seize this 
vital moment for reconciliation.

Now that Israelis and Palestinians have agreed to work together to pro- 
mote their economic well-being, it is certainly illogical for Arab 
nations to continue their boycott of Israel.  Every moment the boycott 
remains in force, those responsible are punishing Palestinians as well 
as Israelis.  The boycott is a relic of the past.  It should be 
relegated to history--right now.

There is more to peace than the signing of agreements and the gathering 
of resources.  There is a need for a fundamental change in the hearts of 
the former antagonists.  The leaders of the region must exhort those who 
have used violence as a political tool to renounce it without 
reservation or exception.

It is also imperative that quick action be taken to remove other 
vestiges of a bygone era.  This means revoking, at the upcoming session 
of the UN General Assembly, those UN resolutions that challenge Israel's 
very right to exist.  It also means acting to approve, unanimously this 
time, Israel's credentials at this year's UN General Assembly.  And it 
also means in the U.S. Congress amending statutes that inhibit dealing 
with the PLO.

I reiterate a simple but profound truth:  Only an Israel that is strong, 
confident, and secure can make peace.  Only an Israel that is certain of 
its strategic partnership with the United States can take the necessary 
risks.

On behalf of President Clinton and the American people, I restate a 
long-standing pledge to the Israeli public:  As you and your leaders 
continue down the courageous path you have chosen, you should know that 
America's commitment to Israel's security and well-being will remain 
unshakable.

It is quite revealing that at this time of great hope, when the entire 
world is praising last Monday's events, they are being denounced in 
places like Tehran, Baghdad, and Tripoli.  In response to such 
intemperate words, let me make clear that we are committed to seeing 
that the forces of moderation in the region are stronger than the forces 
of extremism.

To all who are prepared to work with us in building a new Middle East of 
peace, security, and prosperity, I say:  You have a reliable and 
committed partner in the United States.  To those who would sow 
dissension, intolerance, and violence, I say this:  The United States, 
its friends, and its allies will take the necessary steps to ensure that 
you fail.

Reflections on America's Role
This remarkable week for peace in the Middle East reminds us of the 
necessity for, and the importance of, American leadership in the world--
especially in regions of vital interest to us.

My colleague, Tony Lake, will speak tomorrow at the Johns Hopkins School 
of Advanced International Studies.  He will address the broad outlines 
of our foreign policy.  His speech will reflect broad policy discussions 
within our Administration, and I commend it to your attention.

Before concluding today, I want to comment briefly on two issues that 
have been the subject of a good deal of public debate.  The first is 
whether America should pursue an activist foreign policy.  The second is 
whether America should act alone or together with other nations to 
protect our vital interests abroad.

The first issue is really the latest round in a century-old debate 
between engagement and isolationism.  I want to assure you that the 
United States chooses engagement.  The alternative--neo-isolationism--
can be reduced to a simple syllogism:  The Cold War is over; we won; 
let's go home and attend to our problems.  We must reject isolationism 
for the dangerous argument that it is.  We must renew our commitment to 
internationalism, which has served us so well for the last 50 years.

The pied pipers of isolationism misread the history of this century.  
They mistake the future of our economy.  They minimize the threats to 
our security.  And they misjudge the character of our people.

The end of the Cold War has not ended history.  Nor has it severed the 
links between America and the world.  But it has left the United States 
with a continuing responsibility--and a unique capacity--to provide 
leadership.

Why, you may ask, should we remain engaged?  First, because it is 
strongly in our economic interest to do so.  We live in a 
technologically interconnected age.  Vast amounts of information and 
vast numbers of dollars can be transmitted around the world at the speed 
of light.  In such a world, how will we enhance our prosperity if we do 
not work to open up and expand international markets?  How will we 
possibly promote the global growth that is necessary to our prosperity 
if we do not successfully complete the Uruguay Round negotiations of the 
GATT?  And how will we create high-paying jobs for Americans if we are 
not willing to create export opportunities through international 
agreements such as NAFTA?

Second, we must remain active and assertive for the sake of our 
security.  Were it not for sustained American involvement over the last 
four decades, we would not be on the road to peace in the Middle East.  
American engagement is also essential in other regions where our vital 
interests are at stake.  Indeed, in key regions, the United States is 
the fulcrum on which peace and security rest.

If democracy reverts to dictatorship in the former Soviet Union, 
Americans are likely to pay a very severe price in a revived nuclear 
threat and increased defense budgets.  If ethnic conflict in Europe 
widens; if our security is threatened again in Asia; if terrorism 
spreads; if the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is not 
checked--if any of these things comes to pass--then our own security and 
our ability to focus on domestic renewal will be directly put at risk.

