US Department of State 

Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992

Title:

America Must Remain Engaged

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Address at Texas A∧M University, College Station, Texas Date: Nov, 15 199211/15/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: North America, Eurasia, E/C Europe Country: United States, USSR (former), Germany Subject: History, Democratization, Arms Control, NATO [TEXT] In 36 days, I'll hand over the stewardship of this great nation, capping a career in public service that began 50 years ago in wartime skies over the Pacific. Our country won that great contest but entered an uneasy peace. You see, the fires of World War II cooled into a longer Cold War, and one that froze the world into two opposing camps: on the one side, America and its allies--the forces of freedom--against an alien ideology that cast its shadow over every American. And 3 years ago, when I was honored to address the graduating class here at Texas A∧M, I spoke of the need to move "beyond containment." I said: "We seek the integration of the Soviet Union into the community of nations. Ultimately, our objective is to welcome the Soviet Union back into the world order." Was this aim too ambitious? Not for the American people. Today, by the grit of our people and the grace of God, the Cold War is over. Freedom has carried the day. And I leave the White House grateful for what we have achieved together and exhilarated by the promise of what can come to pass. This afternoon, I would like to just share some of my thoughts on the past few years and on America's purpose in the world. My thesis is a simple one. Amid the triumph and the tumult of the recent past, one truth rings out more clearly than ever. America remains today what Lincoln said it was more than a century ago: the last best hope of man on earth. This is a fact--a truth made indelible by the struggles and the agonies of the 20th century--and in the sacrifice symbolized by each towering oak on Simpson Drill Field here at Texas A∧M University. The leadership, the power, and, yes, the conscience of the United States of America--all are essential for a peaceful, prosperous international order, just as such an order is essential for us. History's lesson is clear. When a war-weary America withdrew from the international stage following World War I, the world spawned militarism, fascism, and aggression unchecked, plunging mankind into another devastating conflict. But in answering the call to lead after World War II, we built from the principles of democracy and the rule of law a new community of free nations--a community whose strength, perseverance, patience, and unity of purpose contained Soviet totalitarianism and kept the peace. In the end, Soviet communism proved no match for free enterprise beyond its borders or the yearning for liberty within them. American leadership that undermined the confidence and capacity of the communist regimes became a beacon for all the peoples of the world. Steadfast and sure, generations of Americans stood in the path of the Soviet advance, while our adversary probed for weaknesses that were never found. Presidents from both parties led an Atlantic alliance held together by the bonds of principle and love of liberty, facing a Warsaw Pact lashed together by occupation troops and quisling governments and, when all else failed, the use of tanks against its own people. By the 1980s, Kremlin leaders found that our alliance would not crack when they threatened America's allies with the infamous SS-20 nuclear missile. Nor did the alliance shrink from the deployment of countervailing missiles to defend against this menace. In the Pacific, too, we built a new alliance with Japan, defended Korea, and called hundreds of thousands of Americans to sacrifice in the jungles of Southeast Asia. The American people demonstrated that they would shoulder whatever defense burden, make whatever sacrifice was needed, to assure our freedom and protect our allies and interests. We made use of this superb technology that our free enterprise system has produced. Having learned that they could not divide our alliance, the Soviets eventually were forced to realize that their command economy simply could not compete. As the Soviet system stalled and crumbled, so too did the ability of its rulers to deny their people the truth--about us, and about them. In the end, Soviet communism was destroyed by its own internal contradictions. New leaders with new vision faced the hard truths that their predecessors had long denied--glasnost, perestroika--they may have been Russian words, but the concepts at their core were universal. The Soviet Union did not simply lose the Cold War. The Western deomcracies won it. I say this not to gloat but to make a key point. The qualities that enabled us to triumph in that struggle--faith, strength, unity, and above all, American leadership--are those we must call upon now to win the peace. In recent years, with the Soviet empire in its death throes, the potential for crisis and conflict was never greater, the demand for American leadership never more compelling. As the peoples of Eastern Europe made their bold move for freedom, we urged them along a peaceful path to liberation. They turned to us, they turned to America--and we did not turn away. When our German friends took their hammers to tear down that wall, we encouraged a united Germany safely within the NATO alliance. They looked to America, and we did not look away. When the people of Russia blocked the tanks that tried to roll back the tide of history, America did not walk away. I can remember speaking to Boris Yeltsin at that terrible moment of crisis. At times, the static on the telephone made it almost impossible to hear him. But there was no mistaking what he wanted to know. He asked where the United States of America stood. And America answered, for all the world to hear, "We stand with you." Boris Yeltsin to this day hasn't forgotten. Praising our country on his visit to the White House this June, he said George Bush was the first to understand the true scope and meaning of the victory of the Russian people on August 19, 1991. He addressed me, but he was talking about our country, the United States of America. The free peoples of the world watched: They watched in awe as the Soviet Union collapsed, but they held their breath at what might take its place-- wondering who might control its tens of thousands of nuclear weapons. Only America could manage that danger. We acted decisively to help the new leaders reduce their arsenals--and gain firm control of those that remain. Here, then, is the remarkable fact that history will record, a fact that will be studied for years in the library right here at Texas A∧M University. The end of a titanic clash of political systems, the collapse of the most heavily armed empire in history, took place without a shot being fired. That should be a source of pride for every American. From the days after World War II, when fragile European democracies were threatened by Stalin's expansionism, to the last days of the Cold War, as our foes became fragile democracies themselves, American leadership has been indispensable. No one person deserves credit for this--America does. It has been achieved because of what we as a people stand for--and what we are made of. Yes, we answered the call and we triumphed, but today we are summoned again. This time, we are called not to wage a war, hot or cold, but to win the democratic peace--not for half a world, as before, but for people the world over. The end of the Cold War, you see, has placed in our hands a unique opportunity to see the principles for which America has stood for 2 centuries--democracy, free enterprise, and the rule of law--spread more widely than ever before in human history. For the first time, turning this global vision into a new and better world is, indeed, a realistic possibility. It is a hope that embodies our country's tradition of idealism, which has made us unique among nations and uniquely successful. Our vision is not mere utopianism. The advance of democratic ideals reflects a hard-nosed sense of American self-interest. For certain truths have, indeed, now become evident. Governments responsive to the will of the people are not likely to commit aggression. They are not likely to sponsor terrorism or to threaten humanity with weapons of mass destruction. Likewise, the global spread of free markets, by encouraging trade, investment, and growth, will sustain the expansion of American prosperity. In short, by helping others, we help ourselves. Some will dismiss this vision as no more than a dream. I ask them to consider the last 4 years, when a dozen dreams were made real. The Berlin Wall demolished and Germany united; the captive nations set free; Russia democratic; whole classes of nuclear weapons eliminated, the rest vastly reduced; many nations united in our historic UN coalition to turn back a tyrant in the Persian Gulf; Israel and its Arab neighbors, for the first time, talking peace--face to face--in a region that has known so much war. Each of these once seemed a dream. Today, they're concrete realities, brought about by a common cause: the patient and judicious application of American leadership, American power, and American--perhaps most of all-- American moral force. Without a doubt, there's going to be serious obstacles and setbacks ahead. You know and I know that we face some already--violence; poverty; ethnic and religious hatreds will be powerful adversaries. Overcoming them is going to take time, and it's going to take tenacity, courage, and commitment. But I am absolutely convinced that they can be overcome. Look to Europe, where nations, after centuries of war, transformed themselves into a peaceful, progressive community. No society, no continent, should be disqualified from sharing the ideals of human liberty. The community of democratic nations is more robust than ever. And it will gain strength as it grows. By working with our allies, by invigorating our international institutions, America does not have to stand alone. Yet from some quarters we hear voices sounding the retreat. We've carried the burden too long, they say. The disappearance of the Soviet challenge means that America can withdraw from international responsibilities. And then others assert that domestic needs preclude an active foreign policy-- that we've done our part; now it's someone else's turn. We're warned against entangling ourselves in the troubles that abound in today's world. To name only a few: clan warfare [and] mass starvation in Somalia; savage violence in Bosnia; instability in the former Soviet Union; the alarming growth of virulent nationalism. It's true these problems--some frozen by the Cold War, others held in check by communist repression--seem to have ignited all at once, taxing the world's ability to respond. But let's be clear. The alternative to American leadership is not more security for our citizens but less; not the flourishing of American principles but their isolation in a world actively held hostile to them. "Destiny," it has been said, "is not a matter of chance, it's a matter of choice, it's not a thing to be waited for, it's a thing to be achieved." We can never safely assume that our future will be an improvement over the past. Our choice as a people is simple. We can either shape our times, or we can let the times shape us. And shape us they will, at a price frightening to contemplate--morally, economically, and strategically. Morally, a failure to respond to massive human catastrophes like that in Somalia would scar the soul of our nation. There can be no single or simple set of guidelines for foreign policy--we should help. But we should consider using military force only in those situations where the stakes warrant, where it can be effective and its application limited in scope and time. As we seek to save lives, we must always be mindful of the lives that we may have to put at risk. Economically, a world of escalating instability and hostile nationalism will disrupt global markets, set off trade wars, [and] set us on a path of economic decline. American jobs would be lost, our chance to compete would be blocked, and our very well-being would be undermined. Strategically, abandonment of the worldwide democratic revolution could be disastrous for American security. The alternative to democracy, I think we would all agree, is authoritarianism: regimes that can be repressive, xenophobic, aggressive, and violent. In a world where, despite US efforts, weapons of mass destruction are spreading, the collapse of the democratic revolution could pose a direct threat to the safety of every single American. The new world could, in time, be as menacing as the old. Let me be blunt. A retreat from American leadership--from American involvement--would be a mistake for which future generations, indeed, our own children, would pay dearly. But we can influence the future. We can rededicate ourselves to [the] hard work of freedom. This doesn't mean running off on reckless, expensive crusades. It doesn't mean bearing the world's burdens all alone. But it does mean leadership--economic, political, and, yes, military--when our interests and values are at risk and where we can make a difference. When we place our young men and women of the military in harm's way, we must be able to assure them and their families that their mission is defined, and that its success can be achieved. It seems like ages ago that the people of Germany tore down that wall. But it's been only 3 years--and just over a year since the August coup was defeated by brave Russian democrats. In this brief time, we've embarked on a new course through uncharted waters. The United States and its friends-- old and new--have begun to define the post-Cold War reality. We are already transforming the old network of alliances, institutions, and regimes to face the future. And those challenges must be met with collective action, led by the United States, to protect and promote our political, economic, and security values. Our foundation must be the democratic community that won the Cold War. We've begun to adapt America's political, economic, and defense relationships with Europe and Japan to ensure their vitality and strength in this new era. For these will continue to be essential partners in addressing the next generation of problems and opportunities. For example, we've begun to transform the Atlantic alliance, that bulwark against the Soviet threat, into a partnership with a more united Europe--a partnership primed to meet new security challenges in this age of uncertainty. And a new feature of our alliance, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council [NACC], enables NATO to reach out to our former adversaries in the Warsaw Pact. In the Pacific, we've affirmed the importance of the US-Japan security ties to stability in Asia. But we're also exploring ways to work together as global partners to address common interests--in economics, development, and regional problems. Then we've committed ourselves to expanding the democratic community by supporting political and economic freedom in nascent democracies and market economies. We're sharing this burden with the very nations America helped after World War II. In Central and Eastern Europe, our enterprise funds and these other programs have helped develop a new political, economic, and civic infrastructure for nations long oppressed by Stalin's legacy. Now, the FREEDOM [Freedom for Russia and Emerging Eurasian Democracies and Open Markets] Support Act will provide crucial help for reform in the lands of our former enemies. In Latin America, the day of the dictator has given way to the dawn of democracy. This very day, our Vice President is taking part in a ceremony in El Salvador that caps the long effort to end the killing and give the people there the opportunity to live in peace. Throughout the region, economic initiatives are helping a new generation of leaders reform their societies. The Brady Plan and our Enterprise for the Americas Initiative have opened up extraordinary possibilities for a new relationship with our hemispheric neighbors. Investment, free trade, debt relief, and environmental protection will nurture the home-grown reforms throughout Latin America. We're strengthening the ability of the democratic community to deal with the political landmines that the Cold War has exposed--aggressive nationalism, earlier I mentioned ethnic conflict, civil war, and humanitarian crises. The United States has led the world in supporting a United Nations more capable with dealing with these crises. All over the world--Nicaragua, Namibia, Angola, Cambodia--we've promoted elections not only as a goal, but as a tool, a device for resolving conflicts and establishing political legitimacy. One of vital interest to every young person--in the area of security and arms control--we've stepped up patrol against the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The new Chemical Weapons Convention will ban chemical weapons from the arsenals of all participating states. We've strengthened multilateral export controls on nuclear and chemical and biological and missile-related technologies. In a mission without precedent, a UN inspection team is demolishing Iraq's unconventional weapons capability. We're going to support them every inch of the way. Once implemented, the agreements we've negotiated will ban new nuclear states on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Above all, we've sought to erase nuclear nightmares from the sleep of future generations. We underscored one key security principle with a line in the sand: naked aggression against our vital interests will be answered decisively by American resolve, American leadership, and American might. Our victory in the Persian Gulf was more than a blow for justice. It was a reminder to other would-be aggressors that they will pay a price for their outlaw acts. We've been committed to building the basis for sustained international economic growth--for ourselves and for those nations of what were once the so-called Second and Third Worlds. The heart of our efforts has been the creation of a stronger and freer international trading market. Our recent breakthrough with the European Community clears the way for an early conclusion to the Uruguay Round of GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] and a major boost to world economic recovery. This week, Mexico, Canada, and the United States will sign a landmark agreement establishing the largest free trade zone the world has ever seen. Our efforts to forge a new mechanism for Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation confirm America's commitment to remain an economic and security power in Asia. I believe we've taken important steps toward a world in which democracy is the norm, in which private enterprise, free trade, and prosperity enrich every region--a world in which the rule of law prevails. We must not stumble as we travel toward a world without the brutal violence of Bosnia, the deadly anarchy of Somalia, or the squalor that still haunts so much of the globe. We can't rest while a handful of renegade regimes aspire to obtain weapons of mass destruction with which to threaten their neighbors, or even America. There is much to be done before we are within reach of the democratic peace. But these first steps have taken us in the right direction. The challenge ahead then is as great as the one we faced at the end of the last great war. But the opportunity is vastly greater. Success will require American vision and resolve, an America secure in military, moral, and economic strength. Success will require unity of purpose: a commitment on the part of all people to the proposition that our nation's destiny lies in the hope of a better world--a new world made better, with our friends and allies, again by American leadership. History is summoning us once again to lead. Proud of its past, America must once again look forward. We must live up to the greatness of our forefather's ideals and, in doing so, secure our grandchildren's futures. That is the cause that much of my public life has been dedicated to serving. . . . But in 36 days we will have a new president. I am very confident that he will do his level best to serve the cause that I have outlined here today. He's going to have my support, and I'll stay out of his way. I really mean that. But it is more important that he have your support. You are our future. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Update on Operation Restore Hope

