US Department of State 

Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992

Title:

Somalia: US Relief Efforts

Cohen Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Washington, DC Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa, MidEast/North Africa Country: Somalia, Kenya Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Refugees, United Nations [TEXT] I am pleased to be here to discuss the current political situation in Somalia. My colleague, Mr. Natsios [President's Special Coordinator for Somali Relief, US Agency for International Development], will discuss the status of US relief efforts there [see Dispatch Vol. 3, No. 39]. Experienced humanitarian workers continue to describe conditions in Somalia as the worst they have seen. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) estimates that 1.5 million Somalis are in dire need of immediate assistance. As many as 4.5 million Somalis are in desperate need of food and other forms of assistance. Starvation and malnutrition are widespread, especially in the central and southern regions of the country. Relief workers in remote areas fear that many rural people are dying before they can reach feeding centers in the towns. Less than 2 months ago, relief agencies estimated that Somalia needed 30,000 to 35,000 tons of food per month to feed the hungry. According to recent estimates by the ICRC, the need for donated food is now twice as great, and ICRC is calling for food deliveries of at least 52,000 tons per month. The desperate search for food has caused large-scale dislocations of populations within Somalia and has created hundreds of thousands of refugees who have moved into camps in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Djibouti.
Answering the Call for Help
As the chairman and members of this committee are aware, we have been deeply involved in providing relief to Somalia for more than 18 months. To date, our total contribution exceeds $148 million, including the delivery of more than 80,000 tons of food. We have committed an additional 145,000 tons of food during the fiscal year commencing October 1. On August 14, we announced plans to use Department of Defense (DOD) aircraft to deliver food from Mombasa, Kenya, to locations in northern Kenya and to Somalia itself. A DOD team arrived in Kenya on August 17 to make preparations for the airlift. On August 21, DOD was joined by a disaster assistance response team from the US Agency for International Development's Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA) to work on the airlift as well as to plan additional US measures. My colleague, Mr. Natsios, will address these issues in some detail. I will focus on the political aspects of the crisis. We view the Government of Kenya as our partner in this operation, which is also providing relief to thousands of Kenyan citizens affected by drought. We will continue to coordinate closely with Kenyan authorities on all elements of the operation.
Diplomatic and Political Initiatives
The fundamental issue facing the United States and the rest of the international donor community in Somalia is how to deliver food and other relief safely to those who need it. In his report to the Security Council on the UN technical assessment of Somalia, Secretary General Boutros-Ghali noted that the lack of security was the main obstacle to delivery of substantially increased assistance. He cited both inter- and intra-clan conflict and general lawlessness as the causes preventing effective distribution of food relief where it is needed most. The Secretary General's observations are right on the mark. The most effective means of moving massive quantities of food is to do so overland in truck convoys. This cannot be done, however, when relief convoys are looted or when gangs of thugs attack supply points and distribution centers.
Support Deployment Of UN Food Guards
It is for this reason that we have been firm in our support for the UN's strategy to improve security for relief operations by deploying UN food guards at selected locations in Somalia. The Administration on August 13 offered to provide transportation to Mogadishu for the first contingent of 500 UN food guards from Pakistan. This deployment began on September 14 with the arrival in Mogadishu of a 40-member advance team aboard DOD aircraft. The United States will also transport the main body of this unit and their associated equipment to Mogadishu. The United States has also given its full backing to the Secretary General's recommendation for the basing of similar units at Bossasso in northeast Somalia and, subject to the agreement of the Kenyan Government, at Mandera in northeastern Kenya. There is also the possibility