In short, we must remain engaged not out of altruism, not out of what 
one scholar has called the "imperial temptation," but because there are 
real American interests that will suffer if we are seduced by the 
isolationist myth.

The second issue under recent debate is whether America should exercise 
its power alone or with others--to use the customary jargon, 
unilaterally or multilaterally.  That issue, as framed, creates a false 
polarity.  It is not an "either-or" proposition.  The central purpose of 
our foreign policy is to ensure the security of our nation and to ensure 
its economic prosperity as well--and to promote democratic values.

In protecting those interests, the United States must maintain its 
military strength and reinvigorate its economy so that we can retain the 
option to act alone when that is best for us.  Let no one doubt the 
resolve of the United States to protect its vital interests.

Yet in protecting our vital interests, we should not ignore the value of 
working with other nations.  From the Gulf war to the international 
campaign to aid democracy in Russia, we have seen how collective action 
can advance American foreign policy interests.  It can bolster our 
efforts to stem the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to 
knock down barriers to global trade, and to protect the environment.  We 
have also seen that collective action requires--and cannot replace--
American leadership.

No other nation possesses our military might, economic strength, or 
moral authority.  These assets give us the ability to act alone when 
necessary.  When appropriate, though, we can also leverage our might by 
sharing the burden with other nations.  But we should remember that our 
ability to generate effective multilateral responses will often depend 
upon our willingness to act alone.

Let me be clear:  Multilateralism is a means, not an end.  It is one of 
the many foreign policy tools at our disposal.  And it is warranted only 
when it serves the central purpose of American foreign policy:  to 
protect American interests.  This country will never subcontract its 
foreign policy to another power or another person.

While this largely tactical debate on the means of American engagement 
has proceeded, President Clinton has been meeting the key foreign policy 
tests and challenges:  recognizing that domestic economic renewal is 
fundamental to America's foreign policy interests; mobilizing critical 
and timely support for Russian democracy as an essential investment in 
our national security; calling for a NATO summit to adapt the alliance 
to meet the new security challenges of a vastly changed Europe; 
advancing a New Pacific Community while negotiating a new framework for 
our economic and trade relations with Japan; and leading the global 
effort to curb the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Conclusion
In concluding, I will suggest to you another and different measure of 
our leadership--and that is how the world sees us.  Last week in 
Washington, Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres paid our country an 
unusual tribute.

In the history books, he said:  "Nobody will understand the United 
States, really.  You have so much force, and you didn't conquer the land 
of anybody else.  You have so much power, and you didn't dominate 
another people.  You have problems of your own, and you never turned 
your back on the problems of others."  And Shimon Peres then turned and 
said:  "Thank you so much for being what you are."  To those who 
question the need for American engagement, I say, ask Shimon Peres.

Let these indelible events of the last few years--the handshake at the 
White House; the Berlin Wall falling; the Soviet Union crumbling; Nelson 
Mandela walking out of prison to build a new South Africa--let all these 
point us toward asserting and not abdicating our international role.

Let that shining moment last week on the White House lawn light the way 
for a just and lasting peace in the Middle East--and illuminate the need 
for America's continued leadership in the world.  (###)



Letters Between Israeli Prime Minister Rabin and PLO Executive Committee 
Chairman Arafat, and From PLO Executive Committee Chairman Arafat to 
Norwegian Foreign Minister Holst, September 9, 1993

Letters reprinted from press reports, Washington, DC, September 10, 
1993.

Mr. Chairman,

In response to your letter of Sept. 9, 1993, I wish to confirm to you 
that in light of the P.L.O. commitments included in your letter the 
Government of Israel has decided to recognize the P.L.O. as the 
representative of the Palestinian people and commence negotiations with 
the P.L.O. within the Middle East peace process.

YITZHAK RABIN
Prime Minister of Israel


Mr. Prime Minister,

The signing of the Declaration of Principles marks a new era in the 
history of the Middle East.  In firm conviction thereof, I would like to 
confirm the following P.L.O. commitments:

The P.L.O. recognizes the right of the State of Israel to exist in peace 
and security.

The P.L.O. accepts United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 and 
338.

The P.L.O. commits itself to the Middle East peace process and to a 
peaceful resolution of the conflict between the two sides and declares 
that all outstanding issues relating to permanent status will be 
resolved through negotiations.