Cohen Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Description: Statement before the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Washington, DC Date: Dec, 17 199212/17/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Somalia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees, Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations [TEXT] Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to brief members on the report to end the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today. We have all seen the horrific images from Somalia. The figures are numbing. Perhaps more than 250,000 have starved to death. Another 30,000 may have died in the fighting. The Center[s] for Disease Control estimates that some 3,000 Somalis could be dying every day. More than 25% of children under age 5 have already died. One and a half million people are at risk. To address this crisis, the United States is leading a coalition of forces under UN auspices to establish a secure environment for the delivery of food and other humanitarian aid in Somalia. Our mission is clear; it is defined, and it is doable. But it is not without risk. Once sufficient order is established, we will hand the task back to an expanded UN peace-keeping operation.
Prelude to Operation Restore Hope
Why did we come to this decision? Simply put, the relief system was not working. It was broken. Someone had to fix it or tens of thousands more would die. Only we could do it. The United States and other international donors had made massive quantities of food available to end famine in Somalia. The United States alone has already committed more than $240 million in assistance to Somalia over the past 20 months. But widespread looting, fighting, and anarchy prevented food from reaching at least half the population. In August, at the President's direction, we began a major food airlift from Kenya, which has delivered nearly 19,000 metric tons to the neediest areas in the Somali interior. This was to be an interim measure until a high- volume road convoy system could be developed. At the same time, the United Nations conceived a plan to deploy 3,500 peace-keeping troops to Somalia to serve as food and convoy guards. We airlifted the first 500 troops from Pakistan in September, but they were quickly pinned down by local groups and were unable to carry out their mission. As the situation in the country continued to deteriorate, the remaining 3,000 troops, which were to be drawn from several nations, could not be deployed.
The Decision to Send US Forces
Given the worsening humanitarian catastrophe, the President decided to propose to the United Nations the sending of a much larger military force to Somalia. He reached his decision at almost the same moment as UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros- Ghali came to the same conclusion. Since the United States was clearly the only nation that could launch the sort of effort needed, the President offered to have the United States lead a military coalition of concerned nations under UN auspices to provide desperately needed humanitarian assistance. The United Nations subsequently accepted the proposal of a US-led coalition. Mr. Chairman, the deployment of coalition forces for Operation Restore Hope in Somalia is proceeding smoothly. Within the next few days, we expect to have approximately 17,000 US soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines deployed for coalition operations in Somalia. We intend to send a total US force of approximately 28,000 troops into Somalia.
Our Coalition Partners
We would also like to express our satisfaction with the response of countries from around the world who are committed to joining or providing assistance to the coalition. So far, approximately 44 countries have pledged or expressed an interest in making military, logistical, and financial contributions for humanitarian operations in Somalia. This includes 18 nations which have offered to send forces to participate in the coalition and/or in the follow-on UN Peace- keeping Force. The total number of troops involved may exceed 16,000. At present, US forces in Somalia have been joined by contingents from France, Saudi Arabia, Belgium, Italy, Canada, and Botswana. Other countries, such as Turkey, have already sent liaison officers to coordinate the integration of their forces into the coalition.
The Situation on the Ground
Let me turn now to what coalition forces are actually doing in Somalia. The coalition has been largely successful in restoring security in the capital of Mogadishu. The city is relatively quiet, and there have been no major encounters involving coalition forces and armed Somali factions or lawless elements. The Marines have secured the airport and port in Mogadishu, permitting aircraft and ships to come in and unload vital shipments of humanitarian assistance. This is a significant accomplishment. The International Committee of the Red Cross estimates that approximately 52,000 metric tons (MT) of food are needed each month to feed those at risk in Somalia. This amount was not being provided because factional violence and the looting of relief supplies by gangs of thugs had made it nearly impossible to move large quantities of food in convoys.
The Food is Moving Again
Now that the security situation is improving, the food is moving again. Convoys have already move a sizable quantity of the 12,000 MT of food that was stockpiled in Mogadishu. A cargo vessel with 3,000 MT of humanitarian assistance for the World Food Program is now being unloaded at Mogadishu's port. This is the first relief vessel to dock at the port in 2 months. Another 32,000 MT of food is moving through the pipeline from storage sites in Mombasa, Kenya. Between this month and next, approximately 73,000 MT of food aid from the United States will arrive in Somalia. An additional 20,000 MT provided by the European Community is also on the way. Future deliveries from the United States and the European Community in 1993 will total 350,000 MT.
Coalition Forces Moving Into the Interior
Securing the airport and seaport in Mogadishu was also essential to speeding the deployment of coalition forces. Besides Mogadishu, the city of Kismayo has the only airport and port facilities large enough to accommodate the types of aircraft and ocean- going vessels being used to transport troops and their equipment to Somalia. General Johnston and his Marines have done a remarkable job in readying the facilities at Mogadishu to receive coalition forces. Now that this has been done, the coalition is beginning to push out into those areas of the Somali interior where the security situation has been unstable. A joint contingent of Marines and French Legionnaires arrived in Baidoa yesterday. Baidoa has been the scene of intense factional fighting and wanton looting by gangs of armed thugs. The Marines and Legionnaires have secured Baidoa's airport and established a security cordon around the town. US military and civilian relief flights have delivered much needed relief supplies to Baidoa, and the city is now relatively calm.
Preparing for Phase II: UN Peace-keeping
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, what we are seeing now is merely the first phase of UN-mandated operations in Somalia. Coalition forces are, indeed, creating an environment for the safe delivery of humanitarian assistance. As soon as this has been done, our intention is to turn the function of protecting food convoys over to the regular UN UNOSOM [UN Operation in Somalia] Peace-keeping Force. This transition from peace-making to peace- keeping forces is clearly foreseen in UN Security Council Resolution 794. Although we cannot give you any firm timetable, we are confident this transition can be accomplished fairly rapidly. Certainly, success in beginning the long-term reconstitution of Somali society and government is absolutely dependent on it.
UNOSOM II
For the plan to work, however, we need to put together a follow-on UNOSOM peace-keeping force of sufficient size to ensure the continued delivery of humanitarian aid.The United Nations is currently working on putting together this follow-on force. We are working actively with the United Nations to attract participants. As I noted earlier, at least 18 nations have already offered to participate in both the peace-making and peace-keeping phases of UN operations in Somalia. This suggests that it may not be too difficult to organize the follow-on force.
UN Efforts on National Reconciliation
We also support UN efforts to broker political stability. All our good works could go for naught if we do not follow through on the long and difficult process on reconstituting Somali civil society and government. We strongly endorse the work of UN Special Representative Kittani, and President Bush has sent Ambassador Bob Oakley to Somalia to work with Kittani to gain the cooperation of Somali factions on security, relief operations, and rehabilitation. The United Nations will convene a reconciliation conference in Addis Ababa in early January which we hope will set the process of political reconciliation firmly in motion.
Costs and Funding
Let me talk a bit about money. I know the Congress is concerned about the costs of Operation Restore Hope. It is fairly certain that this will be an expensive undertaking. We have all agreed to meet all the costs associated with our own force contribution. Rough estimates are that this could reach $500 million over a 2-month period. This is a lot of money, but we believe it is a small price to pay for saving hundreds of thousands of lives. I want to assure you that we will pay for our own costs. Other developed countries contributing troops to the operation will be required to pay their own way. Nor will we pay for the many poorer nations who would like to join the coalition. Their incremental costs --those necessary to transport troops to Somalia and maintain them there--will be met by a special fund that is being established and managed by the United Nations. Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, we recognize that there are no easy solutions for the problems of Somalia and that our present efforts there will not be cheap. We cannot see into the future with crystal clarity, although we are confident of our course. We acted to save lives--hundreds of thousands of lives--and nothing can be more important than that. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Fact Sheet: Operation Restore Hope

