US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: America Must Remain Engaged
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Address at Texas A∧M University, College Station,
Texas
Date: Nov, 15 199211/15/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: North America, Eurasia, E/C Europe
Country: United States, USSR (former), Germany
Subject: History, Democratization, Arms Control, NATO
[TEXT]
In 36 days, I'll hand over the stewardship of this great nation, capping a
career in public service that began 50 years ago in wartime skies over the
Pacific. Our country won that great contest but entered an uneasy peace.
You see, the fires of World War II cooled into a longer Cold War, and one that
froze the world into two opposing camps: on the one side, America and its
allies--the forces of freedom--against an alien ideology that cast its
shadow over every American.
And 3 years ago, when I was honored to address the graduating class here at
Texas A∧M, I spoke of the need to move "beyond containment." I said: "We
seek the integration of the Soviet Union into the community of nations.
Ultimately, our objective is to welcome the Soviet Union back into the
world order." Was this aim too ambitious? Not for the American people.
Today, by the grit of our people and the grace of God, the Cold War is over.
Freedom has carried the day. And I leave the White House grateful for what
we have achieved together and exhilarated by the promise of what can come
to pass.
This afternoon, I would like to just share some of my thoughts on the past
few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis is a simple one.
Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent past, one truth rings out more
clearly than ever. America remains today what Lincoln said it was more
than a century ago: the last best hope of man on earth.
This is a fact--a truth made indelible by the struggles and the agonies of
the 20th century--and in the sacrifice symbolized by each towering oak on
Simpson Drill Field here at Texas A∧M University. The leadership, the
power, and, yes, the conscience of the United States of America--all are
essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as such an
order is essential for us.
History's lesson is clear. When a war-weary America withdrew from the
international stage following World War I, the world spawned militarism,
fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind into another
devastating conflict. But in answering the call to lead after World War II,
we built from the principles of democracy and the rule of law a new
community of free nations--a community whose strength, perseverance,
patience, and unity of purpose contained Soviet totalitarianism and kept the
peace.
In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise beyond
its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. American leadership
that undermined the confidence and capacity of the communist regimes
became a beacon for all the peoples of the world.
Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of the Soviet
advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses that were never found.
Presidents from both parties led an Atlantic alliance held together by the
bonds of principle and love of liberty, facing a Warsaw Pact lashed together
by occupation troops and quisling governments and, when all else failed, the
use of tanks against its own people.
By the 1980s, Kremlin leaders found that our alliance would not crack when
they threatened America's allies with the infamous SS-20 nuclear missile.
Nor did the alliance shrink from the deployment of countervailing missiles
to defend against this menace.
In the Pacific, too, we built a new alliance with Japan, defended Korea, and
called hundreds of thousands of Americans to sacrifice in the jungles of
Southeast Asia.
The American people demonstrated that they would shoulder whatever
defense burden, make whatever sacrifice was needed, to assure our freedom
and protect our allies and interests. We made use of this superb technology
that our free enterprise system has produced. Having learned that they
could not divide our alliance, the Soviets eventually were forced to realize
that their command economy simply could not compete. As the Soviet
system stalled and crumbled, so too did the ability of its rulers to deny
their people the truth--about us, and about them.
In the end, Soviet communism was destroyed by its own internal
contradictions. New leaders with new vision faced the hard truths that
their predecessors had long denied--glasnost, perestroika--they may have
been Russian words, but the concepts at their core were universal.
The Soviet Union did not simply lose the Cold War. The Western deomcracies
won it. I say this not to gloat but to make a key point. The qualities that
enabled us to triumph in that struggle--faith, strength, unity, and above all,
American leadership--are those we must call upon now to win the peace.
In recent years, with the Soviet empire in its death throes, the potential for
crisis and conflict was never greater, the demand for American leadership
never more compelling.
As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold move for freedom, we
urged them along a peaceful path to liberation. They turned to us, they
turned to America--and we did not turn away.
When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that wall, we
encouraged a united Germany safely within the NATO alliance. They looked
to America, and we did not look away.
When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to roll back the tide
of history, America did not walk away.
I can remember speaking to Boris Yeltsin at that terrible moment of crisis.
At times, the static on the telephone made it almost impossible to hear him.
But there was no mistaking what he wanted to know. He asked where the
United States of America stood. And America answered, for all the world to
hear, "We stand with you." Boris Yeltsin to this day hasn't forgotten.
Praising our country on his visit to the White House this June, he said
George Bush was the first to understand the true scope and meaning of the
victory of the Russian people on August 19, 1991. He addressed me, but he
was talking about our country, the United States of America.
The free peoples of the world watched: They watched in awe as the Soviet
Union collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its place--
wondering who might control its tens of thousands of nuclear weapons. Only
America could manage that danger. We acted decisively to help the new
leaders reduce their arsenals--and gain firm control of those that remain.
Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record, a fact that will
be studied for years in the library right here at Texas A∧M University. The
end of a titanic clash of political systems, the collapse of the most heavily
armed empire in history, took place without a shot being fired. That should
be a source of pride for every American.
From the days after World War II, when fragile European democracies were
threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last days of the Cold War, as our
foes became fragile democracies themselves, American leadership has been
indispensable. No one person deserves credit for this--America does. It has
been achieved because of what we as a people stand for--and what we are
made of.
Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are summoned
again. This time, we are called not to wage a war, hot or cold, but to win
the democratic peace--not for half a world, as before, but for people the
world over. The end of the Cold War, you see, has placed in our hands a
unique opportunity to see the principles for which America has stood for 2
centuries--democracy, free enterprise, and the rule of law--spread more
widely than ever before in human history.
For the first time, turning this global vision into a new and better world is,
indeed, a realistic possibility. It is a hope that embodies our country's
tradition of idealism, which has made us unique among nations and uniquely
successful. Our vision is not mere utopianism. The advance of democratic
ideals reflects a hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For certain
truths have, indeed, now become evident. Governments responsive to the
will of the people are not likely to commit aggression. They are not likely
to sponsor terrorism or to threaten humanity with weapons of mass
destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets, by encouraging
trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion of American
prosperity. In short, by helping others, we help ourselves.
Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask them to
consider the last 4 years, when a dozen dreams were made real. The Berlin
Wall demolished and Germany united; the captive nations set free; Russia
democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons eliminated, the rest vastly
reduced; many nations united in our historic UN coalition to turn back a
tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and its Arab neighbors, for the first time,
talking peace--face to face--in a region that has known so much war.
Each of these once seemed a dream. Today, they're concrete realities,
brought about by a common cause: the patient and judicious application of
American leadership, American power, and American--perhaps most of all--
American moral force. Without a doubt, there's going to be serious
obstacles and setbacks ahead. You know and I know that we face some
already--violence; poverty; ethnic and religious hatreds will be powerful
adversaries. Overcoming them is going to take time, and it's going to take
tenacity, courage, and commitment. But I am absolutely convinced that they
can be overcome.
Look to Europe, where nations, after centuries of war, transformed
themselves into a peaceful, progressive community. No society, no
continent, should be disqualified from sharing the ideals of human liberty.
The community of democratic nations is more robust than ever. And it will
gain strength as it grows. By working with our allies, by invigorating our
international institutions, America does not have to stand alone.
Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. We've carried
the burden too long, they say. The disappearance of the Soviet challenge
means that America can withdraw from international responsibilities. And
then others assert that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy--
that we've done our part; now it's someone else's turn. We're warned against
entangling ourselves in the troubles that abound in today's world. To name
only a few: clan warfare [and] mass starvation in Somalia; savage violence
in Bosnia; instability in the former Soviet Union; the alarming growth of
virulent nationalism.
It's true these problems--some frozen by the Cold War, others held in check
by communist repression--seem to have ignited all at once, taxing the
world's ability to respond. But let's be clear. The alternative to American
leadership is not more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing
of American principles but their isolation in a world actively held hostile to
them.
"Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter of chance, it's a matter of
choice, it's not a thing to be waited for, it's a thing to be achieved." We can
never safely assume that our future will be an improvement over the past.
Our choice as a people is simple. We can either shape our times, or we can
let the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price frightening to
contemplate--morally, economically, and strategically.
Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like that in
Somalia would scar the soul of our nation. There can be no single or simple
set of guidelines for foreign policy--we should help. But we should consider
using military force only in those situations where the stakes warrant,
where it can be effective and its application limited in scope and time. As
we seek to save lives, we must always be mindful of the lives that we may
have to put at risk.
Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile nationalism will
disrupt global markets, set off trade wars, [and] set us on a path of
economic decline. American jobs would be lost, our chance to compete
would be blocked, and our very well-being would be undermined.
Strategically, abandonment of the worldwide democratic revolution could be
disastrous for American security. The alternative to democracy, I think we
would all agree, is authoritarianism: regimes that can be repressive,
xenophobic, aggressive, and violent. In a world where, despite US efforts,
weapons of mass destruction are spreading, the collapse of the democratic
revolution could pose a direct threat to the safety of every single American.
The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me be blunt. A
retreat from American leadership--from American involvement--would be a
mistake for which future generations, indeed, our own children, would pay
dearly.
But we can influence the future. We can rededicate ourselves to [the] hard
work of freedom. This doesn't mean running off on reckless, expensive
crusades. It doesn't mean bearing the world's burdens all alone. But it does
mean leadership--economic, political, and, yes, military--when our
interests and values are at risk and where we can make a difference. When
we place our young men and women of the military in harm's way, we must
be able to assure them and their families that their mission is defined, and
that its success can be achieved.
It seems like ages ago that the people of Germany tore down that wall. But
it's been only 3 years--and just over a year since the August coup was
defeated by brave Russian democrats. In this brief time, we've embarked on
a new course through uncharted waters. The United States and its friends--
old and new--have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. We are
already transforming the old network of alliances, institutions, and regimes
to face the future. And those challenges must be met with collective
action, led by the United States, to protect and promote our political,
economic, and security values.
Our foundation must be the democratic community that won the Cold War.
We've begun to adapt America's political, economic, and defense
relationships with Europe and Japan to ensure their vitality and strength in
this new era. For these will continue to be essential partners in addressing
the next generation of problems and opportunities.
For example, we've begun to transform the Atlantic alliance, that bulwark
against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a more united Europe--a
partnership primed to meet new security challenges in this age of
uncertainty. And a new feature of our alliance, the North Atlantic
Cooperation Council [NACC], enables NATO to reach out to our former
adversaries in the Warsaw Pact.
