US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992
Title: Somalia: US Relief Efforts
Cohen
Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs
Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee, Washington, DC
Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa, MidEast/North Africa
Country: Somalia, Kenya
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Refugees, United Nations
[TEXT]
I am pleased to be here to discuss the current political situation in Somalia.
My colleague, Mr. Natsios [President's Special Coordinator for Somali Relief,
US Agency for International Development], will discuss the status of US
relief efforts there [see Dispatch Vol. 3, No. 39].
Experienced humanitarian workers continue to describe conditions in
Somalia as the worst they have seen. The International Committee of the
Red Cross (ICRC) estimates that 1.5 million Somalis are in dire need of
immediate assistance. As many as 4.5 million Somalis are in desperate need
of food and other forms of assistance. Starvation and malnutrition are
widespread, especially in the central and southern regions of the country.
Relief workers in remote areas fear that many rural people are dying before
they can reach feeding centers in the towns.
Less than 2 months ago, relief agencies estimated that Somalia needed
30,000 to 35,000 tons of food per month to feed the hungry. According to
recent estimates by the ICRC, the need for donated food is now twice as
great, and ICRC is calling for food deliveries of at least 52,000 tons per
month.
The desperate search for food has caused large-scale dislocations of
populations within Somalia and has created hundreds of thousands of
refugees who have moved into camps in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Djibouti.
Answering the Call for Help
As the chairman and members of this committee are aware, we have been
deeply involved in providing relief to Somalia for more than 18 months. To
date, our total contribution exceeds $148 million, including the delivery of
more than 80,000 tons of food. We have committed an additional 145,000
tons of food during the fiscal year commencing October 1.
On August 14, we announced plans to use Department of Defense (DOD)
aircraft to deliver food from Mombasa, Kenya, to locations in northern Kenya
and to Somalia itself. A DOD team arrived in Kenya on August 17 to make
preparations for the airlift.
On August 21, DOD was joined by a disaster assistance response team from
the US Agency for International Development's Office of Foreign Disaster
Assistance (OFDA) to work on the airlift as well as to plan additional US
measures.
My colleague, Mr. Natsios, will address these issues in some detail. I will
focus on the political aspects of the crisis.
We view the Government of Kenya as our partner in this operation, which is
also providing relief to thousands of Kenyan citizens affected by drought.
We will continue to coordinate closely with Kenyan authorities on all
elements of the operation.
Diplomatic and Political Initiatives
The fundamental issue facing the United States and the rest of the
international donor community in Somalia is how to deliver food and other
relief safely to those who need it. In his report to the Security Council on
the UN technical assessment of Somalia, Secretary General Boutros-Ghali
noted that the lack of security was the main obstacle to delivery of
substantially increased assistance. He cited both inter- and intra-clan
conflict and general lawlessness as the causes preventing effective
distribution of food relief where it is needed most.
The Secretary General's observations are right on the mark. The most
effective means of moving massive quantities of food is to do so overland in
truck convoys. This cannot be done, however, when relief convoys are looted
or when gangs of thugs attack supply points and distribution centers.
Support Deployment Of UN Food Guards
It is for this reason that we have been firm in our support for the UN's
strategy to improve security for relief operations by deploying UN food
guards at selected locations in Somalia. The Administration on August 13
offered to provide transportation to Mogadishu for the first contingent of
500 UN food guards from Pakistan. This deployment began on September 14
with the arrival in Mogadishu of a 40-member advance team aboard DOD
aircraft. The United States will also transport the main body of this unit
and their associated equipment to Mogadishu.
The United States has also given its full backing to the Secretary General's
recommendation for the basing of similar units at Bossasso in northeast
Somalia and, subject to the agreement of the Kenyan Government, at Mandera
in northeastern Kenya. There is also the possibility of other units at
Berbera in northwest Somalia and at Kismayo on the southeast coast. These
units would be drawn from the additional UN troops the Security Council
approved for deployment to Somalia in a resolution on August 28.