PA Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Dec, 21 199212/21/92 Category: Fact Sheets Category: Country Data Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Somalia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees, Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations [TEXT] Working with other concerned nations under UN auspices, the United States is acting to ease the suffering of millions of Somalis through Operation Restore Hope. In the face of a human tragedy of "almost indescribable proportions," the United States has sent a military force of up to 30,000 to achieve a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian relief. As President Bush explained: In taking this action, I want to emphasize that I understand the United States alone cannot right the world's wrongs. But we also know that some crises in the world cannot be resolved without American involvement; that American action is often necessary as a catalyst for broader involvement of the community of nations. Only the United States has the global reach to place a large security force on the ground in such a distant place quickly and efficiently and thus save thousands of innocents from death. Speaking before the United Nations after the adoption of Resolution 794 on December 3, 1992, Ambassador Edward J. Perkins assured the international community that the United States has no other objective and will begin the transition to a UN peace-keeping force as soon as possible. "Military intervention is no substitute for political reconciliation, and that task belongs firmly in the hands of Somalis," he said. Citing the magnitude of the human tragedy in Somalia, the UN Security Council unanimously approved Resolution 794, welcoming the US offer of assistance and encouraging other states to participate. To date, 35 member states have responded. Operation Restore Hope will serve another important function as well. Ambassador Perkins told the Security Council: By acting in response to the tragic events in Somalia, the international community is also taking an important step in developing a strategy for dealing with the potential disorder and conflicts of the post-Cold War world. This step must entail unprecedented levels of cooperation amongst the international community in response to urgent humanitarian needs and to peacekeeping, utilizing our respective military forces if necessary to do so.
Operation Restore Hope
The mission of the US-led coalition to Somalia is specific and limited: to create the security environment necessary to ensure the delivery of humanitarian relief to the Somali people. The US military force will secure ports, airports, and delivery routes and will protect storage and distribution of humanitarian supplies. US forces will remain in Somalia only as long as they are needed. Once the objectives are met, the coalition force will depart, transferring its security function to UN peace-keepers.
US Relief Efforts
The United States has been at the forefront of humanitarian assistance efforts and, so far, has provided about $200 million and more than 300,000 tons of food. This humanitarian relief effort began in February 1991, when the United States coordinated its assistance effort with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), UN agencies, and private voluntary organizations. The Department of State declared that a civil strife disaster existed in Somalia for fiscal years 1991, 1992, and 1993, opening the way for disaster assistance. During the past 18 months, the United States committed: -- More than $125 million for food aid; -- $40 million for medical assistance, supplemental feeding, rehabilitation, and support for our emergency airlift; and -- More than $45 million for direct refugee assistance. In August 1992, President Bush appointed a special coordinator for Somali relief and authorized the use of Defense Department aircraft to deliver food to inaccessible locations in northern Kenya and Somalia. The airlift, which was designed as a short-term, emergency measure, also uses civilian aircraft funded by the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance of the US Agency for International Development (USAID). Planners expect that once ports are open and overland transport becomes feasible, airlift operations will be terminated.
Background: Famine, War, and Refugees
Somalia is the site of Africa's worst famine disaster, and up to 3,000 people could be dying each week. Although the exact total is unknown, the United Nations estimates that more than 300,000 Somalis already have died. In addition, Somalia has the worst refugee problem in Africa, exacerbated by drought, famine, and almost constant warfare. About 900,000 Somalis have fled to Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Hundreds of thousands of others are displaced internally. The ICRC estimates that 1.5 million Somalis--out of a population of 6.7 million--now face starvation, and as many as 4.5 million will require some type of assistance. The government has virtually ceased to exist, the political future is uncertain, and warring clans control large chunks of the capital of Mogadishu and the countryside. In Mogadishu, two rival factions of the United Somali Congress--one loyal to Ali Mahdi and the other siding with General Aideed--are locked in a bitter power struggle. Conditions are somewhat better in the northeastern and northwestern parts of the country, where local authorities retain some control and food shortages are less severe. Because of the political instability, the US embassy and the USAID mission were evacuated in early January 1991. A US liaison office headed by Ambassador Robert Oakley, Special Envoy for Somalia, has been established in Mogadishu.
The Situation Deteriorates
Before the deployment of coalition forces, security conditions had deteriorated in almost every area in central and southern Somalia where UN agencies and non-governmental organizations are working. Ships have been shelled, warehouses and convoys looted, and relief workers injured or subjected to numerous death threats. Because of the growing instability in these areas, UN officials inside Somalia concluded that current relief methods were inadequate. At latest report before coalition forces were deployed, conditions across the country were varied: Mogadishu. Out of a total population of 1 million, the capital houses between 350,000 and 400,000 refugees, who are virtually without resources and completely dependent on the ICRC for food. Northern Mogadishu is controlled by Ali Mahdi, the Interim President of Somalia, while the southern sector is held by General Aideed. Southern and Central Regions. Relief workers report extremely high levels of acute malnutrition, with the highest mortality rates in the country. In the city of Baidoa, for example, the United Nations estimates that 39% of the displaced population has died since April, primarily from preventable and treatable illnesses like measles and dysentery. Northwestern Region. Northwestern Somalia offers hope for a return to normal life, with relatively vibrant livestock production and progress in repairing structural damage. Relief workers have reported that the northwest needs rehabilitation assistance rather than emergency aid. Northeastern Region. Conditions generally are better than in the southern and central regions, but political tensions remain. The principal port of Bender Cassim (Boosaaso) is functioning, and the city is one of few in Somalia with regular electricity.
[Box]Operation Restore Hope: At a Glance
United States: Up to 30,000 troops, including: -- 1st Marine Expeditionary Force (Camp Pendleton, CA) -- US Army 10th Mountain Division (Fort Drum, NY) -- Naval Mobile Construction Battalion 40 (Port Hueneme, CA) -- Naval Beach Group 1 (Coronado, CA) -- Elements of the 30th Naval Construction Regiment (Pearl Harbor, HI) (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Chronology: Background to Operation Restore Hope, January 1991-December 8, 1992