In the Pacific, we've affirmed the importance of the US-Japan security ties
to stability in Asia. But we're also exploring ways to work together as
global partners to address common interests--in economics, development,
and regional problems.
Then we've committed ourselves to expanding the democratic community by
supporting political and economic freedom in nascent democracies and
market economies. We're sharing this burden with the very nations America
helped after World War II.
In Central and Eastern Europe, our enterprise funds and these other programs
have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic infrastructure for
nations long oppressed by Stalin's legacy. Now, the FREEDOM [Freedom for
Russia and Emerging Eurasian Democracies and Open Markets] Support Act
will provide crucial help for reform in the lands of our former enemies.
In Latin America, the day of the dictator has given way to the dawn of
democracy. This very day, our Vice President is taking part in a ceremony in
El Salvador that caps the long effort to end the killing and give the people
there the opportunity to live in peace.
Throughout the region, economic initiatives are helping a new generation of
leaders reform their societies. The Brady Plan and our Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative have opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new
relationship with our hemispheric neighbors. Investment, free trade, debt
relief, and environmental protection will nurture the home-grown reforms
throughout Latin America.
We're strengthening the ability of the democratic community to deal with
the political landmines that the Cold War has exposed--aggressive
nationalism, earlier I mentioned ethnic conflict, civil war, and humanitarian
crises. The United States has led the world in supporting a United Nations
more capable with dealing with these crises.
All over the world--Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia--we've promoted
elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device for resolving conflicts
and establishing political legitimacy.
One of vital interest to every young person--in the area of security and
arms control--we've stepped up patrol against the spread of weapons of
mass destruction. The new Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical
weapons from the arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened
multilateral export controls on nuclear and chemical and biological and
missile-related technologies. In a mission without precedent, a UN
inspection team is demolishing Iraq's unconventional weapons capability.
We're going to support them every inch of the way.
Once implemented, the agreements we've negotiated will ban new nuclear
states on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Above all, we've sought
to erase nuclear nightmares from the sleep of future generations.
We underscored one key security principle with a line in the sand: naked
aggression against our vital interests will be answered decisively by
American resolve, American leadership, and American might. Our victory in
the Persian Gulf was more than a blow for justice. It was a reminder to
other would-be aggressors that they will pay a price for their outlaw acts.
We've been committed to building the basis for sustained international
economic growth--for ourselves and for those nations of what were once
the so-called Second and Third Worlds. The heart of our efforts has been the
creation of a stronger and freer international trading market.
Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the way for an
early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT [General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade] and a major boost to world economic recovery. This
week, Mexico, Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement
establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen. Our
efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
confirm America's commitment to remain an economic and security power in
Asia.
I believe we've taken important steps toward a world in which democracy is
the norm, in which private enterprise, free trade, and prosperity enrich
every region--a world in which the rule of law prevails.
We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the brutal
violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the squalor that still
haunts so much of the globe. We can't rest while a handful of renegade
regimes aspire to obtain weapons of mass destruction with which to
threaten their neighbors, or even America. There is much to be done before
we are within reach of the democratic peace. But these first steps have
taken us in the right direction.
The challenge ahead then is as great as the one we faced at the end of the
last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater. Success will require
American vision and resolve, an America secure in military, moral, and
economic strength. Success will require unity of purpose: a commitment on
the part of all people to the proposition that our nation's destiny lies in the
hope of a better world--a new world made better, with our friends and
allies, again by American leadership.
History is summoning us once again to lead. Proud of its past, America must
once again look forward. We must live up to the greatness of our
forefather's ideals and, in doing so, secure our grandchildren's futures. That
is the cause that much of my public life has been dedicated to serving. . . .
But in 36 days we will have a new president. I am very confident that he
will do his level best to serve the cause that I have outlined here today.
He's going to have my support, and I'll stay out of his way. I really mean
that. But it is more important that he have your support. You are our future.
(###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Update on Operation Restore Hope
Cohen
Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs
Description: Statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee,
Washington, DC
Date: Dec, 17 199212/17/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees,
Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations
[TEXT]
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to brief members on the
report to end the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today.
We have all seen the horrific images from Somalia. The figures are numbing.
Perhaps more than 250,000 have starved to death. Another 30,000
may have died in the fighting. The Center[s] for Disease Control estimates
that some 3,000 Somalis could be dying every day. More than 25% of
children under age 5 have already died. One and a half million people are at
risk.
To address this crisis, the United States is leading a coalition of forces
under UN auspices to establish a secure environment for the delivery of food
and other humanitarian aid in Somalia.
Our mission is clear; it is defined, and it is doable. But it is not without
risk. Once sufficient order is established, we will hand the task back to an
expanded UN peace-keeping operation.
Prelude to Operation Restore Hope
Why did we come to this decision? Simply put, the relief system was not
working. It was broken. Someone had to fix it or tens of thousands more
would die. Only we could do it.
The United States and other international donors had made massive
quantities of food available to end famine in Somalia. The United States
alone has already committed more than $240 million in assistance to
Somalia over the past 20 months. But widespread looting, fighting, and
anarchy prevented food from reaching at least half the population.
In August, at the President's direction, we began a major food airlift from
Kenya, which has delivered nearly 19,000 metric tons to the neediest areas
in the Somali interior. This was to be an interim measure until a high-
volume road convoy system could be developed.
At the same time, the United Nations conceived a plan to deploy 3,500
peace-keeping troops to Somalia to serve as food and convoy guards. We
airlifted the first 500 troops from Pakistan in September, but they were
quickly pinned down by local groups and were unable to carry out their
mission. As the situation in the country continued to deteriorate, the
remaining 3,000 troops, which were to be drawn from several nations,
could not be deployed.
The Decision to Send US Forces
Given the worsening humanitarian catastrophe, the President decided to
propose to the United Nations the sending of a much larger military force to
Somalia. He reached his decision at almost the same moment as UN
Secretary General Boutros Boutros- Ghali came to the same conclusion.
Since the United States was clearly the only nation that could launch the
sort of effort needed, the President offered to have the United States lead a
military coalition of concerned nations under UN auspices to provide
desperately needed humanitarian assistance. The United Nations
subsequently accepted the proposal of a US-led coalition.
Mr. Chairman, the deployment of coalition forces for Operation Restore Hope
in Somalia is proceeding smoothly. Within the next few days, we expect to
have approximately 17,000 US soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines
deployed for coalition operations in Somalia. We intend to send a total US
force of approximately 28,000 troops into Somalia.
Our Coalition Partners
We would also like to express our satisfaction with the response of
countries from around the world who are committed to joining or providing
assistance to the coalition.
So far, approximately 44 countries have pledged or expressed an interest in
making military, logistical, and financial contributions for humanitarian
operations in Somalia. This includes 18 nations which have offered to send
forces to participate in the coalition and/or in the follow-on UN Peace-
keeping Force. The total number of troops involved may exceed 16,000.
At present, US forces in Somalia have been joined by contingents from
France, Saudi Arabia, Belgium, Italy, Canada, and Botswana.
Other countries, such as Turkey, have already sent liaison officers to
coordinate the integration of their forces into the coalition.
The Situation on the Ground
Let me turn now to what coalition forces are actually doing in Somalia. The
coalition has been largely successful in restoring security in the capital of
Mogadishu. The city is relatively quiet, and there have been no major
encounters involving coalition forces and armed Somali factions or lawless
elements. The Marines have secured the airport and port in Mogadishu,
permitting aircraft and ships to come in and unload vital shipments of
humanitarian assistance.
This is a significant accomplishment. The International Committee of the
Red Cross estimates that approximately 52,000 metric tons (MT) of food are
needed each month to feed those at risk in Somalia. This amount was not
being provided because factional violence and the looting of relief supplies
by gangs of thugs had made it nearly impossible to move large quantities of
food in convoys.
The Food is Moving Again
Now that the security situation is improving, the food is moving again.
Convoys have already move a sizable quantity of the 12,000 MT of food that
was stockpiled in Mogadishu. A cargo vessel with 3,000 MT of humanitarian
assistance for the World Food Program is now being unloaded at Mogadishu's
port. This is the first relief vessel to dock at the port in 2 months. Another
32,000 MT of food is moving through the pipeline from storage sites in
Mombasa, Kenya. Between this month and next, approximately 73,000 MT of
food aid from the United States will arrive in Somalia. An additional
20,000 MT provided by the European Community is also on the way. Future
deliveries from the United States and the European Community in 1993 will
total 350,000 MT.
Coalition Forces Moving Into the Interior
Securing the airport and seaport in Mogadishu was also essential to
speeding the deployment of coalition forces.
Besides Mogadishu, the city of Kismayo has the only airport and port
facilities large enough to accommodate the types of aircraft and ocean-
going vessels being used to transport troops and their equipment to Somalia.
General Johnston and his Marines have done a remarkable job in readying the
facilities at Mogadishu to receive coalition forces.
Now that this has been done, the coalition is beginning to push out into
those areas of the Somali interior where the security situation has been
unstable. A joint contingent of Marines and French Legionnaires arrived in
Baidoa yesterday. Baidoa has been the scene of intense factional fighting
and wanton looting by gangs of armed thugs.
The Marines and Legionnaires have secured Baidoa's airport and established
a security cordon around the town. US military and civilian relief flights
have delivered much needed relief supplies to Baidoa, and the city is now
relatively calm.
Preparing for Phase II: UN Peace-keeping
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, what we are seeing now is merely
the first phase of UN-mandated operations in Somalia. Coalition forces are,
indeed, creating an environment for the safe delivery of humanitarian
assistance.
As soon as this has been done, our intention is to turn the function of
protecting food convoys over to the regular UN UNOSOM [UN Operation in
Somalia] Peace-keeping Force. This transition from peace-making to peace-
keeping forces is clearly foreseen in UN Security Council Resolution 794.
Although we cannot give you any firm timetable, we are confident this
transition can be accomplished fairly rapidly. Certainly, success in
beginning the long-term reconstitution of Somali society and government is
absolutely dependent on it.
UNOSOM II
For the plan to work, however, we need to put together a follow-on UNOSOM
peace-keeping force of sufficient size to ensure the continued delivery of
humanitarian aid.The United Nations is currently working on putting
together this follow-on force. We are working actively with the United
Nations to attract participants. As I noted earlier, at least 18 nations have
already offered to participate in both the peace-making and peace-keeping
phases of UN operations in Somalia. This suggests that it may not be too
difficult to organize the follow-on force.