We also believe that once UN food guards are successfully deployed,
consideration should be given to moving some into key relief areas in the
interior where they could ensure safe and protected distribution.
UN Special Representative Mohamed Sahnoun has already begun
his consultations with key Somali factional leaders on the deployment of
the additional troops to other regions. Ambassador Sahnoun has
demonstrated remarkable skill in gaining the confidence of Somali leaders.
We want to assist his efforts in every possible way, especially as those
efforts show promise of conflict resolution between the warring factions in
Somalia.
Role of the US Special Envoy
In order to coordinate more closely with Ambassador Sahnoun, US
Ambassador Peter J. de Vos was named special envoy for Somalia on August
27. Ambassador de Vos is a highly experienced career diplomat with
extensive background in conflict resolution. His central objective is to
ensure coordination of US support of the UN effort to bring peace and
national reconciliation to the people of Somalia.
Ambassador de Vos has met several times with Ambassador Sahnoun. They
discussed such issues of relief and reconciliation, and the need for a
comprehensive international approach to resolve the Somali crisis.
Consultations To Support UN Efforts
Ambassador de Vos has since traveled to northeastern and southern Somalia
and visited Mogadishu. He has held talks with several factional leaders,
including General Farah Mohamed Aideed, Ali Mahdi Mohamed, and Majertain
leader General Abshir Muse, whose movement controls northeastern Somalia.
Ambassador de Vos reinforced the message that no Somali faction can win a
military victory, and that dialogue is essential. De Vos found some Somali
parties less prepared than others to engage in dialogue or talk to each other.
It is clear that persistence, patience, and skill will be needed to achieve
reconciliation.
Ambassador de Vos has also consulted with key Horn of Africa leaders in
Djibouti and Ethiopia, met with representatives of the Eritrean provisional
government, and has talked with French, Italian, and British officials.
UN Conference on Relief Coordination and National Reconciliation
At every stop, Ambassador de Vos has hammered home the need for
international support of the UN's efforts. He has reinforced our particular
interest in a UN proposal to hold an international conference on the
coordination of Somalia relief. Special coordinator Natsios discussed this
issue with UN officials in Geneva and Rome. Our UN mission has followed
this matter closely with UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs Under
Secretary General Jan Eliasson. The Under Secretary has expressed his
genuine appreciation for our full support of this proposal.
The conference would bring together all of the participants in the relief
effort for Somalia to better structure and coordinate humanitarian
assistance. The conference would provide an opportunity to develop plans on
short-term emergency relief, a concept for longer-term assistance, and
strategies to address the issues of security, rehabilitation, and national
reconciliation.
Our consultations with UN officials, with our allies, and other international
donors have indicated broad support for the proposed conference to
coordinate relief in Somalia. We will continue to work with the United
Nations to ensure that the objectives established will be met.
We also support the UN idea of holding a follow-up conference with leaders
of Somali factions to gain their cooperation and begin the process of
national reconciliation. We all know that no relief strategy nor diplomatic
initiative will be fully successful in ending starvation and politically
motivated bloodshed without the cooperation of Somali leaders. It is
critical that they join with the international community in a full-fledged
effort to resolve the crisis in their country.
I strongly urge all Somali leaders to cooperate with the UN and the donors
and to pledge that food gets to the starving. This is a man-made tragedy. We
know that Somalia cannot be rehabilitated unless peace is re-established.
It is an illusion that any Somali leader can restore unity and peace by force
of arms. Past reconciliation conferences have failed because Somali
leaders have refused to talk to their opponents. I call on Somalis to heed
Ambassador Sahnoun's call for dialogue and reconciliation. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992
Title: Update on Situation in Ethiopia
Cohen
Source: Herman J. Cohen, Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs
Description: Statement before the Subcommittee on Africa of the
House Foreign Affairs Committee, Washington, DC
Date: Sep, 17 19929/17/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Subsaharan Africa
Country: Ethiopia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid, Refugees, Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee, I am pleased to testify
before you to update you on the situation in Ethiopia.