PA Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Dec, 21 199212/21/92 Category: Chronologies Category: Country Data Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Somalia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees, Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations [TEXT] Chronology: Operation Restore Hope
1991
January 27--President Siad Barre is overthrown and forced to flee to his homeland in southwestern Somalia. February 21--US provides funding to coordinate US Government assistance with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), UN agencies, and non-governmental organizations. March 25--Herman Cohen, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, declares that a civil strife disaster exists in Somalia. June 12--US authorizes an emergency food commitment (1,016 metric tons) to Save the Children Fund/US-UK. July 1--US begins funding a Medecins Sans Frontieres/Holland land mine clearing project in northwestern Somalia. August 27--US provides a grant of $256,000 to Save the Children Fund/UK to fund maternal child health and therapeutic feeding centers in Mogadishu. September 10--US provides a grant of $463,846 to Cooperative for American Relief Everywhere, Inc. (CARE) for emergency food distribution in Mogadishu and northwestern Somalia. September 27--US provides $3 million to UNICEF for supplementary feeding and health programs in Somalia and rehabilitation of the water supply system in Hargeysa. US authorizes emergency food commitment (12,210 metric tons) to the World Food Program for free distribution. October--US begins funding the International Medical Corps to operate an emergency medical program in Mogadishu. The United States gives a grant of $245,630 to World Concern to operate a 6-month health program in Chisimayu (Kismaayo) and the Jubbada Hoose (Lower Juba) region. US purchases $56,240 in spare parts for rehabilitation of the Mogadishu water system. US contributes $5 million to UN High Commissioner for Refugees for repatriation of Somali refugees and $2 million to the UN Children's Fund for activities in northern Somalia, including $990,000 for rehabilitation of the Hargeysa water system. November 15--US pledges 24,270 metric tons of rice, lentils, and oil for the ICRC's feeding programs in Somalia.
1992
January--US provides $161,132 to the International Medical Corps to charter emergency relief flights of medical supplies into Mogadishu. US gives $221,008 to Save the Children Fund/UK to fund relief flights of food and medicine into Mogadishu. January 23--UN Security Council passes Resolution 733, voting unanimously to urge an increase in humanitarian aid to Somalia and for the appointment of a coordinator to over- see delivery. The resolution urges the Secretary- General and other organizations to work with the warring factions in Somalia to permit aid to be delivered. March--US provides a grant of $383,500 to Medecins Sans Frontieres/France for an emergency medical program in Mogadishu. March 17--UN Security Council passes Resolution 746, voting unanimously to urge the Somali factions to honor their commitments under the cease- fire agreements of March 3, 1992. March 20--US signs an agreement with the ICRC to provide 24,270 metric tons of food aid. April--US announces a pledge of 20,000 metric tons of sorghum to be given to the World Food Program for Somalia. April 24--UN Security Council passes Resolution 751 by unanimous vote, establishing a UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) and asking the Secretary- General to deploy 50 UN observers to monitor the cease-fire in Mogadishu. The resolution also approves the deployment of a UN security force in Somalia. May--US provides a grant of $2.2 mil-lion to the ICRC to support emergency airlifts of food into Beledweyne in central Somalia. June--US gives a grant for $1.4 million to the UN Development Program to provide air support for emergency operations. US provides an additional grant for $1.23 million to the International Medical Corps to expand its emergency medical programs in Mogadishu, Beledweyne, and other areas. June 15--US authorizes an additional 10,000 metric tons of food aid for the ICRC, increasing the overall US commitment to 34,270 metric tons. July--US gives a grant to the Medecins Sans Frontieres/France to operate a supplementary feeding program in Merca, south of Mogadishu. US provides $274,000 to Save the Children/UK to continue its supplementary feeding program in Mogadishu for 6 months and provides $312,500 to start a feeding program in Beledweyne. July 23--50 UN cease-fire observers complete their deployment to Mogadishu as authorized by UNSC Resolution 751. July 27--The UNSC unanimously adopts Resolution 767 urging the Secretary General to mount an airlift of food supplies, to dispatch a technical team to determine how UN security guards can be used to protect relief workers, and to convene a conference to work for political reconciliation. July 29--US provides Catholic Relief Services with $915,000 to move 3,000 metric tons of commodities from Kenya to southwestern Somalia. July 31--US authorizes an emergency food commitment of 18,395 metric tons of wheat and 3,240 metric tons of corn- soy blend to the World Food Program for free distribution and sales. August--US gives a grant of $640,700 to Action Internationale Contre la Faim to initiate food and water projects in Mogadishu. August 12--Somali leaders agree to the deployment of UN security personnel under the direction of the UN Secretary General's Special Representative, Somali Ambassador Mohamed Sahnun. August 13--President Bush authorizes the Department of Defense to offer a US military airlift to transport a UN guard force of 500 and its associated equipment to Somalia. US pledges an additional 40,000 metric tons of sorghum. August 14--US authorizes 105,000 metric tons of emergency food assistance worth $46.6 million. The United States announces an additional pledge of $3 million to the ICRC to support food airlifts and veterinary programs and to purchase agricultural implements and blankets. August 16--President Bush appoints Andrew Natsios as Special Coordinator for Somali Relief. He is the Assistant Administrator in the Bureau for Food and Humanitarian Assistance at the US Agency for International Development. The President also announces an additional 145,000 metric tons of food aid for Somalia. August 18--US Central Command establishes Joint Task Force Provide Relief in Mombasa, Kenya, to conduct emergency airlift of food supplies in northeastern Kenya and Somalia. August 21--The US and Kenya announce the formation of a coordinating committee for "Operation Provide Relief" to deliver food to Somali refugees. US begins airlift of emergency food supplies to refugees in Kenya. August 25--President Bush authorizes release of $15.2 million from the US Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Fund to respond to the urgent needs of displaced persons in Somalia. August 28--The US begins a military airlift of emergency food supplies into Somalia from Mombasa, Kenya. August 28--The UN Security Council unanimously passes Resolution 775 endorsing the Secretary General's request for a security force of 3,500 to protect humanitarian relief efforts. Ambassador Peter Jon de Vos is appointed US Special Envoy for Somalia to coordinate US support of UN efforts to achieve a peaceful negotiated settlement of the Somalia conflict leading to national reconciliation. September 14--An advance UN contingent of Pakistani infantry troops arrives in Mogadishu to help protect relief supplies. United Nations authorizes 3,000 additional troops. September 28--Final contingent of 500 Pakistani troops arrives in Mogadishu. November 24--UN relief ship carrying 10,000 metric tons of food is shelled while trying to enter Mogadishu's harbor and returns to sea. November 25--US offers troops to secure distribution of food and aid as part of a multinational force. December 3--UN Security Council passes Resolution 794, voting unanimously for a US-led force to enter Somalia to safeguard relief work. December 3-4--The UN Relief Coordination for Somalia, held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, begins process of relief, rehabilitation, and reconciliation in Somalia. December 4--Ambassador Robert Oakley succeeds Ambassador Peter Jon de Vos as Special Envoy for Somalia. A US liaison office is established in Mogadishu. President Bush announces that US troops will be sent to Somalia under Operation Restore Hope. December 8--First contingent of US forces arrives in Somalia. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Country Profile: Somalia

PA Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Dec, 21 199212/21/92 Category: Country Data Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Somalia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Military Affairs, Refugees, Regional/Civil Unrest, United Nations [TEXT]
Official Name: Somali Democratic Republic
Geography
Total area: 637,600 km; slightly smaller than Texas. Climate: Hot and dry with seasonal monsoons. Terrain: Central and southern Somalia are flat; northern Somalia is hilly. Natural resources: Uranium and largely unexploited reserves of iron ore, tin, gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt. Land use: Arable land 2%; meadows and pastures 46%; forest and woodland 14%; other 38%. Environment: Recurring droughts; frequent dust storms over eastern plains in summer; deforestation; overgrazing; soil erosion; desertification. Famine is centered in southern half of country.
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Somali(s). Population (1991): 6.7 million. Ethnic groups: Somali 85%, rest mainly Bantu; Arabs 30,000, Europeans 3,000, Asians 800. Religion: Almost entirely Sunni Muslim. Language: Somali (official); Arabic, Italian, English. Health (1991 est.): Infant mortality rate--116/1,000. (According to the Centers for Disease Control, about 25% of children under age five have died since January 1991 because of the effects of war, disease, and drought.) Life expectancy--56 yrs.
Government
Capital: Mogadishu. Independence: July 1, 1960 (from a merger of British Somaliland, which became independent from the UK on June 26, 1960, and Italian Somaliland, which became independent from the Italian-administered UN trusteeship on July 1, 1960, to form the Somali Republic). Constitution: August 1979. Administrative divisions: 16 regions. Warring leaders: General Mohamed Farah Aideed (one of the most powerful factional warlord leaders; belongs to Hawiye clan; controls much of famine zone through fragile alliances; has amassed forces to retake Baardheere, a city near the Kenya border); interim President Ali Mahdi Mohamed (Aideed's erstwhile arch-rival, was once his ally in fight to oust Siad Barre; belongs to Hawiye clan. Aideed and Ali Mahdi signed an agreement on December 11, 1992, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities between their forces and the merging of their political organizations; final implementation was scheduled for December 19); General Morgan (recently wrested control of Baardheere from Aideed; son-in-law of former dictator Siad Barre and member of the Darod clan; allegedly backed by Kenya); and Colonel Jess (allied with Aideed despite being a member of the Darod clan; control over key port of Chisimayu (Kismaayo) is tenuous). Flag: Light blue with a large white five-pointed star in the center. Economy
Overview as of December 1992:
One of the world's poorest and least developed countries, Somalia has few resources. Before the drought, agriculture was the most important sector of the economy, with the livestock sector accounting for about 40% of GDP and about 65% of export earnings. Nomads and semi-nomads dependent upon herding make up more than half of the population. Crop production generated only 10% of GDP and employed about 20% of the work force. The main export crop was bananas; sugar, sorghum, and corn were grown for the domestic market.
Communications
Highways: 15,215 km. total; including 2,335 km. hard surface, 2,880 km. gravel, and 10,000 km. improved earth or stabilized soil. Pipelines: 15 km. crude oil. Ports: Mogadishu, Chisimayu (Kismaayo), Berbera. Merchant marine: Consisted of 3 ships; 2 cargo, 1 refrigerated cargo. Civil air: There were 2 major transport aircraft. Airports: 61 total, 46 usable; 8 with permanent surface runways; 2 with runways longer than 3,659 meters; 5 with runways of 2,400-3,659 meters; 22 with runways of 1,220-2,439 meters. Telecommunications: Virtually no telephone or telegraph service; radio relay and troposcatter system centered on Mogadishu connects a few towns; 6,000 telephones; stations--2 AM, no FM, 1 TV; 1 Indian Ocean INTELSAT earth station; schedules to receive an ARABSAT station. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Commemoration of Human Rights