UN Efforts on National Reconciliation
We also support UN efforts to broker political stability. All our good works
could go for naught if we do not follow through on the long and difficult
process on reconstituting Somali civil society and government. We strongly
endorse the work of UN Special Representative Kittani, and President Bush
has sent Ambassador Bob Oakley to Somalia to work with Kittani to gain the
cooperation of Somali factions on security, relief operations, and
rehabilitation.
The United Nations will convene a reconciliation conference in Addis Ababa
in early January which we hope will set the process of political
reconciliation firmly in motion.
Costs and Funding
Let me talk a bit about money. I know the Congress is concerned about the
costs of Operation Restore Hope. It is fairly certain that this will be an
expensive undertaking. We have all agreed to meet all the costs associated
with our own force contribution. Rough estimates are that this could reach
$500 million over a 2-month period. This is a lot of money, but we believe
it is a small price to pay for saving hundreds of thousands of lives.
I want to assure you that we will pay for our own costs. Other developed
countries contributing troops to the operation will be required to pay their
own way.
Nor will we pay for the many poorer nations who would like to join the
coalition. Their incremental costs --those necessary to transport troops to
Somalia and maintain them there--will be met by a special fund that is
being established and managed by the United Nations.
Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, we recognize that there are no
easy solutions for the problems of Somalia and that our present efforts
there will not be cheap. We cannot see into the future with crystal clarity,
although we are confident of our course. We acted to save lives--hundreds
of thousands of lives--and nothing can be more important than that. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Fact Sheet: Operation Restore Hope
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Dec, 21 199212/21/92
Category: Fact Sheets
Category: Country Data
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees,
Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations
[TEXT]
Working with other concerned nations under UN auspices, the United States
is acting to ease the suffering of millions of Somalis through Operation
Restore Hope. In the face of a human tragedy of "almost indescribable
proportions," the United States has sent a military force of up to 30,000 to
achieve a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian relief. As
President Bush explained:
In taking this action, I want to emphasize that I understand the United
States alone cannot right the world's wrongs. But we also know that some
crises in the world cannot be resolved without American involvement; that
American action is often necessary as a catalyst for broader involvement of
the community of nations. Only the United States has the global reach to
place a large security force on the ground in such a distant place quickly and
efficiently and thus save thousands of innocents from death.
Speaking before the United Nations after the adoption of Resolution 794 on
December 3, 1992, Ambassador Edward J. Perkins assured the international
community that the United States has no other objective and will begin the
transition to a UN peace-keeping force as soon as possible. "Military
intervention is no substitute for political reconciliation, and that task
belongs firmly in the hands of Somalis," he said.
Citing the magnitude of the human tragedy in Somalia, the UN Security
Council unanimously approved Resolution 794, welcoming the US offer of
assistance and encouraging other states to participate. To date, 35 member
states have responded.
Operation Restore Hope will serve another important function as well.
Ambassador Perkins told the Security Council:
By acting in response to the tragic events in Somalia, the international
community is also taking an important step in developing a strategy for
dealing with the potential disorder and conflicts of the post-Cold War
world. This step must entail unprecedented levels of cooperation amongst
the international community in response to urgent humanitarian needs and
to peacekeeping, utilizing our respective military forces if necessary to do
so.
Operation Restore Hope
The mission of the US-led coalition to Somalia is specific and limited: to
create the security environment necessary to ensure the delivery of
humanitarian relief to the Somali people. The US military force will secure
ports, airports, and delivery routes and will protect storage and distribution
of humanitarian supplies. US forces will remain in Somalia only as long as
they are needed. Once the objectives are met, the coalition force will
depart, transferring its security function to UN peace-keepers.
US Relief Efforts
The United States has been at the forefront of humanitarian assistance
efforts and, so far, has provided about $200 million and more than 300,000
tons of food. This humanitarian relief effort began in February 1991, when
the United States coordinated its assistance effort with the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), UN agencies, and private voluntary
organizations. The Department of State declared that a civil strife disaster
existed in Somalia for fiscal years 1991, 1992, and 1993, opening the way
for disaster assistance.
During the past 18 months, the United States committed:
-- More than $125 million for food aid;
-- $40 million for medical assistance, supplemental feeding,
rehabilitation, and support for our emergency airlift; and
-- More than $45 million for direct refugee assistance.
In August 1992, President Bush appointed a special coordinator for Somali
relief and authorized the use of Defense Department aircraft to deliver food
to inaccessible locations in northern Kenya and Somalia. The airlift, which
was designed as a short-term, emergency measure, also uses civilian
aircraft funded by the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance of the US
Agency for International Development (USAID). Planners expect that once
ports are open and overland transport becomes feasible, airlift operations
will be terminated.
Background: Famine, War, and Refugees
Somalia is the site of Africa's worst famine disaster, and up to 3,000
people could be dying each week. Although the exact total is unknown, the
United Nations estimates that more than 300,000 Somalis already have died.
In addition, Somalia has the worst refugee problem in Africa, exacerbated
by drought, famine, and almost constant warfare. About 900,000 Somalis
have fled to Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Hundreds of
thousands of others are displaced internally.
The ICRC estimates that 1.5 million Somalis--out of a population of 6.7
million--now face starvation, and as many as 4.5 million will require some
type of assistance.
The government has virtually ceased to exist, the political future is
uncertain, and warring clans control large chunks of the capital of
Mogadishu and the countryside. In Mogadishu, two rival factions of the
United Somali Congress--one loyal to Ali Mahdi and the other siding with
General Aideed--are locked in a bitter power struggle. Conditions are
somewhat better in the northeastern and northwestern parts of the country,
where local authorities retain some control and food shortages are less
severe.
Because of the political instability, the US embassy and the USAID mission
were evacuated in early January 1991. A US liaison office headed by
Ambassador Robert Oakley, Special Envoy for Somalia, has been established
in Mogadishu.
The Situation Deteriorates
Before the deployment of coalition forces, security conditions had
deteriorated in almost every area in central and southern Somalia where UN
agencies and non-governmental organizations are working. Ships have been
shelled, warehouses and convoys looted, and relief workers injured or
subjected to numerous death threats. Because of the growing instability in
these areas, UN officials inside Somalia concluded that current relief
methods were inadequate. At latest report before coalition forces were
deployed, conditions across the country were varied:
Mogadishu. Out of a total population of 1 million, the capital houses
between 350,000 and 400,000 refugees, who are virtually without
resources and completely dependent on the ICRC for food. Northern
Mogadishu is controlled by Ali Mahdi, the Interim President of Somalia,
while the southern sector is held by General Aideed.
Southern and Central Regions. Relief workers report extremely high levels
of acute malnutrition, with the highest mortality rates in the country. In
the city of Baidoa, for example, the United Nations estimates that 39% of
the displaced population has died since April, primarily from preventable
and treatable illnesses like measles and dysentery.
Northwestern Region. Northwestern Somalia offers hope for a return to
normal life, with relatively vibrant livestock production and progress in
repairing structural damage. Relief workers have reported that the
northwest needs rehabilitation assistance rather than emergency aid.
Northeastern Region. Conditions generally are better than in the southern
and central regions, but political tensions remain. The principal port of
Bender Cassim (Boosaaso) is functioning, and the city is one of few in
Somalia with regular electricity.
[Box]Operation Restore Hope: At a Glance
United States: Up to 30,000 troops, including:
-- 1st Marine Expeditionary Force (Camp Pendleton, CA)
-- US Army 10th Mountain Division (Fort Drum, NY)
-- Naval Mobile Construction Battalion 40 (Port Hueneme, CA)
-- Naval Beach Group 1 (Coronado, CA)
-- Elements of the 30th Naval Construction Regiment (Pearl Harbor, HI)
(###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Chronology: Background to Operation Restore Hope,
January 1991-December 8, 1992
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Dec, 21 199212/21/92
Category: Chronologies
Category: Country Data
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees,
Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations
[TEXT]
Chronology: Operation Restore Hope
1991
January 27--President Siad Barre is overthrown and forced to flee to his
homeland in southwestern Somalia.
February 21--US provides funding to coordinate US Government assistance
with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), UN agencies, and
non-governmental organizations.
March 25--Herman Cohen, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs,
declares that a civil strife disaster exists in Somalia.
June 12--US authorizes an emergency food commitment (1,016 metric tons)
to Save the Children Fund/US-UK.
July 1--US begins funding a Medecins Sans Frontieres/Holland land mine
clearing project in northwestern Somalia.
August 27--US provides a grant of $256,000 to Save the Children Fund/UK to
fund maternal child health and therapeutic feeding centers in Mogadishu.
September 10--US provides a grant of $463,846 to Cooperative for
American Relief Everywhere, Inc. (CARE) for emergency food distribution in
Mogadishu and northwestern Somalia.
September 27--US provides $3 million to UNICEF for supplementary feeding
and health programs in Somalia and rehabilitation of the water supply
system in Hargeysa.
US authorizes emergency food commitment (12,210 metric tons)
to the World Food Program for free distribution.
October--US begins funding the International Medical Corps to operate an
emergency medical program in Mogadishu.
The United States gives a grant of $245,630 to World Concern to operate a
6-month health program in Chisimayu (Kismaayo) and the Jubbada Hoose
(Lower Juba) region.
US purchases $56,240 in spare parts for rehabilitation of the Mogadishu
water system.
US contributes $5 million to UN High Commissioner for Refugees for
repatriation of Somali refugees and $2 million to the UN Children's Fund for
activities in northern Somalia, including $990,000 for rehabilitation of the
Hargeysa water system.
November 15--US pledges 24,270 metric tons of rice, lentils, and oil for the
ICRC's feeding programs in Somalia.
1992
January--US provides $161,132 to the International Medical Corps to
charter emergency relief flights of medical supplies into Mogadishu.
US gives $221,008 to Save the Children Fund/UK to fund relief flights of
food and medicine into Mogadishu.
January 23--UN Security Council passes Resolution 733, voting unanimously
to urge an increase in humanitarian aid to Somalia and for the appointment
of a coordinator to over- see delivery. The resolution urges the Secretary-
General and other organizations to work with the warring factions in
Somalia to permit aid to be delivered.
March--US provides a grant of $383,500 to Medecins Sans Frontieres/France
for an emergency medical program in Mogadishu.
March 17--UN Security Council passes Resolution 746, voting unanimously
to urge the Somali factions to honor their commitments under the cease-
fire agreements of March 3, 1992.
March 20--US signs an agreement with the ICRC to provide 24,270 metric
tons of food aid.
April--US announces a pledge of 20,000 metric tons of sorghum to be given
to the World Food Program for Somalia.