The transitional government of Ethiopia has had a difficult first year of
existence. After the May 1991 fall of the Mengistu regime, the transitional
government assumed leadership of a country that had been held together by
repression and force. The country was awash with arms and fighting groups
which had been contesting the Mengistu regime. Local and regional
government, including the police force, had essentially dissolved. People
began taking advantage of the situation; ethnic violence, revenge, and
outright banditry, including robbing relief trucks, became all too common.
The economy was virtually at a standstill. There was little foreign
exchange to purchase needed machinery and spare parts or enough raw
materials being produced to get factories operating again. People were still
suffering from the effects of long-term drought and famine. Ethiopia still
hosted refugees from Somalia and Sudan and faced the challenge of
reabsorbing its nationals who had been refugees in Somalia. In addition, the
300,000 persons in Mengistu's armed forces had to be demobilized in such a
way that they would not resort to acts of lawlessness in order to survive.
Assistance from the international community was slow in coming. Until the
spring of 1992, the United States was legislatively prohibited from
providing any assistance to Ethiopia other than humanitarian assistance.
Even with all these difficulties, progress has been made. The national
charter of basic principles to guide the government, adopted in the summer
of 1991, committed the government to fundamental human rights and
provided for the ratification of a constitution within 21/2 years. The
human rights situation has improved. People have freedom of speech, and
the groundwork was laid for a free press. This August, a commission to
write a constitution was formed. The United States plans to provide
technical experts to assist the commission in its work.
The transitional government has said that it would soon address the problem
of Mengistu regime officials being detained without charge. However, the
post of special prosecutor to investigate these cases and decide which ones
need to be brought to trial has still not been filled. We continue to urge the
Ethiopian Government to take action in this matter.
Local and regional elections were held in many areas of the country on June
21. These elections were the first attempt to hold multiparty elections in
Ethiopia's long history. To its credit, the transitional government gave
foreign journalists and election observers free access.
Based upon reports we have received from foreign observers, the elections
did not live up to expectations and were seriously flawed in several
respects. In the north, elections appear to have been free and fair, and voter
turnout was high. Reports from other areas of the country, particularly in
the south, suggest a combination of administrative problems and political
violence; intimidation and harassment denied voters a free choice among
candidates. In many cases, political parties took control of the voter and
candidate registration process. Voter registration materials were not made
available to supporters of parties opposing the one controlling the
registration process. Political party offices were closed, and political
party candidates and workers were imprisoned. Less than a week before the
election, five parties, including the Oromo Liberation Front [OLF], withdrew
from the process. The decampment of military forces by one party, the
Oromo Liberation Front, on the eve of the elections was also disruptive.
Aside from fraud and intimidation, the other major reason for election
irregularity was a pervasive lack of understanding of what the electoral
process was all about and a lack of election material. We were unable to
help fund needed voter and election official education programs in time for
these elections, because authority for such expenditure only became
available shortly before the elections were held.
The Joint International Observers Group, a coordinating body set up in Addis
Ababa for the foreign election observers, presented its evaluation of the
electoral process to President Meles, who indicated that the transitional
government would take steps to introduce needed electoral reform.
On July 16, the Ethiopian Council of Representatives established a neutral
committee to review the results of the June 21 local and regional elections
and to decide which elections should be restaged. In districts in which the
electoral process was irregular, we are strongly urging the Ethiopian
Government to take steps to rectify the situation. We are awaiting the
committee's findings.
For administrative and security reasons, elections were not held on June 21
in the Afar region, the Somali region, the city of Harar, and parts of the
Oromo region. Elections in parts of the Afar region were held on August 6.
While there was a significant reduction in the number of claims of fraud and
intimidation, the electoral process was still plagued by administrative
problems and a lack of preparation. The government plans to hold local and
regional elections in the remaining areas this month.
We will be working with the election commission, in cooperation with other
donors, to help the commission prepare for the national elections which will
be held once a constitution is written and ratified. We will also be
providing assistance for programs to help Ethiopians in and out of
government develop democratic institutions.