The P.L.O. considers that the signing of the Declaration of Principles 
constitutes a historic event, inaugurating a new epoch of peaceful 
coexistence, free from violence and all other acts which endanger peace 
and stability.  Accordingly, the P.L.O. renounces the use of terrorism 
and other acts of violence and will assume responsibility over all 
P.L.O. elements and personnel in order to assure their compliance, 
prevent violations and discipline violators.

In view of the promise of a new era and the signing of the Declaration 
of Principles and based on Palestinian acceptance of Security Council 
Resolutions 242 and 338, the P.L.O. affirms that those articles of the 
Palestinian Covenant which deny Israel's right to exist and the 
provisions of the Covenant which are inconsistent with the commitments 
of this letter are now inoperative and are no longer valid.  
Consequently, the P.L.O. undertakes to submit to the Palestinian 
National Council for formal approval the necessary changes in regard to 
the Palestinian Covenant.


Sincerely,


YASIR ARAFAT
Chairman  
Executive  Committee
Palestine Liberation Organization


Dear Minister Holst,

I would like to confirm to you that upon the signing of the Declaration 
of Principles I will include the following positions in my public 
statements:

In light of the new era marked by the signing of the Declaration of 
Principles the P.L.O. encourages and calls upon the Palestinian people 
in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to take part in the steps leading to the 
normalization of life, rejecting violence and terrorism, contributing to 
peace and stability and participating actively in shaping 
reconstruction, economic development and cooperation.


Sincerely,


YASIR ARAFAT
Chairman Executive Committee
Palestine Liberation Organization



President Clinton
Statement at the White House, Washington, DC, September 10, 1993.

Today marks a shining moment of hope for the people of the Middle East; 
indeed, of the entire world.  The Israelis and the Palestinians have now 
agreed upon a declaration of principles on an interim self-government 
that opens the door to a comprehensive and lasting settlement.

This declaration represents a historic and honorable compromise between 
two peoples who have been locked in a bloody struggle for almost a 
century.  Too many have suffered for too long.  The agreement is a bold 
breakthrough.  The Palestine Liberation Organization openly and 
unequivocally has renounced the use of violence and has pledged to live 
in peace with Israel.   Israel, in turn, has announced its recognition 
of the PLO.

I want to express my congratulations and praise for the courage and the 
vision displayed by the Israeli and Palestinian leadership and for the 
crucially helpful role played by Norway.

For too long, the history of the Middle East has been defined in terms 
of violence and bloodshed.  Today marks the dawning of a new era.  Now 
there is an opportunity to define the future of the Middle East in terms 
of reconciliation and coexistence and the opportunities that children 
growing up there will have whether they are Israeli or Palestinian.

I want to express the full support of the United States for this 
dramatic and promising step.  For more than a quarter of a century, our 
nation has been directly engaged in efforts to resolve the Middle East 
conflict.  We have done so because it reflects our finest values and our 
deepest interests--our interests in a stable Middle East where Israelis 
and Arabs can live together in harmony and develop the potential of 
their region, which is tremendous.  From Camp David to Madrid to the 
signing ceremony that will take place at the White House on Monday, 
administration after administration has facilitated this difficult but 
essential quest.

From my first day in office, Secretary Christopher and I have made this 
a priority.  We are resolved to continue this process to achieve a 
comprehensive Arab-Israeli resolution.

In 1990, the United States suspended the U.S.-PLO dialogue, begun 
2 years earlier, following an act of terrorism committed against Israel 
by a faction of the PLO.  Yesterday Yasir Arafat wrote to Prime Minister 
Rabin, committing the PLO to accept Israel's right to exist in peace and 
security, to renounce terrorism, to take responsibility for the actions 
of its constituent groups, to discipline those elements who violate 
these new commitments, and to nullify key elements of the Palestinian 
covenant that denied Israel's right to exist.  These PLO commitments 
justify a resumption of our dialogue.

As a result and in light of this week's events, I have decided to resume 
the dialogue and the contacts between the United States and the PLO. 

The path ahead will not be easy.  These new understandings, impressive 
though they are, will not erase the fears and suspicions of the past.  
But now the Israelis and the Palestinians have laid the foundations of 
hope.  The United States will continue to be a full and an active 
partner in the negotiations that lie ahead, to ensure that this promise 
of progress is fully realized.

All the peoples of the Middle East deserve the blessings of peace.  I 
pledge to join them, in our help and our support, to achieve that 
objective.  I look forward to joining with Russia--our co-sponsor in the 
Middle East peace process--and with the people of the world in 
witnessing the historic signing on Monday.

I also want to say I am very grateful for the overwhelming support this 
agreement has generated among members of both parties in the United 
States Congress.  I especially thank leaders in the Congress from both 
parties who have foreign policy responsibilities and who have come to 
meet with me this morning in the White House, many of whom have stayed 
on for this statement.