April 24--UN Security Council passes Resolution 751 by unanimous vote,
establishing a UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) and asking the Secretary-
General to deploy 50 UN observers to monitor the cease-fire in Mogadishu.
The resolution also approves the deployment of a UN security force in
Somalia.
May--US provides a grant of $2.2 mil-lion to the ICRC to support emergency
airlifts of food into Beledweyne in central Somalia.
June--US gives a grant for $1.4 million to the UN Development Program to
provide air support for emergency operations.
US provides an additional grant for $1.23 million to the International
Medical Corps to expand its emergency medical programs in Mogadishu,
Beledweyne, and other areas.
June 15--US authorizes an additional 10,000 metric tons of food aid for the
ICRC, increasing the overall US commitment to 34,270 metric tons.
July--US gives a grant to the Medecins Sans Frontieres/France to operate a
supplementary feeding program in Merca, south of Mogadishu.
US provides $274,000 to Save the Children/UK to continue its supplementary
feeding program in Mogadishu for 6 months and provides $312,500 to start a
feeding program in Beledweyne.
July 23--50 UN cease-fire observers complete their deployment to
Mogadishu as authorized by UNSC Resolution 751.
July 27--The UNSC unanimously adopts Resolution 767 urging the Secretary
General to mount an airlift
of food supplies, to dispatch a technical team to determine how UN security
guards can be used to protect relief workers, and to convene a conference to
work for political reconciliation.
July 29--US provides Catholic Relief Services with $915,000 to move 3,000
metric tons of commodities from Kenya to southwestern Somalia.
July 31--US authorizes an emergency food commitment of 18,395 metric
tons of wheat and 3,240 metric tons of corn- soy blend to the World Food
Program for free distribution and sales.
August--US gives a grant of $640,700 to Action Internationale Contre la
Faim to initiate food and water projects in Mogadishu.
August 12--Somali leaders agree to the deployment of UN security
personnel under the direction of the UN Secretary General's Special
Representative, Somali Ambassador Mohamed Sahnun.
August 13--President Bush authorizes the Department of Defense to offer a
US military airlift to transport a UN guard force of 500 and its associated
equipment to Somalia.
US pledges an additional 40,000 metric tons of sorghum.
August 14--US authorizes 105,000 metric tons of emergency food
assistance worth $46.6 million.
The United States announces an additional pledge of $3 million to the ICRC
to support food airlifts and veterinary programs and to purchase
agricultural implements and blankets.
August 16--President Bush appoints Andrew Natsios as Special Coordinator
for Somali Relief. He is the Assistant Administrator in the Bureau for Food
and Humanitarian Assistance at the US Agency for International
Development. The President also announces an additional 145,000 metric
tons of food aid for Somalia.
August 18--US Central Command establishes Joint Task Force Provide
Relief in Mombasa, Kenya, to conduct emergency airlift of food supplies in
northeastern Kenya and Somalia.
August 21--The US and Kenya announce the formation of a coordinating
committee for "Operation Provide Relief" to deliver food to Somali refugees.
US begins airlift of emergency food supplies to refugees in Kenya.
August 25--President Bush authorizes release of $15.2 million from the US
Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Fund to respond to the urgent
needs of displaced persons in Somalia.
August 28--The US begins a military airlift of emergency food supplies into
Somalia from Mombasa, Kenya.
August 28--The UN Security Council unanimously passes Resolution 775
endorsing the Secretary General's request for a security force of 3,500 to
protect humanitarian relief efforts.
Ambassador Peter Jon de Vos is appointed US Special Envoy for Somalia to
coordinate US support of UN efforts to achieve a peaceful negotiated
settlement of the Somalia conflict leading to national reconciliation.
September 14--An advance UN contingent of Pakistani infantry troops
arrives in Mogadishu to help protect relief supplies. United Nations
authorizes 3,000 additional troops.
September 28--Final contingent of 500 Pakistani troops arrives in
Mogadishu.
November 24--UN relief ship carrying 10,000 metric tons of food is shelled
while trying to enter Mogadishu's harbor and returns to sea.
November 25--US offers troops to secure distribution of food and aid as
part of a multinational force.
December 3--UN Security Council passes Resolution 794, voting
unanimously for a US-led force to enter Somalia to safeguard relief work.
December 3-4--The UN Relief Coordination for Somalia, held in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, begins process of relief, rehabilitation, and reconciliation in
Somalia.
December 4--Ambassador Robert Oakley succeeds Ambassador Peter Jon de
Vos as Special Envoy for Somalia. A US liaison office is established in
Mogadishu.
President Bush announces that US troops will be sent to Somalia under
Operation Restore Hope.
December 8--First contingent of US forces arrives in Somalia. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Country Profile: Somalia
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Dec, 21 199212/21/92
Category: Country Data
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Somalia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees,
Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations
[TEXT]
Official Name: Somali Democratic Republic
Geography
Total area: 637,600 km; slightly smaller than Texas.
Climate: Hot and dry with seasonal monsoons.
Terrain: Central and southern Somalia are flat; northern Somalia is hilly.
Natural resources: Uranium and largely unexploited reserves of iron ore, tin,
gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt.
Land use: Arable land 2%; meadows and pastures 46%; forest and woodland
14%; other 38%.
Environment: Recurring droughts; frequent dust storms over eastern plains
in summer; deforestation; overgrazing; soil erosion; desertification. Famine
is centered in southern half of country.
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Somali(s).
Population (1991): 6.7 million.
Ethnic groups: Somali 85%, rest mainly Bantu; Arabs 30,000, Europeans
3,000, Asians 800.
Religion: Almost entirely Sunni Muslim.
Language: Somali (official); Arabic, Italian, English.
Health (1991 est.): Infant mortality rate--116/1,000. (According to the
Centers for Disease Control, about 25% of children under age five have died
since January 1991 because of the effects of war, disease, and drought.)
Life expectancy--56 yrs.
Government
Capital: Mogadishu.
Independence: July 1, 1960 (from a merger of British Somaliland, which
became independent from the UK on June 26, 1960, and Italian Somaliland,
which became independent from the Italian-administered UN trusteeship on
July 1, 1960, to form the Somali Republic).
Constitution: August 1979.
Administrative divisions: 16 regions.
Warring leaders: General Mohamed Farah Aideed (one of the most powerful
factional warlord leaders; belongs to Hawiye clan; controls much of famine
zone through fragile alliances; has amassed forces to retake Baardheere, a
city near the Kenya border); interim President Ali Mahdi Mohamed (Aideed's
erstwhile arch-rival, was once his ally in fight to oust Siad Barre; belongs
to Hawiye clan. Aideed and Ali Mahdi signed an agreement on December 11,
1992, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities between their
forces and the merging of their political organizations; final
implementation was scheduled for December 19); General Morgan (recently
wrested control of Baardheere from Aideed; son-in-law of former dictator
Siad Barre and member of the Darod clan; allegedly backed by Kenya); and
Colonel Jess (allied with Aideed despite being a member of the Darod clan;
control over key port of Chisimayu (Kismaayo) is tenuous).
Flag: Light blue with a large white five-pointed star in the center.
Economy
Overview as of December 1992:
One of the world's poorest and least developed countries, Somalia has few
resources. Before the drought, agriculture was the most important sector
of the economy, with the livestock sector accounting for about 40% of GDP
and about 65% of export earnings. Nomads and semi-nomads dependent upon
herding make up more than half of the population. Crop production generated
only 10% of GDP and employed about 20% of the work force. The main export
crop was bananas; sugar, sorghum, and corn were grown for the domestic
market.
Communications
Highways: 15,215 km. total; including 2,335 km. hard surface, 2,880 km.
gravel, and 10,000 km. improved earth or stabilized soil.
Pipelines: 15 km. crude oil.
Ports: Mogadishu, Chisimayu (Kismaayo), Berbera.
Merchant marine: Consisted of 3 ships; 2 cargo, 1 refrigerated cargo.
Civil air: There were 2 major transport aircraft.
Airports: 61 total, 46 usable; 8 with permanent surface runways; 2 with
runways longer than 3,659 meters; 5 with runways of 2,400-3,659 meters;
22 with runways of 1,220-2,439 meters.
Telecommunications: Virtually no telephone or telegraph service; radio
relay and troposcatter system centered on Mogadishu connects a few towns;
6,000 telephones; stations--2 AM, no FM, 1 TV; 1 Indian Ocean INTELSAT
earth station; schedules to receive an ARABSAT station. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Commemoration of Human Rights
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Text of a proclamation, released by the White House,
Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC
Date: Dec, 8 199212/8/92
Category: Country Data
Region: North America
Country: United States
Subject: Human Rights, CSCE
[TEXT]
This week, as we commemorate the ratification of our Bill of Rights on
December 15, 1791, we not only give thanks for our Nation's enduring legacy
of liberty under law but also celebrate its role in promoting human rights
around the world.
Our Bill of Rights guarantees, among other basic liberties, freedom of
religion, speech, and the press. It affirms the right of the people to keep
and bear arms; ensures that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law; and guarantees the right of citizens to
be secure against unreasonable searches and seizure of their persons,
houses, papers, and effects. The Bill of Rights also establishes fundamental
rules of fairness in our Nation's judicial system, including the right to trial
by jury, assistance of counsel, and freedom from cruel and unusual
punishment. Finally, the Bill of Rights reserves to the States respectively,
or to the people, those powers that are not delegated to the Federal
Government by the Constitution.
Seventeen additional amendments have been added to our Constitution over
the past 200 years, but the Bill of Rights has remained a shining symbol of
our Liberty--a standard against which we measure the legitimacy of
American laws and institutions.
Over time, the Bill of Rights has proved to be a cornerstone as well: today
we recognize that great document as the foundation of more recent charters
of liberty, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was
adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10,
1948. Recognizing that respect for "the inherent dignity and . . . the equal
and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation
of freedom, justice, and peace in the world," signers of the Declaration
affirmed that "everyone has the right to life, liberty, and the security of
person." Signers likewise stated that "all are equal before the law and are
entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law." They
agreed to respect freedom of thought, conscience, and religion for all,
without regard to race, nationality, gender, or belief, and declared that
"everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country,
directly or through freely chosen representatives." These principles were
affirmed again in 1975, when the United States, Canada, and 33 European
nations joined together in signing the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference
on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE].