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Text of a proclamation, released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Dec, 8 199212/8/92 Category: Country Data Region: North America Country: United States Subject: Human Rights, CSCE [TEXT] This week, as we commemorate the ratification of our Bill of Rights on December 15, 1791, we not only give thanks for our Nation's enduring legacy of liberty under law but also celebrate its role in promoting human rights around the world. Our Bill of Rights guarantees, among other basic liberties, freedom of religion, speech, and the press. It affirms the right of the people to keep and bear arms; ensures that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; and guarantees the right of citizens to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizure of their persons, houses, papers, and effects. The Bill of Rights also establishes fundamental rules of fairness in our Nation's judicial system, including the right to trial by jury, assistance of counsel, and freedom from cruel and unusual punishment. Finally, the Bill of Rights reserves to the States respectively, or to the people, those powers that are not delegated to the Federal Government by the Constitution. Seventeen additional amendments have been added to our Constitution over the past 200 years, but the Bill of Rights has remained a shining symbol of our Liberty--a standard against which we measure the legitimacy of American laws and institutions. Over time, the Bill of Rights has proved to be a cornerstone as well: today we recognize that great document as the foundation of more recent charters of liberty, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10, 1948. Recognizing that respect for "the inherent dignity and . . . the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world," signers of the Declaration affirmed that "everyone has the right to life, liberty, and the security of person." Signers likewise stated that "all are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law." They agreed to respect freedom of thought, conscience, and religion for all, without regard to race, nationality, gender, or belief, and declared that "everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives." These principles were affirmed again in 1975, when the United States, Canada, and 33 European nations joined together in signing the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE]. While we have made great progress toward the goals set forth at Helsinki and reaffirmed at subsequent CSCE meetings in Copenhagen, Geneva, and Moscow, we know that there is still much work to do in promoting the peaceful resolution of conflicts, the establishment of stable, democratic institutions of government, and universal compliance with international human rights agreements. When he proposed a Bill of Rights to our Constitution in 1789, James Madison sagely noted that such a document would strengthen democracy by preventing a tyranny of the majority, in which the will of a larger number of citizens might be levelled against the rights of the few. The resurgence of ethnic violence and bitter nationalist rivalries has underscored the urgency of protecting the rights of minorities. As it has done consistently in the past, the United States calls on all signatories to the Helsinki Final Act and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to fulfill their solemn commitment to protect the rights of individuals, without regard to race, nationality, or creed. Recognizing that egregious human rights violations continue not only in regions encompassed within the CSCE but also in other regions of the world, the United States also denounces any attempts to dilute or distort human rights agreements through the claim of particular socioeconomic circumstances or religious and cultural traditions. Having fought so long for recognition of an international human rights standard, one rooted in fundamental standards of morality and justice, we will not condone that consensus being undermined by those who claim that their particular economic, social, or political contexts relieve them of their obligation to protect the rights of individuals. The upcoming World Conference on Human Rights, which is to be held in June 1993, will provide the United States with another opportunity to reaffirm the universality of human rights and the common duty of all governments to uphold them. Now, therefore, I George Bush, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim December 10, 1992, as Human Rights Day and December 15, 1992, as Bill of Rights Day, and call on all Americans to observe the week beginning December 10, 1992, as Human Rights Week. I urge all Americans to observe this week with appropriate ceremonies and activities. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this eighth day of December, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety-two, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and seventeenth. George Bush (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

America's Commitment To Human Rights

Kanter Source: Arnold Kanter, Under Secretary for Political Affairs Description: Address at commemoration of Human Rights Day, Washington, DC Date: Dec, 10 199212/10/92 Category: Country Data Region: North America Country: United States, China, Namibia, Pakistan, Kenya, El Salvador, Greece, Lebanon, Cambodia, USSR (former), Yugoslavia (former), South Africa, Libya, Serbia-Montenegro, Somalia, Iran, Indonesia, Cuba, Togo, Cameroon, Sudan Subject: Human Rights, Democratization, CSCE, NATO [TEXT] Assistant Secretary [for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs] Dennis, honored guests, ladies, and gentlemen, it's my privilege to join with you in commemorating Human Rights Day. You may ask: What benefit does a day of commemoration provide? Why are we here today? Simply put, we are here to send a message: -- To those who are deprived of the right to public speech or association; -- To those who have no part in choosing the government that rules them; -- To those who are victims of torture, terror, and ethnic cleansing; -- To those who work for the relief of their fellow man; and -- To those who cause their anguish; that America renews its historical commitment to be a world leader in the promotion and protection of human rights and reaffirms its determination to support those who respect the rights and the humanity of their citizens and to penalize those who will not fulfill their duty to observe international standards of human decency. We are here to say to the men and women who devote their lives to aiding the cause of human rights: We praise your commitment, we are grateful for your tireless efforts, and we respect you as exemplars of our common respect for human dignity. To the international organizations who work for human rights, we praise you for your skill and courage and resourcefulness. Your work brings the world community's concern and attention home to those who would suffer--and, often, not survive--without it. To the private volunteer organizations and agencies who write the letters, send the telegrams, [and] monitor and organize elections, you combine in unparalleled measure our humanitarian impulse with the technical skills that make the dream of freedom and democracy a reality. And to the countries, like our own, who strive to do their best to respect human rights, often imperfectly, we applaud your efforts and respect your determination.
How Far We've Come
Today we celebrate the 44th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We can also celebrate the fact that acceptance of and respect for human rights are far more universal than they were 44 years ago. This is the result of many factors: the tireless efforts of people like you, the reconstruction of Europe, modern communications, [and] education-- but primarily the resounding success of political systems which respect the rights of individuals and the abject failure of those which have not. In Latin America and in Africa, we have seen dictatorships give way to democracy. Now, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and its dominion over Eastern Europe, we have seen resistance to respect for human rights and democracy lose hold where it once held its tightest grip. We have also seen that human rights are no longer perceived as a luxury only affordable to the rich or [only] valued in the West. The fundamental principle of human rights-- respect for the equal and inherent dignity of all people--is universal.
America's Leadership In Human Rights
We welcome this growing acceptance of human rights, and I renew here, today, our pledge to remain a leader in their promotion. Human rights have been and will remain at the core of American foreign policy. This is because human rights are rooted in our values and our history and because a world which respects those rights is in America's interest. The dignity and equality of the individual, the right of a people to choose their government, [and] the right to fair treatment before the law are cornerstones of the American republic. As Americans, we hold these truths to be self-evident. We also believe that governments which permit their people to speak and associate, to choose their leaders, and to be treated with dignity and decency before the law--even in times of domestic crisis- -are more stable, more peaceful, and more prosperous and far less likely to instigate conflict with their neighbors.
Promoting Democracy and the Rule of Law
The promotion of democratic values and the rule of law are key priorities in our global foreign policy efforts. We strongly believe, as Article 21 of the Universal Declaration declares, that all people have the right to take part in the government of their country, either directly or through representatives. To that end: -- We have championed free and fair elections in Namibia, Pakistan, El Salvador, and, soon, in Kenya, by providing legal and technical assistance to countries moving forward to democracy all over the world; -- We provide funding for the non-governmental organizations which help to organize and monitor these elections to ensure that they are free and fair; and -- We provide aid to countries striving for democracy. For example, the FREEDOM [Freedom for Russia and Emerging Eurasian Democracies and Open Markets] Support Act provides over $400 million for aid to the republics of the former Soviet Union. This aid will help them make their transitions to more peaceful, democratic and market-oriented nations. To promote respect for the rule of law, we provide assistance to countries to improve the access of individuals to legal services, to reform their judicial systems, and to help them understand the importance of due process and protection of the rights of all citizens, including minorities.
Building Market Economies
From the Marshall Plan after World War II to the FREEDOM Support Act of 1992, the United States has helped to build stable, market-based economies that provide the basis for nurturing democratic values and human dignity. We believe that if governments control the means of a society's production, individuals will be far less free to speak their minds for fear of losing their jobs. We believe that where economic freedoms take root, political freedoms will flower. This year, as in decades past, the United States, more than any other nation, has committed billions of dollars of aid to facilitate this crucial task. The Administration and Congress have worked together to provide over $10 billion to support our economic development and humanitarian assistance objectives. Let me cite briefly a few of the important elements. -- We provide funds to help bring broad-based, sustainable economic growth to more than 70 countries. -- We provide technical assistance to develop the private sector and to further develop democratic institutions. -- And we contribute generously to multilateral development banks and bilaterally through economic support fund programs as well as millions in voluntary contributions to UN agencies, such as UNICEF [UN Children's Fund] and the UN Development Program.
Penalizing Human Rights Violators
Through public and private diplomacy [and] by bilateral and multilateral means, the United States works to expose violations of human rights, energize the world community's attention, and exact, where possible, a price from the transgressing country. -- Our annual reports on human rights in every country in the world publicize country conditions, inform our own decision-making, and reinforce universal norms of conduct. -- We focus global opprobrium on egregious human rights offenders through international organizations. This year, the United States successfully sponsored resolutions in the UN General Assembly highlighting human rights violations by Cuba and Sudan. -- The United States has strongly supported the principle that those who commit human rights violations and war crimes must be held individually responsible. To this end, we led international efforts to create the UN Commission of Experts on Atrocities in the former Yugoslavia. And we have submitted four reports on human rights violations there to the UN Secretary General--all with a goal of seeing that the perpetrators of these barbarous acts are brought to justice. -- In other parts of the world, we suspend aid, in whole or part, to countries [which] commit grave violations of rights--as we have in Indonesia, Togo, Cameroon, and Kenya. -- We regularly raise serious violations of human rights--be it accusations of torture, political intimidation, or disappearance--at the highest levels of government wherever they occur. Backed with information from many of the organizations in this room, we have succeeded in the last 4 years alone in obtaining the release from prison of hundreds of individuals from more than 20 countries. -- And we impose sanctions on human rights violators--as we have with Iran, Libya, South Africa, Serbia and Montenegro, Somalia, and China. While we are on China, candor requires a cautionary note. While the issue of human rights is, and will remain at the forefront of our foreign policy objectives, neither it nor any other single issue can be the sole determinant of our policy toward any country. Following the brutal abuse of the fundamental rights we witnessed in Tiananmen Square, we adopted the strongest position against China's human rights abuses of any country in the world. Our sanctions program remains the world's most robust. However, we believed then--and I believe now--that we would defeat our objectives by adopting a policy of isolation or confrontation to influence China's behavior. We have made progress in our dialogue with the Chinese on human rights--achieving the release of political prisoners and enabling the emigration of those who wish to leave--though no means as much progress as we would wish. We are not naive about the progress we have seen--it is not enough. We continue to engage the Chinese on human rights--as we should--at every level and at the top of our policy agenda. But we do so while pursuing a successful policy to promote change in China through engagement. The economic liberalization and reform we have encouraged in China has created an irresistible pressure for change. Anyone who has visited South China and witnessed the transformation taking place there knows we are succeeding.
Promotion of Peace and Stability
Finally, the most burgeoning area of our human rights policy is in humanitarian intervention. Some of the gravest human rights violations committed in the world today emanate from conflicts borne of resurgent nationalism, ethnic hatred, civil disorder, and anarchy. To try to promote international peace and stability [and] to help prevent and resolve these conflicts--conflicts which threaten people's right to life and their right to reside within the borders of the states they call home--the United States has undertaken a number of important efforts. -- To promote international peacekeeping efforts, President Bush announced American support for the Secretary General's agenda for peace and made explicit our national commitment to enhancing our own peace- keeping capabilities and those of the United Nations. We have strongly supported UN peace-keeping efforts from Cyprus to Lebanon to Cambodia and the former Yugoslavia, as well as regional peace-keeping efforts by the CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe], WEU [Western European Union], NATO, and others. -- We provide stabilizing aid to countries ridden with narcotics traffickers and terrorist groups. -- We support UN efforts to ostracize those countries, such as Iraq and Libya, whose actions destabilize their neighbors and offend our sense of basic human decency. -- We provided millions in disaster relief for those afflicted by manmade as well as natural disasters--from the nearly 20 million at risk of starvation due to drought in Southern Africa to the effort to feed and warm and shelter the refugees and displaced in the former Republic of Yugoslavia and in Northern Iraq. -- And we provide massive relief to the victims of rights abuses. This year alone, through the Migration and Refugee Assistance Appropriation and the President's Emergency Fund, the United States will provide nearly $700 million to assist the victims of political, social, and religious persecution.
Somalia
But the most recent and perhaps the most telling example of the US commitment to human rights is our leadership in undertaking the rescue of Somalia. What we have witnessed to date has been a human rights tragedy of mammoth proportions. More than 250,000 Somalis have died from starvation or related diseases. Thirty thousand people, mostly civilians, have died in the fighting. One of every four Somali children under the age of five has perished in the famine. We have seen the suffering on TV--children with bulging eyes and bloated stomachs [and] villages of people who look more like skeletons than humans. We were faced with the potential deaths of over a million and a half more. And why? Because warlords and thugs and teenage bandits are content to see their neighbors and the source of their relief rot before our eyes. Based on our compassion for the Somali people and our horror at this monumental loss of human life, we undertook to lead a mission to save Somalia from starvation. The depth of our commitment to defend human rights in Somalia could not be more plain--or more dear. We are committing more than food and money, we are committing 28,000 Americans to use all necessary means to save Somalia from starvation. Contingents from Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Europe, and Asia will join us. Their mission is purely humanitarian: to ensure the delivery of humanitarian relief and pave the way for UN peace-keepers and for the process of political reconciliation. We cannot make a greater commitment to the defense of human rights than to put the young lives of our soldiers at risk to save the lives of others.
Conclusion
We are proud, as a government and as a people, of US leadership and of the US record of achievement in human rights. Our commitment is founded on strong bipartisan support reflecting, above all, the inherent generosity of spirit of the American people. That much of the world appears lately to have entered a phase of increasing ethnic violence and civil conflict constitutes a challenge to us all. So we commemorate Human Rights Day as an expression of our commitment to meet that challenge--not to look back on what we have done but to look forward to what we can and must do to promote growing respect for human rights and human life. It is a challenge the United States is committed to meet--as a fundamental part of our foreign policy. And it is a challenge that we--although we may disagree on means or strategies--will face together. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