This is a time for bipartisan support for this agreement and, indeed, a 
bipartisan effort to reassert and define America's role in a very new 
world.  We were talking today in our meeting about how this period is 
not unlike the late 1940s, a time in which America was the first nation 
to recognize Israel and in which we formed the United Nations and other 
international institutions in an attempt to work toward the world which 
everyone hoped would follow from World War II.

Once again, we must develop a strong philosophy and a practical set of 
institutions that can permit us to follow our values and our interests 
and to work for a more peaceful, a more humane, and a more democratic 
world. 

This is an enormous step toward that larger goal.  And I think all 
Americans should be grateful for the opportunity that we have been 
presented to help to make this historic peace work.  



Letter of Invitation To the Madrid Middle East Peace Conference 
Following is the text of the October 18, 1991, letter of invitation sent 
to each participant of the Middle East Peace Conference in Madrid, 
Spain.  It was released to Congress on November 22, 1991.

Invitation to Peace Conference

After extensive consultations with Arab states, Israel and the 
Palestinians, the United States and the Soviet Union believe that an 
historic opportunity exists to advance the prospects for genuine peace 
throughout the region.  The United States and the Soviet Union are 
prepared to assist the parties to achieve a just, lasting and 
comprehensive peace settlement, through direct negotiations along two 
tracks, between Israel and the Arab states, and between Israel and the 
Palestinians, based on United Nations Security Council Resolutions 242 
and 338.  The objective of this process is real peace.

Toward that end, the President of the United States and the President of 
the USSR invite you to a peace conference, which their countries will 
co-sponsor, followed immediately by direct negotiations.  The conference 
will be convened in Madrid on October 30, 1991.  President Bush and 
President Gorbachev request your acceptance of this invitation no later 
than 6:00 p.m. Washington time, October 23, 1991, in order to ensure 
proper organization and preparation of the conference.

Direct bilateral negotiations will begin four days after the opening of 
the conference.  Those parties who wish to attend multilateral 
negotiations will convene two weeks after the opening of the conference 
to organize those negotiations.  The co-sponsors believe that those 
negotiations should focus on region-wide issues such as arms control and 
regional security, water, refugee issues, environment, economic 
development, and other subjects of mutual interest.

The co-sponsors will chair the conference which will be held at 
ministerial level.  Governments to be invited include Israel, Syria, 
Lebanon and Jordan.  Palestinians will be invited and attend as part of 
a joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation.  Egypt will be invited to the 
conference as a participant.  The European Community will be a 
participant in the conference alongside the United States and the Soviet 
Union and will be represented by its Presidency.  The Gulf Cooperation 
Council will be invited to send its Secretary General to the conference 
as an observer, and GCC member states will be invited to participate in 
organizing the negotiations on multilateral issues.  The United Nations 
will be invited to send an observer, representing the Secretary General.

The conference will have no power to impose solutions on the parties or 
veto agreements reached by them.  It will have no authority to make 
decisions for the parties and no ability to vote on issues or results.  
The conference can reconvene only with the consent of all the parties.

With respect to negotiations between Israel and Palestinians who are 
part of the joint Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, negotiations will be 
conducted in phases, beginning with talks on interim self-government 
arrangements.  These talks will be conducted with the objective of 
reaching agreement within one year.  Once agreed, the interim self-
government arrangements will last for a period of five years.  Beginning 
the third year of the period of interim self-government arrangements, 
negotiations will take place on permanent status.  These permanent 
status negotiations, and the negotiations between Israel and the Arab 
states, will take place on the basis of resolutions 242 and 338.

It is understood that the co-sponsors are committed to making this 
process succeed.  It is their intention to convene the conference and 
negotiations with those parties who agree to attend.

The co-sponsors believe that this process offers the promise of ending 
decades of confrontation and conflict and the hope of a lasting peace.  
Thus, the co-sponsors hope that the parties will approach these 
negotiations in a spirit of good will and mutual respect.  In this way, 
the peace process can begin to break down the mutual suspicions and 
mistrust that perpetuate the conflict and allow the parties to begin to 
resolve their differences.  Indeed, only through such a process can real 
peace and reconciliation among the Arab states, Israel, and the 
Palestinians be achieved.  And only through this process can the peoples 
of the Middle East attain the peace and security they richly deserve.