While we have made great progress toward the goals set forth at Helsinki
and reaffirmed at subsequent CSCE meetings in Copenhagen, Geneva, and
Moscow, we know that there is still much work to do in promoting the
peaceful resolution of conflicts, the establishment of stable, democratic
institutions of government, and universal compliance with international
human rights agreements. When he proposed a Bill of Rights to our
Constitution in 1789, James Madison sagely noted that such a document
would strengthen democracy by preventing a tyranny of the majority, in
which the will of a larger number of citizens might be levelled against the
rights of the few. The resurgence of ethnic violence and bitter nationalist
rivalries has underscored the urgency of protecting the rights of minorities.
As it has done consistently in the past, the United States calls on all
signatories to the Helsinki Final Act and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights to fulfill their solemn commitment to protect the rights of
individuals, without regard to race, nationality, or creed.
Recognizing that egregious human rights violations continue not only in
regions encompassed within the CSCE but also in other regions of the world,
the United States also denounces any attempts to dilute or distort human
rights agreements through the claim of particular socioeconomic
circumstances or religious and cultural traditions. Having fought so long for
recognition of an international human rights standard, one rooted in
fundamental standards of morality and justice, we will not condone that
consensus being undermined by those who claim that their particular
economic, social, or political contexts relieve them of their obligation to
protect the rights of individuals. The upcoming World Conference on Human
Rights, which is to be held in June 1993, will provide the United States with
another opportunity to reaffirm the universality of human rights and the
common duty of all governments to uphold them.
Now, therefore, I George Bush, President of the United States of America, by
virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the
United States, do hereby proclaim December 10, 1992, as Human Rights Day
and December 15, 1992, as Bill of Rights Day, and call on all Americans to
observe the week beginning December 10, 1992, as Human Rights Week. I
urge all Americans to observe this week with appropriate ceremonies and
activities.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this eighth day of
December, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety-two, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and
seventeenth.
George Bush (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: America's Commitment To Human Rights
Kanter
Source: Arnold Kanter, Under Secretary for Political
Affairs
Description: Address at commemoration of Human Rights Day,
Washington, DC
Date: Dec, 10 199212/10/92
Category: Country Data
Region: North America
Country: United States, China, Namibia, Pakistan, Kenya,
El Salvador, Greece, Lebanon, Cambodia, USSR (former),
Yugoslavia (former), South Africa, Libya, Serbia-Montenegro,
Somalia, Iran, Indonesia, Cuba, Togo, Cameroon, Sudan
Subject: Human Rights, Democratization, CSCE, NATO
[TEXT]
Assistant Secretary [for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs] Dennis,
honored guests, ladies, and gentlemen, it's my privilege to join with you in
commemorating Human Rights Day. You may ask: What benefit does a day of
commemoration provide? Why are we here today?
Simply put, we are here to send a message:
-- To those who are deprived of the right to public speech or association;
-- To those who have no part in choosing the government that rules them;
-- To those who are victims of torture, terror, and ethnic cleansing;
-- To those who work for the relief of their fellow man; and
-- To those who cause their anguish;
that America renews its historical commitment to be a world leader in the
promotion and protection of human rights and reaffirms its determination to
support those who respect the rights and the humanity of their citizens and
to penalize those who will not fulfill their duty to observe international
standards of human decency.
We are here to say to the men and women who devote their lives to aiding
the cause of human rights: We praise your commitment, we are grateful for
your tireless efforts, and we respect you as exemplars of our common
respect for human dignity.
To the international organizations who work for human rights, we praise you
for your skill and courage and resourcefulness. Your work brings the world
community's concern and attention home to those who would suffer--and,
often, not survive--without it.
To the private volunteer organizations and agencies who write the letters,
send the telegrams, [and] monitor and organize elections, you combine in
unparalleled measure our humanitarian impulse with the technical skills
that make the dream of freedom and democracy a reality.
And to the countries, like our own, who strive to do their best to respect
human rights, often imperfectly, we applaud your efforts and respect your
determination.
How Far We've Come
Today we celebrate the 44th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. We can also celebrate the fact that acceptance of and
respect for human rights are far more universal than they were 44 years
ago. This is the result of many factors: the tireless efforts of people like
you, the reconstruction of Europe, modern communications, [and] education--
but primarily the resounding success of political systems which respect the
rights of individuals and the abject failure of those which have not. In Latin
America and in Africa, we have seen dictatorships give way to democracy.
Now, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and its dominion over Eastern
Europe, we have seen resistance to respect for human rights and democracy
lose hold where it once held its tightest grip.
We have also seen that human rights are no longer perceived as a luxury only
affordable to the rich or [only] valued in the West. The fundamental
principle of human rights-- respect for the equal and inherent dignity of all
people--is universal.
America's Leadership In Human Rights
We welcome this growing acceptance of human rights, and I renew here,
today, our pledge to remain a leader in their promotion. Human rights have
been and will remain at the core of American foreign policy. This is because
human rights are rooted in our values and our history and because a world
which respects those rights is in America's interest.
The dignity and equality of the individual, the right of a people to choose
their government, [and] the right to fair treatment before the law are
cornerstones of the American republic. As Americans, we hold these truths
to be self-evident. We also believe that governments which permit their
people to speak and associate, to choose their leaders, and to be treated
with dignity and decency before the law--even in times of domestic crisis-
-are more stable, more peaceful, and more prosperous and far less likely to
instigate conflict with their neighbors.
Promoting Democracy and the Rule of Law
The promotion of democratic values and the rule of law are key priorities in
our global foreign policy efforts. We strongly believe, as Article 21 of the
Universal Declaration declares, that all people have the right to take part in
the government of their country, either directly or through representatives.
To that end:
-- We have championed free and fair elections in Namibia, Pakistan, El
Salvador, and, soon, in Kenya, by providing legal and technical assistance to
countries moving forward to democracy all over the world;
-- We provide funding for the non-governmental organizations which help to
organize and monitor these elections to ensure that they are free and fair;
and
-- We provide aid to countries striving for democracy. For example, the
FREEDOM [Freedom for Russia and Emerging Eurasian Democracies and Open
Markets] Support Act provides over $400 million for aid to the republics of
the former Soviet Union. This aid will help them make their transitions to
more peaceful, democratic and market-oriented nations.
To promote respect for the rule of law, we provide assistance to countries
to improve the access of individuals to legal services, to reform their
judicial systems, and to help them understand the importance of due process
and protection of the rights of all citizens, including minorities.
Building Market Economies
From the Marshall Plan after World War II to the FREEDOM Support Act of
1992, the United States has helped to build stable, market-based economies
that provide the basis for nurturing democratic values and human dignity.
We believe that if governments control the means of a society's production,
individuals will be far less free to speak their minds for fear of losing their
jobs. We believe that where economic freedoms take root, political
freedoms will flower. This year, as in decades past, the United States,
more than any other nation, has committed billions of dollars of aid to
facilitate this crucial task. The Administration and Congress have worked
together to provide over $10 billion to support our economic development
and humanitarian assistance objectives. Let me cite briefly a few of the
important elements.
-- We provide funds to help bring broad-based, sustainable economic
growth to more than 70 countries.
-- We provide technical assistance to develop the private sector and to
further develop democratic institutions.
-- And we contribute generously to multilateral development banks and
bilaterally through economic support fund programs as well as millions in
voluntary contributions to UN agencies, such as UNICEF [UN Children's Fund]
and the UN Development Program.
Penalizing Human Rights Violators
Through public and private diplomacy [and] by bilateral and multilateral
means, the United States works to expose violations of human rights,
energize the world community's attention, and exact, where possible, a
price from the transgressing country.
-- Our annual reports on human rights in every country in the world
publicize country conditions, inform our own decision-making, and reinforce
universal norms of conduct.
-- We focus global opprobrium on egregious human rights offenders through
international organizations. This year, the United States successfully
sponsored resolutions in the UN General Assembly highlighting human rights
violations by Cuba and Sudan.
-- The United States has strongly supported the principle that those who
commit human rights violations and war crimes must be held individually
responsible. To this end, we led international efforts to create the UN
Commission of Experts on Atrocities in the former Yugoslavia. And we have
submitted four reports on human rights violations there to the UN Secretary
General--all with a goal of seeing that the perpetrators of these barbarous
acts are brought to justice.
-- In other parts of the world, we suspend aid, in whole or part, to
countries [which] commit grave violations of rights--as we have in
Indonesia, Togo, Cameroon, and Kenya.
-- We regularly raise serious violations of human rights--be it accusations
of torture, political intimidation, or disappearance--at the highest levels of
government wherever they occur. Backed with information from many of the
organizations in this room, we have succeeded in the last 4 years alone in
obtaining the release from prison of hundreds of individuals from more than
20 countries.
-- And we impose sanctions on human rights violators--as we have with
Iran, Libya, South Africa, Serbia and Montenegro, Somalia, and China.
While we are on China, candor requires a cautionary note. While the issue of
human rights is, and will remain at the forefront of our foreign policy
objectives, neither it nor any other single issue can be the sole determinant
of our policy toward any country. Following the brutal abuse of the
fundamental rights we witnessed in Tiananmen Square, we adopted the
strongest position against China's human rights abuses of any country in the
world. Our sanctions program remains the world's most robust. However,
we believed then--and I believe now--that we would defeat our objectives
by adopting a policy of isolation or confrontation to influence China's
behavior. We have made progress in our dialogue with the Chinese on human
rights--achieving the release of political prisoners and enabling the
emigration of those who wish to leave--though no means as much progress
as we would wish.
We are not naive about the progress we have seen--it is not enough. We
continue to engage the Chinese on human rights--as we should--at every
level and at the top of our policy agenda. But we do so while pursuing a
successful policy to promote change in China through engagement. The
economic liberalization and reform we have encouraged in China has created
an irresistible pressure for change. Anyone who has visited South China and
witnessed the transformation taking place there knows we are succeeding.
Promotion of Peace and Stability
Finally, the most burgeoning area of our human rights policy is in
humanitarian intervention. Some of the gravest human rights violations
committed in the world today emanate from conflicts borne of resurgent
nationalism, ethnic hatred, civil disorder, and anarchy. To try to promote
international peace and stability [and] to help prevent and resolve these
conflicts--conflicts which threaten people's right to life and their right to
reside within the borders of the states they call home--the United States
has undertaken a number of important efforts.
-- To promote international peacekeeping efforts, President Bush
announced American support for the Secretary General's agenda for peace
and made explicit our national commitment to enhancing our own peace-
keeping capabilities and those of the United Nations. We have strongly
supported UN peace-keeping efforts from Cyprus to Lebanon to Cambodia and
the former Yugoslavia, as well as regional peace-keeping efforts by the
CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe], WEU [Western
European Union], NATO, and others.