of other units at Berbera in northwest Somalia and at Kismayo on the southeast coast. These units would be drawn from the additional UN troops the Security Council approved for deployment to Somalia in a resolution on August 28. We also believe that once UN food guards are successfully deployed, consideration should be given to moving some into key relief areas in the interior where they could ensure safe and protected distribution. UN Special Representative Mohamed Sahnoun has already begun his consultations with key Somali factional leaders on the deployment of the additional troops to other regions. Ambassador Sahnoun has demonstrated remarkable skill in gaining the confidence of Somali leaders. We want to assist his efforts in every possible way, especially as those efforts show promise of conflict resolution between the warring factions in Somalia.
Role of the US Special Envoy
In order to coordinate more closely with Ambassador Sahnoun, US Ambassador Peter J. de Vos was named special envoy for Somalia on August 27. Ambassador de Vos is a highly experienced career diplomat with extensive background in conflict resolution. His central objective is to ensure coordination of US support of the UN effort to bring peace and national reconciliation to the people of Somalia. Ambassador de Vos has met several times with Ambassador Sahnoun. They discussed such issues of relief and reconciliation, and the need for a comprehensive international approach to resolve the Somali crisis.
Consultations To Support UN Efforts
Ambassador de Vos has since traveled to northeastern and southern Somalia and visited Mogadishu. He has held talks with several factional leaders, including General Farah Mohamed Aideed, Ali Mahdi Mohamed, and Majertain leader General Abshir Muse, whose movement controls northeastern Somalia. Ambassador de Vos reinforced the message that no Somali faction can win a military victory, and that dialogue is essential. De Vos found some Somali parties less prepared than others to engage in dialogue or talk to each other. It is clear that persistence, patience, and skill will be needed to achieve reconciliation. Ambassador de Vos has also consulted with key Horn of Africa leaders in Djibouti and Ethiopia, met with representatives of the Eritrean provisional government, and has talked with French, Italian, and British officials.
UN Conference on Relief Coordination and National Reconciliation
At every stop, Ambassador de Vos has hammered home the need for international support of the UN's efforts. He has reinforced our particular interest in a UN proposal to hold an international conference on the coordination of Somalia relief. Special coordinator Natsios discussed this issue with UN officials in Geneva and Rome. Our UN mission has followed this matter closely with UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs Under Secretary General Jan Eliasson. The Under Secretary has expressed his genuine appreciation for our full support of this proposal. The conference would bring together all of the participants in the relief effort for Somalia to better structure and coordinate humanitarian assistance. The conference would provide an opportunity to develop plans on short-term emergency relief, a concept for longer-term assistance, and strategies to address the issues of security, rehabilitation, and national reconciliation. Our consultations with UN officials, with our allies, and other international donors have indicated broad support for the proposed conference to coordinate relief in Somalia. We will continue to work with the United Nations to ensure that the objectives established will be met. We also support the UN idea of holding a follow-up conference with leaders of Somali factions to gain their cooperation and begin the process of national reconciliation. We all know that no relief strategy nor diplomatic initiative will be fully successful in ending starvation and politically motivated bloodshed without the cooperation of Somali leaders. It is critical that they join with the international community in a full-fledged effort to resolve the crisis in their country. I strongly urge all Somali leaders to cooperate with the UN and the donors and to pledge that food gets to the starving. This is a man-made tragedy. We know that Somalia cannot be rehabilitated unless peace is re-established. It is an illusion that any Somali leader can restore unity and peace by force of arms. Past reconciliation conferences have failed because Somali leaders have refused to talk to their opponents. I call on Somalis to heed Ambassador Sahnoun's call for dialogue and reconciliation. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992 Title:

Update on Situation in Ethiopia

Cohen Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Washington, DC Date: Sep, 17 19929/17/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Subsaharan Africa Country: Ethiopia Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Refugees, Trade/Economics [TEXT] Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee, I am pleased to testify before you to update you on the situation in Ethiopia. The transitional government of Ethiopia has had a difficult first year of existence. After the May 1991 fall of the Mengistu regime, the transitional government assumed leadership of a country that had been held together by repression and force. The country was awash with arms and fighting groups which had been contesting the Mengistu regime. Local and regional government, including the police force, had essentially dissolved. People began taking advantage of the situation; ethnic violence, revenge, and outright banditry, including robbing relief trucks, became all too common. The economy was virtually at a standstill. There was little foreign exchange to purchase needed machinery and spare parts or enough raw materials being produced to get factories operating again. People were still suffering from the effects of long-term drought and famine. Ethiopia still hosted refugees from Somalia and Sudan and faced the challenge of reabsorbing its nationals who had been refugees in Somalia. In addition, the 300,000 persons in Mengistu's armed forces had to be demobilized in such a way that they would not resort to acts of lawlessness in order to survive. Assistance from the international community was slow in coming. Until the spring of 1992, the United States was legislatively prohibited from providing any assistance to Ethiopia other than humanitarian assistance. Even with all these difficulties, progress has been made. The national charter of basic principles to guide the government, adopted in the summer of 1991, committed the government to fundamental human rights and provided for the ratification of a constitution within 21/2 years. The human rights situation has improved. People have freedom of speech, and the groundwork was laid for a free press. This August, a commission to write a constitution was formed. The United States plans to provide technical experts to assist the commission in its work. The transitional government has said that it would soon address the problem of Mengistu regime officials being detained without charge. However, the post of special prosecutor to investigate these cases and decide which ones need to be brought to trial has still not been filled. We continue to urge the Ethiopian Government to take action in this matter. Local and regional elections were held in many areas of the country on June 21. These elections were the first attempt to hold multiparty elections in Ethiopia's long history. To its credit, the transitional government gave foreign journalists and election observers free access. Based upon reports we have received from foreign observers, the elections did not live up to expectations and were seriously flawed in several respects. In the north, elections appear to have been free and fair, and voter turnout was high. Reports from other areas of the country, particularly in the south, suggest a combination of administrative problems and political violence; intimidation and harassment denied voters a free choice among candidates. In many cases, political parties took control of the voter and candidate registration process. Voter registration materials were not made available to supporters of parties opposing the one controlling the registration process. Political party offices were closed, and political party candidates and workers were imprisoned. Less than a week before the election, five parties, including the Oromo Liberation Front [OLF], withdrew from the process. The decampment of military forces by one party, the Oromo Liberation Front, on the eve of the elections was also disruptive. Aside from fraud and intimidation, the other major reason for election irregularity was a pervasive lack of understanding of what the electoral process was all about and a lack of election material. We were unable to help fund needed voter and election official education programs in time for these elections, because authority for such expenditure only became available shortly before the elections were held. The Joint International Observers Group, a coordinating body set up in Addis Ababa for the foreign election observers, presented its evaluation of the electoral process to President Meles, who indicated that the transitional government would take steps to introduce needed electoral reform. On July 16, the Ethiopian Council of Representatives established a neutral committee to review the results of the June 21 local and regional elections and to decide which elections should be restaged. In districts in which the electoral process was irregular, we are strongly urging the Ethiopian Government to take steps to rectify the situation. We are awaiting the committee's findings. For administrative and security reasons, elections were not held on June 21 in the Afar region, the Somali region, the city of Harar, and parts of the Oromo region. Elections in parts of the Afar region were held on August 6. While there was a significant reduction in the number of claims of fraud and intimidation, the electoral process was still plagued by administrative problems and a lack of preparation. The government plans to hold local and regional elections in the remaining areas this month. We will be working with the election commission, in cooperation with other donors, to help the commission prepare for the national elections which will be held once a constitution is written and ratified. We will also be providing assistance for programs to help Ethiopians in and out of government develop democratic institutions. Aside from the electoral process, two of the major parties in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Oromo Liberation Front, still have unresolved differences. Three days after the June 21 elections, the OLF withdrew from the transitional government. We urge both the EPRDF and the OLF to resolve their differences through negotiation. Through an international peace commission, consisting of the US, British, Canadian, and Swedish ambassadors and the UN Development Program representative, we are doing what we can to assist in this process. To date, these mediation efforts have been slow but positive. Turning to the economic situation, in most parts of Ethiopia, rains were good both last year and this year. However, it will take 2-3 years for private sector farmers to get back on their feet and begin producing enough food and other agricultural products to feed the people and meet the needs of the food processing and textile factories. On June 5, we signed a $15-million PL 480 Title III agreement with the transitional government to supply wheat and cotton. The cotton is intended to bridge the 2-3 year gap until private sector farmers can once again provide cotton to the textile factories in the quantities needed. It will also employ idle textile factory employees and help meet the domestic need for textiles. The Title III wheat will increase the supply of affordable bread to the urban population. On August 27, we signed a multi-year $60-million Developing Competitive Markets Program. This program, worth $25 million in FY 1992, will provide agricultural inputs and transport equipment and foreign exchange to purchase needed spare parts and machinery to be sold on the local market. The local currency generated from these sales will be used in rehabilitation and reconstruction projects. Not only will needed reconstruction be carried out, but the wages the workers earn will help to put money back into the economy. Funding under this program will be released in stages. To be eligible for each stage, Ethiopia must meet mutually agreed upon goals in deregulation and liberalization of agriculture and transport. Also, I have been informed that Ethiopia is close to agreement with the World Bank and IMF [International Monetary Fund] on a structural adjustment program. This program will require well-defined economic reforms. While our goal is to move from humanitarian relief to development assistance, we will continue to supply humanitarian relief to Ethiopia as necessary. US assistance to Ethiopia is dependent upon progress in democracy and human rights. We continue to closely monitor progress in these two areas and design our programs so as to promote democracy and privatization of the economy. We appeal to the Ethiopian parties to resolve their differences peaceably and through dialogue. Ethiopians cannot allow renewed conflict to thwart the commitment of donors to assist in politically and economically rebuilding this ancient land. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992 Title:

Status of Detention Centers In Bosnia- Hercegovina

Blackwell Source: Kenneth Blackwell, US Representative to the UN Human Rights Commission Description: Address before the CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe) Committee of Senior Officials, Prague, Czechoslovakia Date: Sep, 15 19929/15/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro, Yugoslavia (former), Croatia Subject: Human Rights, Regional/Civil Unrest, POW/MIA Issues, United Nations, CSCE [TEXT] At the August 13-14 meeting of this committee, you directed that a delegation of experts be dispatched immediately to investigate the humanitarian and human rights situation in Bosnia-Hercegovina, and to determine, to the extent feasible and in the shortest possible time, the status and treatment of the people in the detention centers in Bosnia- Hercegovina. Sir John Thomson of the United Kingdom, an accomplished diplomat, assisted by me and a distinguished group of legal, medical, and political experts, carried out this mission from August 29 through September 4, a period of 1 week. The group visited 20 detention camps, prisons, and suspected locations in 13 cities and towns in Bosnia-Hercegovina, and one suspected camp in Serbia. The delegation was divided into two self-contained groups. I headed the group which investigated locations in the southern region, largely under the control of Muslim and Croatian forces. Sir John Thomson headed the group which investigated locations in northern Bosnia- Hercegovina, including Sarajevo. We prepared our report in London, September 6-7. Sir John Thomson asked that I present it formally to you today. Our mission saw places of detention where thousands are held, often under conditions of terror and severe hardship. For example, we saw thousands of men being kept in cattle sheds. Among our conclusions, we found: -- A comparatively small percentage of prisoners are genuine POWs [prisoners of war]. The remainder should never have been imprisoned. The largest number of these were in places of detention under Serb control. -- We witnessed the results of beatings, wounds, fractures, and other injuries in camps controlled by Serbian, Muslim, and Croatian authorities and have reason to believe that innocent prisoners on all sides have been executed. -- It is not too strong to say that the vast majority of prisoners are living in fear, and some in terror, of their lives. -- With few exceptions, none of these camps will be suitable for detainees this winter. In some centers, the degree of overcrowding is intolerable. -- Some centers visited have no local supply of safe water. -- In all centers, food rations are or have been inadequate. -- Camp clinics, where they exist, are almost all very basic. -- Personal hygiene is seriously compromised for most detainees. Our mission was also tasked to offer concrete proposals and to take appropriate steps during our operation to support fulfillment of the vital humanitarian tasks of the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] and the UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for Refugees] and other international and local bodies concerned with the alleviation of the suffering caused by the present military conflict in the former Yugoslavia. Among the mission's recommendations are the following: -- In all, the CSCE's deliberations and consultations related to places of detention, the interests of the prisoners should be the first consideration. -- Our report should be used to complement and support the efforts of [co- chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia] Lord Owen and Mr. Vance in the implementation of the London agreements. -- The CSCE should denounce "ethnic cleansing," insist on the right of all citizens to return to their homes, and declare that forcible sales or donations of property are null and void. -- Within the foregoing framework there should be a "one-off operation" to evacuate the "open center" at Trnopolje [in Bosnia-Hercegovina]. This has been agreed orally by the parties and should be implemented immediately. -- All prisoners should be unilaterally released simultaneously provided that their subsequent safety is assured. At present almost none of them wishes to go home; alternatives must be found elsewhere in Bosnia- Hercegovina or abroad. -- CSCE should establish a quadri-partite commission with one representative each from the Bosnian Government and the Croat Bosnian and Serb Bosnian communities. It should be chaired by an international personality, and its main task would be to superintend the release of prisoners and to investigate allegations of abuses. -- Governments and responsible individuals should be held accountable for abuses such as continued forcible detention and damage to property. Extreme violations of international law are being committed with increasing frequency and brutality throughout Bosnia-Hercegovina. The extent of the violence inflicted on the civilian population by all parties is appalling. The illegal detention of civilians, their mistreatment in detention, and the savage destruction of life and property are widespread. The policy of ethnic cleansing has resulted in summary executions, deportation, and the forcible displacement of hundreds of thousands of people--most if not all of this driven by ethnic and religious hatred. This horrible combination of violations of humanitarian law demands that the world community assign personal responsibility for these atrocities. This report should be offered by the CSCE as a contribution to the collection of evidence of war crimes, consistent with UN Security Council Resolution 771. The findings of this mission are important in bringing pressure to dismantle these camps. I urge you to consider the results of our work carefully and to give the findings immediate and the widest possible distribution so that the public may know of the situation that now exists in Bosnia-Hercegovina. I truly believe that the immediate and wide exposure of our findings can save lives. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992 Title:

Continued Pressure on Iraq To Comply With UN Security Council Resolutions

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Text of a letter from the President to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Iraq Subject: United Nations, Human Rights, Military Affairs [TEXT] Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:) Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1), and as part of my continuing effort to keep the Congress fully informed, I am again reporting on the status of efforts to obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the U.N. Security Council. Since the events described in my report of July 16, 1992, Coalition members have decided upon further measures to implement Security Council Resolution 688, which requires Iraq to end the repression of its civilian population immediately, to allow immediate access by international humanitarian organizations to all parts of Iraq, and to make available all facilities for the operation of these organizations. Far from complying with Resolution 688, in recent months Saddam has increased his repression of the civilian population in both the northern and southern parts of the country. In southern Iraq, according to U.N. Human Rights Commission Rapporteur Max Van der Stoel, Iraqi authorities use jet fighters, helicopter gunships, and scorched earth methods and have drained marshlands, thereby depriving residents of food and leaving them vulnerable to military repression. United Nations workers in southern Iraq, harassed by Iraqi officials, have been unable to learn fully the extent of Iraqi repression. Members of the Coalition have reviewed means available to assist the United Nations in monitoring Iraqi compliance with Resolution 688. The Iraqi Foreign Minister has informed the United Nations that Iraq would not accept U.N. monitors. The Coalition has decided to begin aerial reconnaissance of southern Iraq to monitor the situation. Moreover, the Coalition has announced that Iraqi aircraft and helicopters will not be permitted to fly south of the 32d parallel. This "no-fly zone" is similar to that established in northern Iraq as part of Operation Provide Comfort and will include expanded monitoring of southern Iraq from the air. As in northern Iraq, United States, British, and French Coalition forces are enforcing the no-fly zone south of the 32d parallel. As a result of the no- fly zone, Iraqi use of aircraft to conduct repression of the civilian population in the region, in particular the bombing of citizens around marsh areas, has stopped. I have ordered U.S. participation in the enforcement of the no-fly zone and expanded aerial surveillance of southern Iraq under my constitutional authority as Commander in Chief and consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1). Since the events noted in my last report, the U.N. Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM) has continued to investigate Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) program and to verify the destruction of relevant facilities, equipment, and weapons. The most recent ballistic missile inspection, August 8-18, 1992, found new information on Iraq's ballistic missile program, including confirmation that facilities not previously reported by Iraq were involved in that program. (In July 1992, Iraq had provided what it called a "full, final, and complete" report on its WMD program; as subsequent inspections have revealed, this report is incomplete. U.N. Security Council Resolution 687 required that Iraq provide a full report in April 1991.) The 14th nuclear inspection team, from August 31- September 7, verified the destruction and rendering harmless of facilities and equipment at Ash Sharqat and Tarmiya, two mirror-image facilities for uranium enrichment, and made arrangements for the destruction of remaining facilities. It also began water sampling of Iraqi rivers to measure any level of radioactivity that might indicate an operative water- cooled reactor nearby. Regular inspections of declared and suspected sites will continue. These inspection efforts have been subjected to Iraqi interference. Most notoriously, Iraqi authorities refused to admit an UNSCOM team into the Agriculture Ministry for three weeks, even though Resolution 687 requires that Iraq permit "urgent" inspections of any location designated by UNSCOM and Security Council Resolution 707 requires Iraq to allow immediate and unrestricted access to any such area. When the inspection took place, it appeared that information had been removed from the Ministry and files altered. In the weeks before entering the Agriculture Ministry, UNSCOM inspectors suffered petty acts of harassment, demonstrations by large crowds that appeared likely to become violent, vandalism of vehicles, and armed attacks; subsequent inspection teams have also been harassed. For a short time, Iraqi officials voiced opposition to the participation of Coalition members in UNSCOM inspections. They have also said that