UN Security Council Resolutions on the Middle East
RESOLUTION 242
(NOVEMBER 22, 1967)

The Security Council,

Expressing its continuing concern with the grave situation in the Middle 
East,

Emphasizing the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war 
and the need to work for a just and lasting peace in which every State 
in the area can live in security,

Emphasizing further that all Member States in their acceptance of the 
Charter of the United Nations have undertaken a commitment to act in 
accordance with Article 2 of the Charter,

1.  Affirms that the fulfillment of Charter principles requires the 
establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which 
should include the application of both the following principles:

(i)  Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the 
recent conflict;

(ii)  Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect 
for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and 
political independence of every State in the area and their right to 
live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats 
or acts of force;

2.  Affirms further the necessity

(a)  For guaranteeing freedom of navigation through international 
waterways in the area;

(b)  For achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem;

(c)  For guaranteeing the territorial inviolability and political 
independence of every State in the area, through measures including the 
establishment of demilitarized zones;

3.  Requests the Secretary-General to designate a Special Representative 
to proceed to the Middle East to establish and maintain contacts with 
the States concerned in order to promote agreement and assist efforts to 
achieve a peaceful and accepted settlement in accordance with the 
provisions and principles in this resolution;

4.  Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Security Council on 
the progress of the efforts of the Special Representative as soon as 
possible.


RESOLUTION 338
(OCTOBER 22, 1973)

The Security Council

1.  Calls upon all parties to the present fighting to cease all firing 
and terminate all military activity immediately, no later than 12 hours 
after the moment of the adoption of this decision, in the positions they 
now occupy;

2.  Calls upon the parties concerned to start immediately after the 
ceasefire the implementation of Security Council [Resolution] 242 (1967) 
in all of its parts;

3.  Decides that, immediately and concurrently with the ceasefire, 
negotiations start between the parties concerned under appropriate 
auspices aimed at establishing a just and durable peace in the Middle 
East. (###)



Middle East Peace Process--Meetings Since the Madrid Conference
Madrid Peace Conference

October 30-November 1, 1991
Bilateral Arab-Israeli Negotiations
Round 1     November 3, 1991, Madrid, Spain
Round 2     December 10-18, 1991, Washington, DC
Round 3     January 7-16, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 4     February 24-March 4, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 5     April 27-April 30, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 6     Session I:  August 24-September 3, 1992

Session II:  September 14-24, 1992, 

  Washington, DC
Round 7     Session I:  October 21-29, 1992
                 Session II:  November 9-19, 1992, 

  Washington, DC
Round 8     December 7-17, 1992, Washington, DC
Resumed     April 27-May 13, 1993, Washington, DC
Talks     June 15-July 1, 1993, Washington, DC

August 31-September 14, 1993, Washington, DC
Multilateral Working Groups
Multilateral Steering Group (U.S./Russia:  co-chair)

Organizational Meeting:  January 28-29, 1992, 
Moscow, Russia
Round 1     May 27, 1992, Lisbon, Portugal
Round 2     December 3-4, 1992, London, U.K.
Round 3     July 7, 1993, Moscow, Russia
Next     December 1993 or January 1994, Tokyo, Japan

Arms Control and Regional Security (U.S./Russia:  co-lead organizer)
Round 1     May 11-14, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 2     September 15-17, 1992, Moscow, Russia
Round 3     May 18-20, 1993, Washington, DC
Next     November 2-4, 1993, Moscow, Russia

Water Resources (U.S.:  lead organizer; Japan and EC co-organizer)
Round 1     May 14-15, 1992, Vienna, Austria
Round 2     September 16-17, 1992, Washington, DC
Round 3     April 27-29, 1993, Geneva, Switzerland
Next     October 26-28, 1993, Beijing, China

Environment (Japan:  lead organizer; EC co-organizer)
Round 1     May 18-19, 1992, Tokyo, Japan
Round 2     September 26-27, 1992, The Hague, 

  The Netherlands
Round 3     May 24-25, 1993, Tokyo, Japan
Next     November 15-16, 1993, Egypt

Economic Development (EC:  lead organizer; U.S. and Japan co-organizer)
Round 1     May 11-12, 1992, Brussels, Belgium
Round 2     October 29-30, 1992, Paris, France
Round 3     May 4-5, 1993, Rome, Italy
Next     November 8-9, 1993, Copenhagen, Denmark

Refugees (Canada:  lead organizer)
Round 1     May 13-15, 1992, Ottawa, Canada
Round 2     November 11-12, 1992, Ottawa, Canada
Round 3     May 11-13, 1993, Oslo, Norway
Next     October 12-14, 1993, Tunis, Tunisia (###)

END OF DISPATCH SUPPLEMENT VOL 4, N0 4

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