-- We provide stabilizing aid to countries ridden with narcotics traffickers
and terrorist groups.
-- We support UN efforts to ostracize those countries, such as Iraq and
Libya, whose actions destabilize their neighbors and offend our sense of
basic human decency.
-- We provided millions in disaster relief for those afflicted by manmade
as well as natural disasters--from the nearly 20 million at risk of
starvation due to drought in Southern Africa to the effort to feed and warm
and shelter the refugees and displaced in the former Republic of Yugoslavia
and in Northern Iraq.
-- And we provide massive relief to the victims of rights abuses. This year
alone, through the Migration and Refugee Assistance Appropriation and the
President's Emergency Fund, the United States will provide nearly $700
million to assist the victims of political, social, and religious persecution.
Somalia
But the most recent and perhaps the most telling example of the US
commitment to human rights is our leadership in undertaking the rescue of
Somalia. What we have witnessed to date has been a human rights tragedy
of mammoth proportions. More than 250,000 Somalis have died from
starvation or related diseases. Thirty thousand people, mostly civilians,
have died in the fighting. One of every four Somali children under the age of
five has perished in the famine. We have seen the suffering on TV--children
with bulging eyes and bloated stomachs [and] villages of people who look
more like skeletons than humans. We were faced with the potential deaths
of over a million and a half more. And why? Because warlords and thugs
and teenage bandits are content to see their neighbors and the source of
their relief rot before our eyes.
Based on our compassion for the Somali people and our horror at this
monumental loss of human life, we undertook to lead a mission to save
Somalia from starvation. The depth of our commitment to defend human
rights in Somalia could not be more plain--or more dear. We are committing
more than food and money, we are committing 28,000 Americans to use all
necessary means to save Somalia from starvation. Contingents from Africa,
Latin America, the Middle East, Europe, and Asia will join us. Their mission
is purely humanitarian: to ensure the delivery of humanitarian relief and
pave the way for UN peace-keepers and for the process of political
reconciliation.
We cannot make a greater commitment to the defense of human rights than
to put the young lives of our soldiers at risk to save the lives of others.
Conclusion
We are proud, as a government and as a people, of US leadership and of the
US record of achievement in human rights. Our commitment is founded on
strong bipartisan support reflecting, above all, the inherent generosity of
spirit of the American people.
That much of the world appears lately to have entered a phase of increasing
ethnic violence and civil conflict constitutes a challenge to us all. So we
commemorate Human Rights Day as an expression of our commitment to
meet that challenge--not to look back on what we have done but to look
forward to what we can and must do to promote growing respect for human
rights and human life. It is a challenge the United States is committed to
meet--as a fundamental part of our foreign policy. And it is a challenge
that we--although we may disagree on means or strategies--will face
together. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: European Community Consultations
Bush
Major
Delors
Source: President Bush, Prime Minister Major, EC Commission
Chairman Delors
Description: Excerpts from remarks at the fifth meeting of the
semi-annual European Community (EC) consultations,
Washington, DC
Date: Dec, 20 199212/20/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Europe
Subject: EC, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
President Bush.
Today's discussion with Prime Minister Major and
President Delors mark our fifth meeting since we agreed to these semi-
annual consultations with the European Community. The frequency of these
meetings is a sign of their vital importance for the world trading system,
for our own economic well-being, and for meeting the challenges of the new
world. This morning, we covered a broad agenda reflecting the many
interests that we share in global partnership.
On trade, we are of one mind--we agreed that a sound Uruguay Round
agreement is essential to boost worldwide economic growth. We all agreed
to conclude the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] agreement in
Geneva by mid-January.
We've instructed our negotiators to work together to this end. We're
committed not only to resolving the differences remaining among ourselves
but also to encouraging Japan and other countries to join us in an energetic
effort to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion.
I continue to believe that for the people of Europe as well as of the United
States, free and open trade is the key to expanding prosperity. A successful
Uruguay Round could result in over $5 trillion in increased world output over
the next 10 years. Our estimate suggests that the European Community's
gains would amount to about $1.4 trillion, and the United States would
benefit from a boost of $1.1 trillion in that period. Clearly, these
tremendous gains would promote the well-being of all of our citizens.
Also this morning, we discussed the continuing tragedy in what once was
Yugoslavia. We reaffirmed our commitment to the unhampered flow of
humanitarian aid and to ending the violence there through a sound political
solution.
We also reiterated our continued support for the Russian people's brave
efforts to create a market economy there. We believe that reforms must be
implemented quickly if external aid is to be effective. Used wisely,
Western aid can be a catalyst to democratic reform, reforms that are in the
interest of all the world. And we agreed to work closely with President
Yeltsin to achieve these goals.
I took the opportunity to share with the Prime Minister and the President
our views of the Middle East peace process. I welcome the continued active
role of the EC, particularly in the multilateral side of the talks.
After Prime Minister Major and President Delors briefed me on the results
of the EC summit in Edinburgh this week, I reaffirmed our long-standing
support for European integration.
I want to thank Prime Minister John Major, and President Delors for their
support and friendship, friendship they've shown me personally and most of
all shown to the people of the United States. Talks such as these serve as a
reminder of their friendship and of our common interests in creating a
world of peace and prosperity for all our peoples. So once again, to both of
you, my sincere thanks.
Prime Minister Major:
Mr. President, thank you very much, indeed.
The President's covered very extensively the areas we've covered, but I'd
like to touch on one or two of the matters that have crossed our discussion
this morning.
Firstly, perhaps, I could add my congratulations to the President on
agreement on the North American Free Trade [Agreement]. I think that's an
extremely good agreement and one that he can justly be proud of. I'd also
like to extend my thanks and, I think, the thanks of millions of other people
for the remarkable work that the United States is leading in Somalia at the
moment.
In our discussions this morning, we centered on a number of key subjects.
Central to them was concern about completion of the Uruguay Round. I think
there has been some feeling over recent days that for one reason or another
uncertainties, concerns in some countries, that the Uruguay Round might
somehow be slipping away when agreement looked as though it was near.
We addressed those particular problems this morning, and we collectively
agreed that we wished our negotiators to resume negotiations early in
January--the multilateral negotiations in Geneva--and to complete the
Uruguay Round by the middle of January. There may be a few odds and ends
that would spill over, but our intention is to have the substantive
agreements in place by mid-January.
It was our view that that was important not just in itself, but because of
the confidence that would engender in the world economy, a confidence at
the moment that we felt was badly needed. So I was delighted we were able
to reach those agreements this morning.
We spent some time also, of course, reviewing the difficult situation in
Yugoslavia. I think there is agreement on the need for political settlement.
That is certainly the position the United Kingdom has continually taken. And
a political settlement that does not disturb the humanitarian assistance
that's so necessary for so many hundreds of thousands of people in
Yugoslavia. The President and I will be continuing our discussions about
that over the weekend.
Those were the central parts of our discussion. We had the opportunity of
touching on the situation in the Middle East, in Russia, the international
economy, and a variety of other matters as well.
But I'd simply like to conclude by thanking the President for his hospitality
and for the most useful discussions we've had this morning.
President Delors:
I enjoy this opportunity to meet President Bush
and his team with which we have worked usefully, it seems to me, during 4
years. And I thank you, the President, for this warm welcome.
We are in 1992, and 1992 is a very important target for the Community. . . . I
underline the completion of the single European market in just over 2 weeks.
And after the success of the European Council of Edinburgh, chaired by the
Prime Minister John Major, [it is] very important to confirm the completion
of the single market. . . . I recall that the US-EC trade represent[s] now over
$200 billion.
And even if the Prime Minister has spoken on GATT, it is very important that
I join to him to say that on GATT the EC and the US share a common interest.
Their common responsibility means that they send a good signal to the
world economy.
The EC has made, not without difficulties, as you know, a very substantial
contribution. We hope that others will show the same degree of openness.
We should walk together to achieve soon a global and balanced agreement in
Geneva. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Fact Sheet: European Community
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Dec, 20 199212/20/92
Category: Country Data
Category: Fact Sheets
Region: Europe
Country: Austria, Cyprus, Finland, Malta, Sweden, Switzerland,
Turkey
Subject: EC, Trade/Economics, History
[TEXT]
The European Community (EC) is comprised of three separate communities:
the European Coal and Steel Community, established in 1951; the European
Atomic Energy Community, and the European Economic Community, both
established in 1957. Since 1978, the three have been referred to
collectively as the EC. Currently, there are 12 members: Belgium, Denmark,
France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal,
Spain, and the United Kingdom.
The Community had planned the completion by the end of 1992 of a true
"single" or common market, with free movement of persons, goods, services,
and capital. In December 1991, at Maastricht, Netherlands, EC members
agreed to amendments of the EC treaties which would move the Community
in the direction of greater economic, monetary, and political union,
including more unified foreign and security policies. The Maastricht Treaty
on European Union must be approved by all EC countries prior to
implementation. Despite a national referendum in Denmark on June 2, 1992,
rejecting the treaty, other EC members are proceeding with plans to ratify
it. Denmark will hold a second referendum in the first half of 1993.
US-EC Relations
The United States and the Community maintain a continuing dialogue on
political and economic issues of mutual interest and engage in direct
negotiations on trade and investment issues. The European Community is
the United States' largest trading partner. Total US-EC trade was about
$190 billion in 1990 and 1991. In 1991, US imports from the EC were $86
billion and represented 18% of total US imports. In 1991, US exports to the
EC were $103 billion and represented 24% of total US exports.
In 1991, the US trade surplus with the European Community rose to $17
billion, up from $6 billion in 1990. The United States and the Community
are each other's most significant source of direct investment. By the end of
1991, the Community had more than $230 billion invested in the United
States, and the United States had about $188 billion invested in the EC.
The United States continues to support the EC's plan to develop an
integrated market by the end of 1992. It is in the interest of both sides
that the program be implemented in an open fashion without new trade
barriers. The United States holds regular meetings with the Community to
discuss various aspects of the 1992 program and to resolve trade
differences, many concerning agriculture. In its negotiations with the
Community on trade and investment issues, the US Government works to
ensure that American interests are not discriminated against in post-1992
Europe. The global reform of agricultural policies is an important US
objective and a major goal of the current Uruguay Round of multilateral
trade negotiations.