they will deny UNSCOM access to government ministries. The Security Council and Coalition members have responded to each Iraqi interference with diplomatic means. We have been prepared to employ stronger measures, however, and our resolve has played a crucial role in obtaining Iraqi compliance. We will remain prepared to use all necessary means, in accordance with U.N. Security Council resolutions, to assist the United Nations in removing the threat posed by Iraq's chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons capability. UNSCOM continues to face a shortage of funds. We have recently contributed $30 million, bringing our contributions to a total of over $40 mil-lion since UNSCOM's inception. We have persuaded other nations to contribute as well and expect at least $30 million in additional contributions to reach UNSCOM in the next several months. More funding will be necessary, however. Following increasing Iraqi challenges to the work of the Iraq-Kuwait Boundary Demarcation Commission, Iraq informed the Secretary General that it would no longer participate in the Commission's work. Its announcement does not affect the Commission's competence under Security Council Resolution 687. On July 24, the Commission made a further report to the UN Secretary General describing its findings on the land boundary between Iraq and Kuwait. On August 26, in Resolution 773, the Security Council welcomed the Commission's decisions and underlined its guarantee of the inviolability of the boundary and its decision to take all necessary measures to that end. The physical demarcation of the land boundary is expected to be completed by the end of the year. In addition, in October the Commission plans to renew its consideration of the offshore boundary. Since my last report, the U.N. Compensation Commission has continued to prepare for the processing of claims from individuals, corporations, other entities, governments, and international organizations that suffered direct loss or damage as a result of Iraq's unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The next session of the Governing Council of the Commission is scheduled in Geneva, September 21-25, 1992, with a further meeting in December. At an informal meeting on August 7, the Governing Council discussed the continuing serious financial difficulties confronting the Commission. These difficulties persist, despite a $2 million loan from the Kuwaiti Government, received in June, and an additional $1 million from the United States, which was noted in my last report. The Commission must now develop computer software and services needed to process claims, at an estimated one-time cost of $2.8 [million] to $6.6 million and an annual cost of about $1.2 million. Unless funding is found immediately, the Commission's financial difficulties threaten to delay or halt the entire compensation process. Meanwhile, the Commission has released to governments the forms for claims by governments and international organizations (Form F). On July 6, the Department of State distributed the forms for claims by corporations and other entities (Form E) to over 500 potential U.S. claimants. The Department also continues to collect and review over 1,500 claims received from individuals and has scheduled its next filing of such claims with the Commission in September. In accordance with paragraph 20 of Resolution 687, the Sanctions Committee has received notices that approximately 3.1 million tons of foodstuffs have been shipped to Iraq thus far in 1992. The Sanctions Committee also continues to consider and, when appropriate, approve requests to send to Iraq materials and supplies for essential civilian needs. Iraq, in contrast, has for months maintained a full embargo against its northern provinces. Iraq has also refused to utilize the opportunity under Resolutions 706 and 712 to sell $1.6 billion in oil, most of the proceeds from which could be used by Iraq to purchase foodstuffs, medicines, materials, and supplies for essential civilian needs of its population. The Iraqi authorities bear full responsibility for any suffering in Iraq that results from their refusal to implement Resolutions 706 and 712. Through the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the United States, Kuwait, and our allies continue to press the Government of Iraq to comply with its obligations under Security Council resolutions to return some 800 detained Kuwaiti and third-country nationals. Likewise, the United States and its allies continue to press the Government of Iraq to return to Kuwait all property and equipment removed from Kuwait by Iraq. Iraq continues to withhold necessary cooperation on these issues and to resist unqualified ICRC access to detention facilities in Iraq. I remain grateful for the support of the Congress for these efforts and look forward to continued cooperation toward achieving our mutual objectives. Sincerely, George Bush (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992 Title:

US Support for Lebanon: White House Statement

Fitzwater Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Lebanon Subject: Democratization [TEXT] President Bush met today with a group of prominent Lebanese-Americans and His Eminence, John Cardinal O'Connor, to review the situation in Lebanon in light of the recent elections. The President reaffirmed the long-standing commitment of the United States to the unity, sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Lebanon; the dissolution of all armed militias; and the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces. Consistent with these goals, the United States remains committed to the full and rapid implementation of both the spirit and the letter of the Taif agreement. The President also expressed his support for steps that strengthen the Lebanese Armed Forces in its efforts to expand its national authority. The President also reiterated his belief that the ongoing negotiations between Lebanon and Israel offer the best means to bring about a secure border for the peoples of both countries. Finally, the President noted that he looks forward to the day when Americans can again travel in safety to Lebanon, a day which can only come when the militias are disarmed and no longer free to threaten either Lebanese or Americans.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992 Title:

Russian Troop Withdrawal From Cuba: White House Statement

Fitzwater Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater Description: Statement, Washington, DC Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Caribbean Country: Cuba, Russia Subject: Military Affairs, Security Assistance and Sales [TEXT] We welcome the decision by Russia to withdraw the former Soviet infantry brigade from Cuba. President Bush sought this result in discussions with President Gorbachev, and, more recently, with President Yeltsin. This is further proof of the international isolation of the Castro regime from the community of nations. We remain committed to freedom and democracy being fully realized by all Cuban people and look forward to the day when Cuba joins the democracies of the Western Hemisphere. (###)