Aside from the electoral process, two of the major parties in Ethiopia, the
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Oromo
Liberation Front, still have unresolved differences. Three days after the
June 21 elections, the OLF withdrew from the transitional government. We
urge both the EPRDF and the OLF to resolve their differences through
negotiation. Through an international peace commission, consisting of the
US, British, Canadian, and Swedish ambassadors and the UN Development
Program representative, we are doing what we can to assist in this process.
To date, these mediation efforts have been slow but positive.
Turning to the economic situation, in most parts of Ethiopia, rains were
good both last year and this year. However, it will take 2-3 years for
private sector farmers to get back on their feet and begin producing enough
food and other agricultural products to feed the people and meet the needs
of the food processing and textile factories.
On June 5, we signed a $15-million PL 480 Title III agreement with the
transitional government to supply wheat and cotton. The cotton is intended
to bridge the 2-3 year gap until private sector farmers can once again
provide cotton to the textile factories in the quantities needed. It will also
employ idle textile factory employees and help meet the domestic need for
textiles. The Title III wheat will increase the supply of affordable bread to
the urban population.
On August 27, we signed a multi-year $60-million Developing Competitive
Markets Program. This program, worth $25 million in FY 1992, will provide
agricultural inputs and transport equipment and foreign exchange to
purchase needed spare parts and machinery to be sold on the local market.
The local currency generated from these sales will be used in rehabilitation
and reconstruction projects. Not only will needed reconstruction be carried
out, but the wages the workers earn will help to put money back into the
economy. Funding under this program will be released in stages. To be
eligible for each stage, Ethiopia must meet mutually agreed upon goals in
deregulation and liberalization of agriculture and transport.
Also, I have been informed that Ethiopia is close to agreement with the
World Bank and IMF [International Monetary Fund] on a structural adjustment
program. This program will require well-defined economic reforms.
While our goal is to move from humanitarian relief to development
assistance, we will continue to supply humanitarian relief to Ethiopia as
necessary.
US assistance to Ethiopia is dependent upon progress in democracy and
human rights. We continue to closely monitor progress in these two areas
and design our programs so as to promote democracy and privatization of
the economy. We appeal to the Ethiopian parties to resolve their differences
peaceably and through dialogue. Ethiopians cannot allow renewed conflict to
thwart the commitment of donors to assist in politically and economically
rebuilding this ancient land. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992
Title: Status of Detention Centers In Bosnia-
Hercegovina
Blackwell
Source: Kenneth Blackwell, US Representative to the UN
Human Rights Commission
Description: Address before the CSCE (Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe) Committee of Senior Officials, Prague,
Czechoslovakia
Date: Sep, 15 19929/15/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro,
Yugoslavia (former), Croatia
Subject: Human Rights, Regional/Civil Unrest, POW/MIA Issues,
United Nations, CSCE
[TEXT]
At the August 13-14 meeting of this committee, you directed that a
delegation of experts be dispatched immediately to investigate the
humanitarian and human rights situation in Bosnia-Hercegovina, and to
determine, to the extent feasible and in the shortest possible time, the
status and treatment of the people in the detention centers in Bosnia-
Hercegovina.
Sir John Thomson of the United Kingdom, an accomplished diplomat, assisted
by me and a distinguished group of legal, medical, and political experts,
carried out this mission from August 29 through September 4, a period of 1
week. The group visited 20 detention camps, prisons, and suspected
locations in 13 cities and towns in Bosnia-Hercegovina, and one suspected
camp in Serbia. The delegation was divided into two self-contained groups.
I headed the group which investigated locations in the southern region,
largely under the control of Muslim and Croatian forces. Sir John Thomson
headed the group which investigated locations in northern Bosnia-
Hercegovina, including Sarajevo. We prepared our report in London,
September 6-7. Sir John Thomson asked that I present it formally to you
today.
Our mission saw places of detention where thousands are held, often under
conditions of terror and severe hardship. For example, we saw thousands of
men being kept in cattle sheds. Among our conclusions, we found:
-- A comparatively small percentage of prisoners are genuine POWs
[prisoners of war]. The remainder should never have been imprisoned. The
largest number of these were in places of detention under Serb control.