The United States long has discussed foreign and trade policy issues on an
ad hoc basis with the Community. These arrangements were formalized by
the Declaration on US-EC Relations of November 20, 1990, which
institutionalized regular consultation and cooperation on political,
economic, scientific, educational, and cultural matters. As agreed in the
declaration, the US President meets twice annually with the head of state
or government of the presidency country and the President of the EC
Commission. The Secretary of State meets twice annually with the EC
foreign ministers and as necessary with the foreign ministers of the
"troika" countries (the EC presidency country, its predecessor, and its
successor). The Secretary also meets twice annually, along with cabinet
colleagues, with the EC Commission. Discussions include a broad range of
issues: maintenance of international peace and security in areas such as the
Gulf, the Middle East, and Central America; the Uruguay Round and other
international trade issues; support for the emerging democracies of Eurasia;
and cooperation in science and technology.
EC Institutions and Presidency
Since July 1967, the three communities have functioned with common
institutions. Major EC institutions are the Commission, the Council of
Ministers, the European Parliament, and the Court of Justice. Member states
agree to relinquish a degree of national sovereignty to EC institutions and to
cooperate in the joint administration of these powers.
The 17-member Commission, appointed by common agreement of the 12
governments, has primary responsibility for initiating and implementing EC
policy in areas that fall under EC treaties (for example, the internal market,
external trade, and agricultural policy). The Council of Ministers,
representing the member states, occupies the preeminent position in the
current institutional power balance and decides on the Commission's
proposals. The Parliament, the only EC institution that directly represents
European citizens, has significant power over budgetary matters and can
amend or reject certain legislation approved by the Council. The Court,
which has a role similar to that of the US Supreme Court, is the final
authority on the interpretation of EC treaties and laws.
Each member state serves as President of the Council for 6 months in
rotation. The presidency country presides at all meetings of the member
states and serves as spokesman in dealing with countries on
intergovernmental matters, including efforts to coordinate the foreign
policies of the member states. This foreign policy coordination process,
known as European Political Cooperation, is one of seeking consensus for
joint action by the 12 members on international political issues, such as the
Gulf crisis and refugee aid, the Middle East peace process, South Africa,
Central America, and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
European Integration
The process of European integration was strengthened by the
implementation in July 1987 of the Single European Act (SEA), which
increased the scope of the Community's legislative and executive authority.
The SEA endorsed the objective of economic and monetary union and outlined
a series of directives necessary to eliminate all physical, technical, and
fiscal barriers to completion of an internal "single" market by January 1,
1993. It also formalized procedures for cooperation in the area of foreign
policy.
At the landmark Maastricht summit in December 1991, EC members approved
additional proposals which, if ratified by national parliaments, will forge
even closer economic, monetary, and political ties within the Community.
The treaty calls for the EC to establish a European Central Bank and a single
currency by the end of the decade, although all 12 member countries may not
enter the new arrangements at once. The draft treaty also sets in motion a
further acceleration of political integration, including elements of a
common foreign and security policy, and cooperation in justice and domestic
affairs.
The question of how fast to proceed with enlargement of the Community
while strengthening EC institutions, (the "widening" versus "deepening"
issue), continues to be a major topic for discussion among member states.
An inter-governmental conference is scheduled to be held in 1996 to
evaluate the progress of economic and monetary integration and to consider
greater coordination of foreign policy and security matters.
EC Economy
As a result of German unification in October 1990, the population of the EC
is now roughly 345 million. By the end of 1991, it had a gross domestic
product (GDP) of about $6.2 trillion and an average per capita GDP of
$18,000. An important aspect of the EC's economy is its Common
Agricultural Policy, a complicated system of price supports, subsidies, and
protection to European farmers that consumes more than half of the EC
budget. EC member states agreed to an important reform of that policy in
May 1992.
The EC is the largest trading entity in the world. In 1991, EC member
country exports were almost $1.4 trillion, or about 40% of total world
exports, while EC exports to non-EC countries were $525 billion, or 15% of
world exports. Exports within the EC were $853 billion. Germany is the
largest exporter in the EC.
Relations With Other Countries
In April 1992, the EC and the seven-member European Free Trade
Association signed an agreement to broaden their existing free trade
agreement and create a European Economic Area (EEA). The EEA establishes
free movement of goods, services, capital, and labor throughout the
combined territory. In a December 1992 referendum, Switzerland rejected
participation in the EEA.
EC countries have long-standing political and economic ties with the new
independent states of Eurasia. The Community has provided significant
economic assistance to the emerging democracies and has eased access to
its markets for them. A new type of "European agreement" has been created,
which consists of industrial, technical, and scientific cooperation, financial
assistance, and political dialogue. In December 1991, association
agreements were signed between the EC and Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and
Poland. Talks currently are underway with Bulgaria and Romania. In 1989,
the EC Commission began coordinating aid from the 24 countries (including
the US) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development to
Central and Eastern Europe. The objective is to strengthen the process of
political and economic reform, with emphasis on improving the private
sector. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (in which the
United States is an active member) was established in 1990 to support
investment and the development of market economies in these countries.
In January 1992, the Community announced that it would seek to negotiate
new agreements with the former Soviet republics to replace the 1989 trade
and cooperation agreement signed by the EC and the Soviet Union. In May
1992, the EC signed cooperation agreements with Albania, Estonia, Latvia,
and Lithuania.
The Community has placed priority on improving relations with developing
countries. The Lome Convention provides a framework for EC development
cooperation with 69 African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries. In
1989, a new 10-year agreement was signed with the ACP states to provide
aid to development projects, free access to EC markets for almost all
manufactured imports from those countries, and incentives to promote
European investment.
The Community is linked with a number of countries in the Mediterranean by
either association or preferential trade agreements which provide duty-free
access for industrial products and direct grants and loans. EC economic ties
to Asia and Latin America usually take the form of bilateral agreements
which allow preferential access and certain types of development aid.
Austria, Cyprus, Finland, Malta, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey
have applied for membership in the EC. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Funding for UN Programs in Iraq
Boucher
Source: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC
Date: Dec, 14 199212/14/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: United Nations
[TEXT]
The UN escrow account for funding UN humanitarian and other programs in
Iraq received about $50 million in contributions last Thursday and Friday
from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The US Government deposited $50 million in
matching funds. We expect additional contributions to be made to the
escrow account from other nations.
As we said when the UN Security Council passed Resolution 778, the United
States will comply with it by making as much as $200 million in matching
contributions from frozen funds from Iraqi oil sales to the United Nations
for these purposes. Other states holding Iraqi oil assets are also
considering using these assets to make contributions.
We are pleased that the important work of the UN humanitarian programs
and the UN special commission to inspect weapons of mass destruction
(UNSCOM) are now funded to continue their important work inside Iraq.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Secretary Eagleburger Meets With Macedonian
President
Boucher
Source: Richard Boucher, State Department Spokesman
Description: Statement, Stockholm, Sweden
Date: Dec, 15 199212/15/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Macedonia
Subject: State Department, United Nations
[TEXT]
Secretary of State Eagleburger met with Macedonian President Gligorov in
Stockholm [on] December 14, 1992. Secretary Eagleburger and President
Gligorov discussed the overall situation in the Balkans and economic and
political developments in Macedonia. They also reviewed questions relating
to Macedonia's international position.
Secretary Eagleburger described US plans to provide economic assistance to
Macedonia. President Gligorov expressed appreciation for US efforts to
help Macedonia deal with the economic and social problems resulting from
the crisis in the former Yugoslavia.
Secretary Eagleburger and President Gligorov welcomed the decision of the
UN Security Council to deploy troops from UNPROFOR [the UN Protection
Force] to Macedonia. They agreed that this action would contribute to
stability in Macedonia. They further agreed that stability in Macedonia was
a critical factor for stability in the Balkans as a whole.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: El Salvador: Peace Accords
Boucher
Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC
Date: Dec, 15 199212/15/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Central America
Country: El Salvador, Colombia, Mexico, Spain, Venezuela,
United States
Subject: United Nations, Democratization
[TEXT]
The Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Spain, Venezuela, and the United
States issued the following statement today:
"The Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Spain and Venezuela have served in
the capacity of Friends of the Salvadoran Peace Process at the request of
the Secretary General of the United Nations since October 1990. The
Government of the United States of America has also provided its full
support for the negotiation and implementation of the Salvadoran peace
agreements. The Presidents of Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela and the
Prime Minister of Spain, as well as the United States Secretary of State,
participated in the January 16, 1992, ceremony for the signature of the
peace agreement in Mexico City to demonstrate their full support for the
peace agreements.
The Governments of Colombia, Spain, Mexico, Venezuela and the United
States of America congratulate the Salvadoran parties and the United
Nations Secretary General on the great progress made in the implementation
of the peace agreements. Throughout the past year, the five governments
have worked with the Secretary General, his Special Representative and the
United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) to this end.
On this important occasion, the Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Spain,
Venezuela and the United States of America reiterate their firm
commitment to assist the Secretary General and Salvadoran institutions and
political and social forces in their efforts to ensure that the Salvadoran
peace agreements are fully implemented and promote the reconciliation and
reconstruction of the country. The five governments will continue their
efforts to gain the support of the international community for the important
process of national reconciliation and reconstruction in El Salvador, within
the framework of the attainment of democracy, peace, stability and the
development of all Central America." (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992
Title: Treaty Actions: Multilateral and Bilateral
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Dec, 15 199212/15/92
Category: Treaties/Agreements
Region: Whole World
Country: Bahamas, Belarus, Belize, Bolivia, Dominican Republic,
Ecuador, Estonia, Greece, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania,
Malawi, Mongolia, Niger, Norway, Poland, Rwanda, St. Lucia,
United Kingdom, Venezuela, Zambia
Subject: International Law, Cultural Exchange,
Security Assistance and Sales, State Department,
Human Rights, Science/Technology, Narcotics, Refugees,
Terrorism, United Nations, International Organizations,
Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Multilateral
Cultural Property
Convention on the means of prohibiting and preventing the illicit import,
export, and transfer of ownership of cultural property. Done at Paris Nov.
14, 1970. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1972; for the US Dec. 2, 1983.
Acceptance deposited: Grenada, Sept. 10, 1992.
Defense
Amendment No. 3 to the memorandum of understanding of Oct. 24, 1978, as
amended, for the cooperative support of the 76/62 OTO Melara Compact Gun
(OMCG). Signed at Halifax, Rome, Portsdown, Ankara, and Wilhelmshaven
June 14, July 5, Oct. 9, and Dec. 3, 1991, and Feb. 5, 1992. Entered into
force Feb. 5, 1992.
Signatures: Canada, Denmark, Greece, Netherlands, Spain, United States,
June 14, 1991; Italy, July 5, 1991; United Kingdom, Oct. 9, 1991; Turkey,
Dec. 3, 1991; Federal Republic of Germany, Feb. 5, 1992.