European Community Consultations

Bush Major Delors Source: President Bush, Prime Minister Major, EC Commission Chairman Delors Description: Excerpts from remarks at the fifth meeting of the semi-annual European Community (EC) consultations, Washington, DC Date: Dec, 20 199212/20/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Europe Subject: EC, Trade/Economics [TEXT]
President Bush.
Today's discussion with Prime Minister Major and President Delors mark our fifth meeting since we agreed to these semi- annual consultations with the European Community. The frequency of these meetings is a sign of their vital importance for the world trading system, for our own economic well-being, and for meeting the challenges of the new world. This morning, we covered a broad agenda reflecting the many interests that we share in global partnership. On trade, we are of one mind--we agreed that a sound Uruguay Round agreement is essential to boost worldwide economic growth. We all agreed to conclude the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade] agreement in Geneva by mid-January. We've instructed our negotiators to work together to this end. We're committed not only to resolving the differences remaining among ourselves but also to encouraging Japan and other countries to join us in an energetic effort to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion. I continue to believe that for the people of Europe as well as of the United States, free and open trade is the key to expanding prosperity. A successful Uruguay Round could result in over $5 trillion in increased world output over the next 10 years. Our estimate suggests that the European Community's gains would amount to about $1.4 trillion, and the United States would benefit from a boost of $1.1 trillion in that period. Clearly, these tremendous gains would promote the well-being of all of our citizens. Also this morning, we discussed the continuing tragedy in what once was Yugoslavia. We reaffirmed our commitment to the unhampered flow of humanitarian aid and to ending the violence there through a sound political solution. We also reiterated our continued support for the Russian people's brave efforts to create a market economy there. We believe that reforms must be implemented quickly if external aid is to be effective. Used wisely, Western aid can be a catalyst to democratic reform, reforms that are in the interest of all the world. And we agreed to work closely with President Yeltsin to achieve these goals. I took the opportunity to share with the Prime Minister and the President our views of the Middle East peace process. I welcome the continued active role of the EC, particularly in the multilateral side of the talks. After Prime Minister Major and President Delors briefed me on the results of the EC summit in Edinburgh this week, I reaffirmed our long-standing support for European integration. I want to thank Prime Minister John Major, and President Delors for their support and friendship, friendship they've shown me personally and most of all shown to the people of the United States. Talks such as these serve as a reminder of their friendship and of our common interests in creating a world of peace and prosperity for all our peoples. So once again, to both of you, my sincere thanks.
Prime Minister Major:
Mr. President, thank you very much, indeed. The President's covered very extensively the areas we've covered, but I'd like to touch on one or two of the matters that have crossed our discussion this morning. Firstly, perhaps, I could add my congratulations to the President on agreement on the North American Free Trade [Agreement]. I think that's an extremely good agreement and one that he can justly be proud of. I'd also like to extend my thanks and, I think, the thanks of millions of other people for the remarkable work that the United States is leading in Somalia at the moment. In our discussions this morning, we centered on a number of key subjects. Central to them was concern about completion of the Uruguay Round. I think there has been some feeling over recent days that for one reason or another uncertainties, concerns in some countries, that the Uruguay Round might somehow be slipping away when agreement looked as though it was near. We addressed those particular problems this morning, and we collectively agreed that we wished our negotiators to resume negotiations early in January--the multilateral negotiations in Geneva--and to complete the Uruguay Round by the middle of January. There may be a few odds and ends that would spill over, but our intention is to have the substantive agreements in place by mid-January. It was our view that that was important not just in itself, but because of the confidence that would engender in the world economy, a confidence at the moment that we felt was badly needed. So I was delighted we were able to reach those agreements this morning. We spent some time also, of course, reviewing the difficult situation in Yugoslavia. I think there is agreement on the need for political settlement. That is certainly the position the United Kingdom has continually taken. And a political settlement that does not disturb the humanitarian assistance that's so necessary for so many hundreds of thousands of people in Yugoslavia. The President and I will be continuing our discussions about that over the weekend. Those were the central parts of our discussion. We had the opportunity of touching on the situation in the Middle East, in Russia, the international economy, and a variety of other matters as well. But I'd simply like to conclude by thanking the President for his hospitality and for the most useful discussions we've had this morning.
President Delors:
I enjoy this opportunity to meet President Bush and his team with which we have worked usefully, it seems to me, during 4 years. And I thank you, the President, for this warm welcome. We are in 1992, and 1992 is a very important target for the Community. . . . I underline the completion of the single European market in just over 2 weeks. And after the success of the European Council of Edinburgh, chaired by the Prime Minister John Major, [it is] very important to confirm the completion of the single market. . . . I recall that the US-EC trade represent[s] now over $200 billion. And even if the Prime Minister has spoken on GATT, it is very important that I join to him to say that on GATT the EC and the US share a common interest. Their common responsibility means that they send a good signal to the world economy. The EC has made, not without difficulties, as you know, a very substantial contribution. We hope that others will show the same degree of openness. We should walk together to achieve soon a global and balanced agreement in Geneva. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Fact Sheet: European Community