-- We witnessed the results of beatings, wounds, fractures, and other
injuries in camps controlled by Serbian, Muslim, and Croatian authorities
and have reason to believe that innocent prisoners on all sides have been
executed.
-- It is not too strong to say that the vast majority of prisoners are living
in fear, and some in terror, of their lives.
-- With few exceptions, none of these camps will be suitable for detainees
this winter. In some centers, the degree of overcrowding is intolerable.
-- Some centers visited have no local supply of safe water.
-- In all centers, food rations are or have been inadequate.
-- Camp clinics, where they exist, are almost all very basic.
-- Personal hygiene is seriously compromised for most detainees.
Our mission was also tasked to offer concrete proposals and to take
appropriate steps during our operation to support fulfillment of the vital
humanitarian tasks of the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross]
and the UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for Refugees] and other international
and local bodies concerned with the alleviation of the suffering caused by
the present military conflict in the former Yugoslavia. Among the mission's
recommendations are the following:
-- In all, the CSCE's deliberations and consultations related to places of
detention, the interests of the prisoners should be the first consideration.
-- Our report should be used to complement and support the efforts of [co-
chairmen of the Steering Committee of the International Conference on the
Former Yugoslavia] Lord Owen and Mr. Vance in the implementation of the
London agreements.
-- The CSCE should denounce "ethnic cleansing," insist on the right of all
citizens to return to their homes, and declare that forcible sales or
donations of property are null and void.
-- Within the foregoing framework there should be a "one-off operation" to
evacuate the "open center" at Trnopolje [in Bosnia-Hercegovina]. This has
been agreed orally by the parties and should be implemented immediately.
-- All prisoners should be unilaterally released simultaneously provided
that their subsequent safety is assured. At present almost none of them
wishes to go home; alternatives must be found elsewhere in Bosnia-
Hercegovina or abroad.
-- CSCE should establish a quadri-partite commission with one
representative each from the Bosnian Government and the Croat Bosnian and
Serb Bosnian communities. It should be chaired by an international
personality, and its main task would be to superintend the release of
prisoners and to investigate allegations of abuses.
-- Governments and responsible individuals should be held accountable for
abuses such as continued forcible detention and damage to property.
Extreme violations of international law are being committed with
increasing frequency and brutality throughout Bosnia-Hercegovina. The
extent of the violence inflicted on the civilian population by all parties is
appalling. The illegal detention of civilians, their mistreatment in
detention, and the savage destruction of life and property are widespread.
The policy of ethnic cleansing has resulted in summary executions,
deportation, and the forcible displacement of hundreds of thousands of
people--most if not all of this driven by ethnic and religious hatred. This
horrible combination of violations of humanitarian law demands that the
world community assign personal responsibility for these atrocities. This
report should be offered by the CSCE as a contribution to the collection of
evidence of war crimes, consistent with UN Security Council Resolution
771.
The findings of this mission are important in bringing pressure to dismantle
these camps. I urge you to consider the results of our work carefully and to
give the findings immediate and the widest possible distribution so that the
public may know of the situation that now exists in Bosnia-Hercegovina. I
truly believe that the immediate and wide exposure of our findings can save
lives. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992
Title: Continued Pressure on Iraq To Comply With UN
Security Council Resolutions
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Text of a letter from the President to the Speaker of
the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of
the Senate
Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: United Nations, Human Rights, Military Affairs
[TEXT]
Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq
Resolution (Public Law 102-1), and as part of my continuing effort to keep
the Congress fully informed, I am again reporting on the status of efforts to
obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the U.N. Security
Council.