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 18, 1961.
Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the US Dec. 13, 1972. TIAS 7502; 23
UST 3227.
Optional protocol to the Vienna Convention on diplomatic relations
concerning the compulsory settlement of disputes. Done at Vienna Apr. 18,
1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the US Dec. 13, 1972. TIAS
7502; 23 UST 3374.
Accession deposited: Suriname, Oct. 28, 1992.
Finance
Agreement establishing the International Fund for Agricultural Development.
Done at Rome June 13, 1976. Entered into force Nov. 30, 1977. TIAS 8765;
28 UST 8435.
Accessions deposited: Albania, Nov. 3, 1992; Namibia, Oct. 16, 1992.
Genocide
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide. Done
at Paris Dec. 9, 1948. Entered into force Jan. 12, 1951; for the US Feb. 23,
1989.
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights. Done at New York Dec.
16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976; for the US Sept. 8, 1992.
International covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights. Done at New
York Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Jan. 3, 1976.1
Accession deposited: Lesotho, Sept. 9, 1992.
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Intellectual Property
Convention establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization. Done
at Stockholm July 14, 1967. Entered into force Apr. 26, 1970; for the US
Aug. 25, 1970.
TIAS 6932; 21 UST 1749.
Accession deposited: Latvia, Oct. 21, 1992.
Judicial Procedure
Convention abolishing the requirement of legalization of foreign public
documents, with annex. Done at The Hague Oct. 5, 1961. Entered into force
Jan. 24, 1965; for the US Oct. 15, 1981.
TIAS 10072; 33 UST 883. Accession deposited: Belize, July 17, 1992.
Convention on the taking of evidence abroad in civil or commercial matters.
Done at The Hague Mar. 18, 1970. Entered into force Oct. 7, 1972. TIAS
7444; 23 UST 2555.
Accession deposited: Australia, Oct. 23, 1992.2,3
Marriage
Convention on consent to marriage, minimum age for marriage, and
registration of marriages. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1962. Entered into
force Dec. 9, 1964.1
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Narcotic Drugs
United Nations convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and
psychotropic substances, with annex and final act. Done at Vienna Dec. 20,
1988. Entered into force Nov. 11, 1990. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-4.
Accession deposited: Barbados, Oct. 15, 1992.
Refugees
Protocol relating to the status of refugees. Done at New York
Jan. 31, 1967. Entered into force Oct. 4, 1967; for the US Nov. 1, 1968.
TIAS 6577; 19 UST 6223.
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Slavery
Convention to suppress the slave trade and slavery. Done at Geneva Sept. 25,
1926. Entered into force Mar. 9, 1927; for the US Mar. 21, 1929. TS 778; 46
Stat. 2183.
Protocol amending the slavery convention signed at Geneva on Sept. 25,
1926 (TS 778), and Annex. Done at New York Dec. 7, 1953. Entered into
force Dec. 7, 1953 (Protocol); July 7, 1955 (Annex); for the US Mar. 7, 1956.
TIAS 3532; 7 UST 479.
Supplementary convention on the abolition of slavery, the slave trade, and
institutions and practices similar to slavery. Done at Geneva Sept. 7, 1956.
Entered into force Apr. 30, 1957; for the US Dec. 6, 1967. TIAS 6418; 18
UST 3201.
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Terrorism
Convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against
internationally protected persons, including diplomatic agents. Done at New
York Dec. 14, 1973. Entered into force Feb. 20, 1977. TIAS 8532; 28 UST
1975.
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Torture
Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment
or punishment. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1984. Entered into force June 26,
1987.1
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Treaties
Vienna convention on the law of treaties, with annex. Done at Vienna May
23, 1969. Entered into force Jan. 27, 1980.1
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
UNESCO
Agreement for facilitating the international circulation of visual and
auditory materials of an educational, scientific, and cultural character.
Done at Lake Success July 15, 1949. Entered into force Aug. 12, 1954. TIAS
6116; 17 UST 1578.
Succession deposited: Slovenia, Nov. 3, 1992.
UNIDO
Constitution of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization,
with annexes. Done at Vienna Apr. 8, 1979. Entered into force June 21,
1985.
Accession deposited: Georgia, Oct. 30, 1992.
Women
Convention on the political rights of women. Done at New York Mar. 31,
1953. Entered into force July 7, 1954; for the US July 7, 1976. TIAS 8289;
27 UST 1909.
Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
World Heritage
Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural
heritage. Done at Paris Nov. 23, 1972. Entered into force Dec. 17, 1975.
TIAS 8226; 27 UST 37.
Acceptance deposited: Netherlands, Aug. 26, 1992.4
Bilateral
Bahamas
Agreement extending the implementing arrangements to the agreement of
Apr. 5, 1984 (TIAS 11058), concerning US defense facilities in the Bahamas.
Effected by exchange of notes at Nassau Jan. 27, Feb. 6, July 27, and Aug. 11,
1992. Entered into force Aug. 11, 1992; effective Jan. 26, 1993.
Agreement replacing the Annex to the agreement of Apr. 5, 1984 (TIAS
11058), concerning US defense facilities in the Bahamas. Effected by
exchange of notes at Nassau Sept. 22 and Oct. 7, 1992. Entered into force
Oct. 7, 1992; effective Oct. 1, 1992.
Belarus
Agreement concerning emergency response and the prevention of
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Signed at Washington Oct. 22,
1992. Entered into force Oct. 22, 1992.
Belize
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations. Signed at
Belize and Washington Oct. 28 and Nov. 13, 1992. Enters into force Dec. 14,
1992.
Bolivia
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of
certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States
Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at La Paz Oct. 13, 1992.
Enters into force following signature and receipt by Bolivia of written
notice from US that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been
fulfilled.
Dominican Republic
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of
certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States
Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Santo Domingo Oct.
30, 1992. Enters into force following signature and upon the date when both
governments have given each other written notice that all necessary
domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
Ecuador
Agreement regarding the furnishing of defense articles and services on a
grant basis to Ecuador from the US. Effected by exchange of notes at Quito
Jan. 30 and Mar. 4, 1992. Entered into force Mar. 4, 1992.
Estonia
Agreement concerning the provision of training related to defense articles
under the United States International Military Education and Training (IMET)
Program. Effected by exchange of notes at Tallinn May 18 and 25, 1992.
Entered into force May 25, 1992.
Greece
Memorandum of agreement concerning the exchange of engineers and
scientists, with annexes. Signed at Athens Oct. 12, 1992. Entered into
force Oct. 12, 1992.
Memorandum of understanding concerning the joint use of Hellenic Air Force
bases by United States Air Force operational units, with annex. Signed at
Athens and Ramstein AB May 6 and June 8, 1992. Entered into force June 8,
1992.
Italy
Basic exchange and cooperative agreement for topographic mapping, nautical
and aeronautical charting and information, geodesy and geophysics, digital
data, and related materials, with annexes. Signed at Rome Sept. 11, 1992.
Entered into force Sept. 11, 1992.
Japan
Agreement concerning Japan's financial contribution for US administrative
and related expenses for the Japanese fiscal year 1992 pursuant to the
mutual defense assistance agreement of Mar. 8, 1954, with related exchange
of letters. Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo Sept. 25, 1992. Entered
into force Sept. 25, 1992.
Latvia
Memorandum of understanding concerning cooperation in the pursuit of Nazi
war criminals. Signed at Riga Sept. 11, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 11,
1992.
Lithuania
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations. Signed at
Vilnius and Washington Sept. 21 and Oct. 29, 1992. Entered into force Dec.
14, 1992.
Malawi
Agreement regarding grants under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, and the furnishing of defense articles, related training, and other
defense services from the United States to Malawi. Effected by exchange of
notes at Lilongwe May 28 and July 24, 1992. Entered into force July 24,
1992.
Mongolia
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical
cooperation in the earth sciences. Signed at Reston Nov. 9, 1992. Entered
into force Nov. 9, 1992.
Niger
Agreement regarding the terms and conditions relating to the furnishing of
defense articles and services on a grant basis to the Government of Niger by
the United States. Effected by exchange of notes at Niamey July 18 and
Sept. 24, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 24, 1992.
Norway
Memorandum of agreement concerning the exchange of engineers and
scientists, with annexes. Signed at Washington and Oslo Sept. 2 and 24,
1992. Entered into force Sept. 24, 1992.
Agreement concerning the transfer of US Government-origin defense
articles or related training or other defense services to the Government of
Norway. Effected by exchange of notes at Oslo Sept. 18 and Oct. 1, 1992.
Entered into force Oct. 1, 1992.
Poland
Basic exchange and cooperative agreement for military topographic mapping,
nautical and aeronautical charting, geodesy and geophysics, digital data, and
related MC ∧ G materials. Signed at Washington Nov. 10, 1992. Entered into
force Nov. 10, 1992.
Rwanda
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official government
employees, with related note. Effected by exchange of notes at Washington
July 15 and Oct. 22, 1992. Entered into force Oct. 22, 1992.
St. Lucia
INTELPOST memorandum of understanding, with detailed regulations. Signed
at Castries and Washington Sept. 22 and Oct. 29, 1992. Entered into force
Nov. 23, 1992.
United Kingdom
Agreement extending application of the agreement of Feb. 9, 1988,
concerning the investigation of drug trafficking offenses and seizure and
forfeiture of proceeds and instrumentalities of drug trafficking to
Gibraltar. Effected by exchange of notes at London Sept. 30, 1992. Entered
into force Sept. 30, 1992.
Agreement extending application of the agreement of Feb. 9, 1988,
concerning the investigation of drug trafficking offenses and seizure and
forfeiture of proceeds and instrumentalities of drug trafficking to the Isle
of Man. Effected by exchange of notes at London Sept. 30, 1992. Entered
into force Sept. 30, 1992.
Venezuela
Agreement on measures to prevent the diversion of essential chemicals used
in the illicit manufacture of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances.
Signed at Caracas Mar. 4, 1992. Enters into force upon an exchange of notes
informing the other Party of adoption of domestic measures necessary to
implement provisions.
Zambia
Agreement concerning the provision of training related to defense articles
under the United States International Military Education and Training (IMET)
Program. Effected by exchange of notes at Lusaka Mar. 9, 1992. Entered into
force Mar. 9, 1992.
1 Not in force for the US.
2 With reservation.
3 With declaration.
4 Applicable to Kingdom in Europe and Netherlands Antilles. (###)