PA Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Dec, 20 199212/20/92 Category: Country Data Category: Fact Sheets Region: Europe Country: Austria, Cyprus, Finland, Malta, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey Subject: EC, Trade/Economics, History [TEXT] The European Community (EC) is comprised of three separate communities: the European Coal and Steel Community, established in 1951; the European Atomic Energy Community, and the European Economic Community, both established in 1957. Since 1978, the three have been referred to collectively as the EC. Currently, there are 12 members: Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The Community had planned the completion by the end of 1992 of a true "single" or common market, with free movement of persons, goods, services, and capital. In December 1991, at Maastricht, Netherlands, EC members agreed to amendments of the EC treaties which would move the Community in the direction of greater economic, monetary, and political union, including more unified foreign and security policies. The Maastricht Treaty on European Union must be approved by all EC countries prior to implementation. Despite a national referendum in Denmark on June 2, 1992, rejecting the treaty, other EC members are proceeding with plans to ratify it. Denmark will hold a second referendum in the first half of 1993.
US-EC Relations
The United States and the Community maintain a continuing dialogue on political and economic issues of mutual interest and engage in direct negotiations on trade and investment issues. The European Community is the United States' largest trading partner. Total US-EC trade was about $190 billion in 1990 and 1991. In 1991, US imports from the EC were $86 billion and represented 18% of total US imports. In 1991, US exports to the EC were $103 billion and represented 24% of total US exports. In 1991, the US trade surplus with the European Community rose to $17 billion, up from $6 billion in 1990. The United States and the Community are each other's most significant source of direct investment. By the end of 1991, the Community had more than $230 billion invested in the United States, and the United States had about $188 billion invested in the EC. The United States continues to support the EC's plan to develop an integrated market by the end of 1992. It is in the interest of both sides that the program be implemented in an open fashion without new trade barriers. The United States holds regular meetings with the Community to discuss various aspects of the 1992 program and to resolve trade differences, many concerning agriculture. In its negotiations with the Community on trade and investment issues, the US Government works to ensure that American interests are not discriminated against in post-1992 Europe. The global reform of agricultural policies is an important US objective and a major goal of the current Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations. The United States long has discussed foreign and trade policy issues on an ad hoc basis with the Community. These arrangements were formalized by the Declaration on US-EC Relations of November 20, 1990, which institutionalized regular consultation and cooperation on political, economic, scientific, educational, and cultural matters. As agreed in the declaration, the US President meets twice annually with the head of state or government of the presidency country and the President of the EC Commission. The Secretary of State meets twice annually with the EC foreign ministers and as necessary with the foreign ministers of the "troika" countries (the EC presidency country, its predecessor, and its successor). The Secretary also meets twice annually, along with cabinet colleagues, with the EC Commission. Discussions include a broad range of issues: maintenance of international peace and security in areas such as the Gulf, the Middle East, and Central America; the Uruguay Round and other international trade issues; support for the emerging democracies of Eurasia; and cooperation in science and technology.
EC Institutions and Presidency
Since July 1967, the three communities have functioned with common institutions. Major EC institutions are the Commission, the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament, and the Court of Justice. Member states agree to relinquish a degree of national sovereignty to EC institutions and to cooperate in the joint administration of these powers. The 17-member Commission, appointed by common agreement of the 12 governments, has primary responsibility for initiating and implementing EC policy in areas that fall under EC treaties (for example, the internal market, external trade, and agricultural policy). The Council of Ministers, representing the member states, occupies the preeminent position in the current institutional power balance and decides on the Commission's proposals. The Parliament, the only EC institution that directly represents European citizens, has significant power over budgetary matters and can amend or reject certain legislation approved by the Council. The Court, which has a role similar to that of the US Supreme Court, is the final authority on the interpretation of EC treaties and laws. Each member state serves as President of the Council for 6 months in rotation. The presidency country presides at all meetings of the member states and serves as spokesman in dealing with countries on intergovernmental matters, including efforts to coordinate the foreign policies of the member states. This foreign policy coordination process, known as European Political Cooperation, is one of seeking consensus for joint action by the 12 members on international political issues, such as the Gulf crisis and refugee aid, the Middle East peace process, South Africa, Central America, and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.
European Integration
The process of European integration was strengthened by the implementation in July 1987 of the Single European Act (SEA), which increased the scope of the Community's legislative and executive authority. The SEA endorsed the objective of economic and monetary union and outlined a series of directives necessary to eliminate all physical, technical, and fiscal barriers to completion of an internal "single" market by January 1, 1993. It also formalized procedures for cooperation in the area of foreign policy. At the landmark Maastricht summit in December 1991, EC members approved additional proposals which, if ratified by national parliaments, will forge even closer economic, monetary, and political ties within the Community. The treaty calls for the EC to establish a European Central Bank and a single currency by the end of the decade, although all 12 member countries may not enter the new arrangements at once. The draft treaty also sets in motion a further acceleration of political integration, including elements of a common foreign and security policy, and cooperation in justice and domestic affairs. The question of how fast to proceed with enlargement of the Community while strengthening EC institutions, (the "widening" versus "deepening" issue), continues to be a major topic for discussion among member states. An inter-governmental conference is scheduled to be held in 1996 to evaluate the progress of economic and monetary integration and to consider greater coordination of foreign policy and security matters.
EC Economy
As a result of German unification in October 1990, the population of the EC is now roughly 345 million. By the end of 1991, it had a gross domestic product (GDP) of about $6.2 trillion and an average per capita GDP of $18,000. An important aspect of the EC's economy is its Common Agricultural Policy, a complicated system of price supports, subsidies, and protection to European farmers that consumes more than half of the EC budget. EC member states agreed to an important reform of that policy in May 1992. The EC is the largest trading entity in the world. In 1991, EC member country exports were almost $1.4 trillion, or about 40% of total world exports, while EC exports to non-EC countries were $525 billion, or 15% of world exports. Exports within the EC were $853 billion. Germany is the largest exporter in the EC.
Relations With Other Countries
In April 1992, the EC and the seven-member European Free Trade Association signed an agreement to broaden their existing free trade agreement and create a European Economic Area (EEA). The EEA establishes free movement of goods, services, capital, and labor throughout the combined territory. In a December 1992 referendum, Switzerland rejected participation in the EEA. EC countries have long-standing political and economic ties with the new independent states of Eurasia. The Community has provided significant economic assistance to the emerging democracies and has eased access to its markets for them. A new type of "European agreement" has been created, which consists of industrial, technical, and scientific cooperation, financial assistance, and political dialogue. In December 1991, association agreements were signed between the EC and Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland. Talks currently are underway with Bulgaria and Romania. In 1989, the EC Commission began coordinating aid from the 24 countries (including the US) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development to Central and Eastern Europe. The objective is to strengthen the process of political and economic reform, with emphasis on improving the private sector. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (in which the United States is an active member) was established in 1990 to support investment and the development of market economies in these countries. In January 1992, the Community announced that it would seek to negotiate new agreements with the former Soviet republics to replace the 1989 trade and cooperation agreement signed by the EC and the Soviet Union. In May 1992, the EC signed cooperation agreements with Albania, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The Community has placed priority on improving relations with developing countries. The Lome Convention provides a framework for EC development cooperation with 69 African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries. In 1989, a new 10-year agreement was signed with the ACP states to provide aid to development projects, free access to EC markets for almost all manufactured imports from those countries, and incentives to promote European investment. The Community is linked with a number of countries in the Mediterranean by either association or preferential trade agreements which provide duty-free access for industrial products and direct grants and loans. EC economic ties to Asia and Latin America usually take the form of bilateral agreements which allow preferential access and certain types of development aid. Austria, Cyprus, Finland, Malta, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey have applied for membership in the EC. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Funding for UN Programs in Iraq

Boucher Source: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Dec, 14 199212/14/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Iraq Subject: United Nations [TEXT] The UN escrow account for funding UN humanitarian and other programs in Iraq received about $50 million in contributions last Thursday and Friday from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The US Government deposited $50 million in matching funds. We expect additional contributions to be made to the escrow account from other nations. As we said when the UN Security Council passed Resolution 778, the United States will comply with it by making as much as $200 million in matching contributions from frozen funds from Iraqi oil sales to the United Nations for these purposes. Other states holding Iraqi oil assets are also considering using these assets to make contributions. We are pleased that the important work of the UN humanitarian programs and the UN special commission to inspect weapons of mass destruction (UNSCOM) are now funded to continue their important work inside Iraq.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Secretary Eagleburger Meets With Macedonian President

Boucher Source: Richard Boucher, State Department Spokesman Description: Statement, Stockholm, Sweden Date: Dec, 15 199212/15/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Macedonia Subject: State Department, United Nations [TEXT] Secretary of State Eagleburger met with Macedonian President Gligorov in Stockholm [on] December 14, 1992. Secretary Eagleburger and President Gligorov discussed the overall situation in the Balkans and economic and political developments in Macedonia. They also reviewed questions relating to Macedonia's international position. Secretary Eagleburger described US plans to provide economic assistance to Macedonia. President Gligorov expressed appreciation for US efforts to help Macedonia deal with the economic and social problems resulting from the crisis in the former Yugoslavia. Secretary Eagleburger and President Gligorov welcomed the decision of the UN Security Council to deploy troops from UNPROFOR [the UN Protection Force] to Macedonia. They agreed that this action would contribute to stability in Macedonia. They further agreed that stability in Macedonia was a critical factor for stability in the Balkans as a whole.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

El Salvador: Peace Accords

Boucher Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Dec, 15 199212/15/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Central America Country: El Salvador, Colombia, Mexico, Spain, Venezuela, United States Subject: United Nations, Democratization [TEXT] The Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Spain, Venezuela, and the United States issued the following statement today: "The Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Spain and Venezuela have served in the capacity of Friends of the Salvadoran Peace Process at the request of the Secretary General of the United Nations since October 1990. The Government of the United States of America has also provided its full support for the negotiation and implementation of the Salvadoran peace agreements. The Presidents of Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela and the Prime Minister of Spain, as well as the United States Secretary of State, participated in the January 16, 1992, ceremony for the signature of the peace agreement in Mexico City to demonstrate their full support for the peace agreements. The Governments of Colombia, Spain, Mexico, Venezuela and the United States of America congratulate the Salvadoran parties and the United Nations Secretary General on the great progress made in the implementation of the peace agreements. Throughout the past year, the five governments have worked with the Secretary General, his Special Representative and the United Nations Observer Mission in El Salvador (ONUSAL) to this end. On this important occasion, the Governments of Colombia, Mexico, Spain, Venezuela and the United States of America reiterate their firm commitment to assist the Secretary General and Salvadoran institutions and political and social forces in their efforts to ensure that the Salvadoran peace agreements are fully implemented and promote the reconciliation and reconstruction of the country. The five governments will continue their efforts to gain the support of the international community for the important process of national reconciliation and reconstruction in El Salvador, within the framework of the attainment of democracy, peace, stability and the development of all Central America." (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 51, December 21, 1992 Title:

Treaty Actions: Multilateral and Bilateral

PA Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Dec, 15 199212/15/92 Category: Treaties/Agreements Region: Whole World Country: Bahamas, Belarus, Belize, Bolivia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Estonia, Greece, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Malawi, Mongolia, Niger, Norway, Poland, Rwanda, St. Lucia, United Kingdom, Venezuela, Zambia Subject: International Law, Cultural Exchange, Security Assistance and Sales, State Department, Human Rights, Science/Technology, Narcotics, Refugees, Terrorism, United Nations, International Organizations, Trade/Economics [TEXT]
Multilateral
Cultural Property
Convention on the means of prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export, and transfer of ownership of cultural property. Done at Paris Nov. 14, 1970. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1972; for the US Dec. 2, 1983. Acceptance deposited: Grenada, Sept. 10, 1992.
Defense
Amendment No. 3 to the memorandum of understanding of Oct. 24, 1978, as amended, for the cooperative support of the 76/62 OTO Melara Compact Gun (OMCG). Signed at Halifax, Rome, Portsdown, Ankara, and Wilhelmshaven June 14, July 5, Oct. 9, and Dec. 3, 1991, and Feb. 5, 1992. Entered into force Feb. 5, 1992. Signatures: Canada, Denmark, Greece, Netherlands, Spain, United States, June 14, 1991; Italy, July 5, 1991; United Kingdom, Oct. 9, 1991; Turkey, Dec. 3, 1991; Federal Republic of Germany, Feb. 5, 1992.
Diplomatic Relations
Vienna convention on diplomatic relations. Done at Vienna Apr. 18, 1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the US Dec. 13, 1972. TIAS 7502; 23 UST 3227. Optional protocol to the Vienna Convention on diplomatic relations concerning the compulsory settlement of disputes. Done at Vienna Apr. 18, 1961. Entered into force Apr. 24, 1964; for the US Dec. 13, 1972. TIAS 7502; 23 UST 3374. Accession deposited: Suriname, Oct. 28, 1992.
Finance
Agreement establishing the International Fund for Agricultural Development. Done at Rome June 13, 1976. Entered into force Nov. 30, 1977. TIAS 8765; 28 UST 8435. Accessions deposited: Albania, Nov. 3, 1992; Namibia, Oct. 16, 1992.
Genocide
Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide. Done at Paris Dec. 9, 1948. Entered into force Jan. 12, 1951; for the US Feb. 23, 1989. Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Human Rights
International covenant on civil and political rights. Done at New York Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Mar. 23, 1976; for the US Sept. 8, 1992. International covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights. Done at New York Dec. 16, 1966. Entered into force Jan. 3, 1976.1 Accession deposited: Lesotho, Sept. 9, 1992. Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Intellectual Property
Convention establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization. Done at Stockholm July 14, 1967. Entered into force Apr. 26, 1970; for the US Aug. 25, 1970. TIAS 6932; 21 UST 1749. Accession deposited: Latvia, Oct. 21, 1992.
Judicial Procedure
Convention abolishing the requirement of legalization of foreign public documents, with annex. Done at The Hague Oct. 5, 1961. Entered into force Jan. 24, 1965; for the US Oct. 15, 1981. TIAS 10072; 33 UST 883. Accession deposited: Belize, July 17, 1992. Convention on the taking of evidence abroad in civil or commercial matters. Done at The Hague Mar. 18, 1970. Entered into force Oct. 7, 1972. TIAS 7444; 23 UST 2555. Accession deposited: Australia, Oct. 23, 1992.2,3
Marriage
Convention on consent to marriage, minimum age for marriage, and registration of marriages. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1962. Entered into force Dec. 9, 1964.1 Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Narcotic Drugs
United Nations convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances, with annex and final act. Done at Vienna Dec. 20, 1988. Entered into force Nov. 11, 1990. [Senate] Treaty Doc. 101-4. Accession deposited: Barbados, Oct. 15, 1992.
Refugees
Protocol relating to the status of refugees. Done at New York Jan. 31, 1967. Entered into force Oct. 4, 1967; for the US Nov. 1, 1968. TIAS 6577; 19 UST 6223. Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Slavery
Convention to suppress the slave trade and slavery. Done at Geneva Sept. 25, 1926. Entered into force Mar. 9, 1927; for the US Mar. 21, 1929. TS 778; 46 Stat. 2183. Protocol amending the slavery convention signed at Geneva on Sept. 25, 1926 (TS 778), and Annex. Done at New York Dec. 7, 1953. Entered into force Dec. 7, 1953 (Protocol); July 7, 1955 (Annex); for the US Mar. 7, 1956. TIAS 3532; 7 UST 479. Supplementary convention on the abolition of slavery, the slave trade, and institutions and practices similar to slavery. Done at Geneva Sept. 7, 1956. Entered into force Apr. 30, 1957; for the US Dec. 6, 1967. TIAS 6418; 18 UST 3201. Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Terrorism
Convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against internationally protected persons, including diplomatic agents. Done at New York Dec. 14, 1973. Entered into force Feb. 20, 1977. TIAS 8532; 28 UST 1975. Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Torture
Convention against torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. Done at New York Dec. 10, 1984. Entered into force June 26, 1987.1 Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
Treaties
Vienna convention on the law of treaties, with annex. Done at Vienna May 23, 1969. Entered into force Jan. 27, 1980.1 Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
UNESCO
Agreement for facilitating the international circulation of visual and auditory materials of an educational, scientific, and cultural character. Done at Lake Success July 15, 1949. Entered into force Aug. 12, 1954. TIAS 6116; 17 UST 1578. Succession deposited: Slovenia, Nov. 3, 1992.
UNIDO
Constitution of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization, with annexes. Done at Vienna Apr. 8, 1979. Entered into force June 21, 1985. Accession deposited: Georgia, Oct. 30, 1992.
Women
Convention on the political rights of women. Done at New York Mar. 31, 1953. Entered into force July 7, 1954; for the US July 7, 1976. TIAS 8289; 27 UST 1909. Succession deposited: Croatia, Oct. 12, 1992.
World Heritage
Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage. Done at Paris Nov. 23, 1972. Entered into force Dec. 17, 1975. TIAS 8226; 27 UST 37. Acceptance deposited: Netherlands, Aug. 26, 1992.4
Bilateral
Bahamas
Agreement extending the implementing arrangements to the agreement of Apr. 5, 1984 (TIAS 11058), concerning US defense facilities in the Bahamas. Effected by exchange of notes at Nassau Jan. 27, Feb. 6, July 27, and Aug. 11, 1992. Entered into force Aug. 11, 1992; effective Jan. 26, 1993. Agreement replacing the Annex to the agreement of Apr. 5, 1984 (TIAS 11058), concerning US defense facilities in the Bahamas. Effected by exchange of notes at Nassau Sept. 22 and Oct. 7, 1992. Entered into force Oct. 7, 1992; effective Oct. 1, 1992.
Belarus
Agreement concerning emergency response and the prevention of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Signed at Washington Oct. 22, 1992. Entered into force Oct. 22, 1992.
Belize
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations. Signed at Belize and Washington Oct. 28 and Nov. 13, 1992. Enters into force Dec. 14, 1992.
Bolivia
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at La Paz Oct. 13, 1992. Enters into force following signature and receipt by Bolivia of written notice from US that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
Dominican Republic
Agreement regarding the consolidation and rescheduling or refinancing of certain debts owed to, guaranteed by, or insured by the United States Government and its agencies, with annexes. Signed at Santo Domingo Oct. 30, 1992. Enters into force following signature and upon the date when both governments have given each other written notice that all necessary domestic legal requirements have been fulfilled.
Ecuador
Agreement regarding the furnishing of defense articles and services on a grant basis to Ecuador from the US. Effected by exchange of notes at Quito Jan. 30 and Mar. 4, 1992. Entered into force Mar. 4, 1992.
Estonia
Agreement concerning the provision of training related to defense articles under the United States International Military Education and Training (IMET) Program. Effected by exchange of notes at Tallinn May 18 and 25, 1992. Entered into force May 25, 1992.
Greece
Memorandum of agreement concerning the exchange of engineers and scientists, with annexes. Signed at Athens Oct. 12, 1992. Entered into force Oct. 12, 1992. Memorandum of understanding concerning the joint use of Hellenic Air Force bases by United States Air Force operational units, with annex. Signed at Athens and Ramstein AB May 6 and June 8, 1992. Entered into force June 8, 1992.
Italy
Basic exchange and cooperative agreement for topographic mapping, nautical and aeronautical charting and information, geodesy and geophysics, digital data, and related materials, with annexes. Signed at Rome Sept. 11, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 11, 1992.
Japan
Agreement concerning Japan's financial contribution for US administrative and related expenses for the Japanese fiscal year 1992 pursuant to the mutual defense assistance agreement of Mar. 8, 1954, with related exchange of letters. Effected by exchange of notes at Tokyo Sept. 25, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 25, 1992.
Latvia
Memorandum of understanding concerning cooperation in the pursuit of Nazi war criminals. Signed at Riga Sept. 11, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 11, 1992.
Lithuania
International express mail agreement, with detailed regulations. Signed at Vilnius and Washington Sept. 21 and Oct. 29, 1992. Entered into force Dec. 14, 1992.
Malawi
Agreement regarding grants under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, and the furnishing of defense articles, related training, and other defense services from the United States to Malawi. Effected by exchange of notes at Lilongwe May 28 and July 24, 1992. Entered into force July 24, 1992.
Mongolia
Memorandum of understanding concerning scientific and technical cooperation in the earth sciences. Signed at Reston Nov. 9, 1992. Entered into force Nov. 9, 1992.
Niger
Agreement regarding the terms and conditions relating to the furnishing of defense articles and services on a grant basis to the Government of Niger by the United States. Effected by exchange of notes at Niamey July 18 and Sept. 24, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 24, 1992.
Norway
Memorandum of agreement concerning the exchange of engineers and scientists, with annexes. Signed at Washington and Oslo Sept. 2 and 24, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 24, 1992. Agreement concerning the transfer of US Government-origin defense articles or related training or other defense services to the Government of Norway. Effected by exchange of notes at Oslo Sept. 18 and Oct. 1, 1992. Entered into force Oct. 1, 1992.
Poland
Basic exchange and cooperative agreement for military topographic mapping, nautical and aeronautical charting, geodesy and geophysics, digital data, and related MC ∧ G materials. Signed at Washington Nov. 10, 1992. Entered into force Nov. 10, 1992.
Rwanda
Agreement relating to the employment of dependents of official government employees, with related note. Effected by exchange of notes at Washington July 15 and Oct. 22, 1992. Entered into force Oct. 22, 1992.
St. Lucia
INTELPOST memorandum of understanding, with detailed regulations. Signed at Castries and Washington Sept. 22 and Oct. 29, 1992. Entered into force Nov. 23, 1992.
United Kingdom
Agreement extending application of the agreement of Feb. 9, 1988, concerning the investigation of drug trafficking offenses and seizure and forfeiture of proceeds and instrumentalities of drug trafficking to Gibraltar. Effected by exchange of notes at London Sept. 30, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 30, 1992. Agreement extending application of the agreement of Feb. 9, 1988, concerning the investigation of drug trafficking offenses and seizure and forfeiture of proceeds and instrumentalities of drug trafficking to the Isle of Man. Effected by exchange of notes at London Sept. 30, 1992. Entered into force Sept. 30, 1992.
Venezuela
Agreement on measures to prevent the diversion of essential chemicals used in the illicit manufacture of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances. Signed at Caracas Mar. 4, 1992. Enters into force upon an exchange of notes informing the other Party of adoption of domestic measures necessary to implement provisions.
Zambia
Agreement concerning the provision of training related to defense articles under the United States International Military Education and Training (IMET) Program. Effected by exchange of notes at Lusaka Mar. 9, 1992. Entered into force Mar. 9, 1992. 1 Not in force for the US. 2 With reservation. 3 With declaration. 4 Applicable to Kingdom in Europe and Netherlands Antilles. (###)