Since the events described in my report of July 16, 1992, Coalition members
have decided upon further measures to implement Security Council
Resolution 688, which requires Iraq to end the repression of its civilian
population immediately, to allow immediate access by international
humanitarian organizations to all parts of Iraq, and to make available all
facilities for the operation of these organizations. Far from complying with
Resolution 688, in recent months Saddam has increased his repression of
the civilian population in both the northern and southern parts of the
country. In southern Iraq, according to U.N. Human Rights Commission
Rapporteur Max Van der Stoel, Iraqi authorities use jet fighters, helicopter
gunships, and scorched earth methods and have drained marshlands, thereby
depriving residents of food and leaving them vulnerable to military
repression. United Nations workers in southern Iraq, harassed by Iraqi
officials, have been unable to learn fully the extent of Iraqi repression.
Members of the Coalition have reviewed means available to assist the
United Nations in monitoring Iraqi compliance with Resolution 688. The
Iraqi Foreign Minister has informed the United Nations that Iraq would not
accept U.N. monitors. The Coalition has decided to begin aerial
reconnaissance of southern Iraq to monitor the situation. Moreover, the
Coalition has announced that Iraqi aircraft and helicopters will not be
permitted to fly south of the 32d parallel. This "no-fly zone" is similar to
that established in northern Iraq as part of Operation Provide Comfort and
will include expanded monitoring of southern Iraq from the air. As in
northern Iraq, United States, British, and French Coalition forces are
enforcing the no-fly zone south of the 32d parallel. As a result of the no-
fly zone, Iraqi use of aircraft to conduct repression of the civilian
population in the region, in particular the bombing of citizens around marsh
areas, has stopped.
I have ordered U.S. participation in the enforcement of the no-fly zone and
expanded aerial surveillance of southern Iraq under my constitutional
authority as Commander in Chief and consistent with the Authorization for
Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1).
Since the events noted in my last report, the U.N. Special Commission on
Iraq (UNSCOM) has continued to investigate Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction (WMD) program and to verify the destruction of relevant
facilities, equipment, and weapons. The most recent ballistic missile
inspection, August 8-18, 1992, found new information on Iraq's ballistic
missile program, including confirmation that facilities not previously
reported by Iraq were involved in that program. (In July 1992, Iraq had
provided what it called a "full, final, and complete" report on its WMD
program; as subsequent inspections have revealed, this report is incomplete.
U.N. Security Council Resolution 687 required that Iraq provide a full report
in April 1991.) The 14th nuclear inspection team, from August 31-
September 7, verified the destruction and rendering harmless of facilities
and equipment at Ash Sharqat and Tarmiya, two mirror-image facilities for
uranium enrichment, and made arrangements for the destruction of
remaining facilities. It also began water sampling of Iraqi rivers to
measure any level of radioactivity that might indicate an operative water-
cooled reactor nearby. Regular inspections of declared and suspected sites
will continue.
These inspection efforts have been subjected to Iraqi interference. Most
notoriously, Iraqi authorities refused to admit an UNSCOM team into the
Agriculture Ministry for three weeks, even though Resolution 687 requires
that Iraq permit "urgent" inspections of any location designated by UNSCOM
and Security Council Resolution 707 requires Iraq to allow immediate and
unrestricted access to any such area. When the inspection took place, it
appeared that information had been removed from the Ministry and files
altered. In the weeks before entering the Agriculture Ministry, UNSCOM
inspectors suffered petty acts of harassment, demonstrations by large
crowds that appeared likely to become violent, vandalism of vehicles, and
armed attacks; subsequent inspection teams have also been harassed. For a
short time, Iraqi officials voiced opposition to the participation of
Coalition members in UNSCOM inspections. They have also said that they
will deny UNSCOM access to government ministries.
The Security Council and Coalition members have responded to each Iraqi
interference with diplomatic means. We have been prepared to employ
stronger measures, however, and our resolve has played a crucial role in
obtaining Iraqi compliance. We will remain prepared to use all necessary
means, in accordance with U.N. Security Council resolutions, to assist the
United Nations in removing the threat posed by Iraq's chemical, biological,
and nuclear weapons capability.
UNSCOM continues to face a shortage of funds. We have recently contributed
$30 million, bringing our contributions to a total of over $40 mil-lion since
UNSCOM's inception. We have persuaded other nations to contribute as well
and expect at least $30 million in additional contributions to reach UNSCOM
in the next several months. More funding will be necessary, however.
Following increasing Iraqi challenges to the work of the Iraq-Kuwait
Boundary Demarcation Commission, Iraq informed the Secretary General that
it would no longer participate in the Commission's work. Its announcement
does not affect the Commission's competence under Security Council
Resolution 687. On July 24, the Commission made a further report to the UN
Secretary General describing its findings on the land boundary between Iraq
and Kuwait. On August 26, in Resolution 773, the Security Council
welcomed the Commission's decisions and underlined its guarantee of the
inviolability of the boundary and its decision to take all necessary measures
to that end. The physical demarcation of the land boundary is expected to be
completed by the end of the year. In addition, in October the Commission
plans to renew its consideration of the offshore boundary.
Since my last report, the U.N. Compensation Commission has continued to
prepare for the processing of claims from individuals, corporations, other
entities, governments, and international organizations that suffered direct
loss or damage as a result of Iraq's unlawful invasion and occupation of
Kuwait. The next session of the Governing Council of the Commission is
scheduled in Geneva, September 21-25, 1992, with a further meeting in
December.
At an informal meeting on August 7, the Governing Council discussed the
continuing serious financial difficulties confronting the Commission. These
difficulties persist, despite a $2 million loan from the Kuwaiti Government,
received in June, and an additional $1 million from the United States, which
was noted in my last report. The Commission must now develop computer
software and services needed to process claims, at an estimated one-time
cost of $2.8 [million] to $6.6 million and an annual cost of about $1.2
million. Unless funding is found immediately, the Commission's financial
difficulties threaten to delay or halt the entire compensation process.
Meanwhile, the Commission has released to governments the forms for
claims by governments and international organizations (Form F). On July 6,
the Department of State distributed the forms for claims by corporations
and other entities (Form E) to over 500 potential U.S. claimants. The
Department also continues to collect and review over 1,500 claims received
from individuals and has scheduled its next filing of such claims with the
Commission in September.
In accordance with paragraph 20 of Resolution 687, the Sanctions
Committee has received notices that approximately 3.1 million tons of
foodstuffs have been shipped to Iraq thus far in 1992. The Sanctions
Committee also continues to consider and, when appropriate, approve
requests to send to Iraq materials and supplies for essential civilian needs.
Iraq, in contrast, has for months maintained a full embargo against its
northern provinces. Iraq has also refused to utilize the opportunity under
Resolutions 706 and 712 to sell $1.6 billion in oil, most of the proceeds
from which could be used by Iraq to purchase foodstuffs, medicines,
materials, and supplies for essential civilian needs of its population. The
Iraqi authorities bear full responsibility for any suffering in Iraq that
results from their refusal to implement Resolutions 706 and 712.
Through the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the United
States, Kuwait, and our allies continue to press the Government of Iraq to
comply with its obligations under Security Council resolutions to return
some 800 detained Kuwaiti and third-country nationals. Likewise, the
United States and its allies continue to press the Government of Iraq to
return to Kuwait all property and equipment removed from Kuwait by Iraq.
Iraq continues to withhold necessary cooperation on these issues and to
resist unqualified ICRC access to detention facilities in Iraq.
I remain grateful for the support of the Congress for these efforts and look
forward to continued cooperation toward achieving our mutual objectives.
Sincerely,
George Bush (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992
Title: US Support for Lebanon: White House
Statement
Fitzwater
Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Lebanon
Subject: Democratization
[TEXT]
President Bush met today with a group of prominent Lebanese-Americans
and His Eminence, John Cardinal O'Connor, to review the situation in Lebanon
in light of the recent elections. The President reaffirmed the long-standing
commitment of the United States to the unity, sovereignty, independence,
and territorial integrity of Lebanon; the dissolution of all armed militias;
and the withdrawal of all non-Lebanese forces. Consistent with these
goals, the United States remains committed to the full and rapid
implementation of both the spirit and the letter of the Taif agreement.
The President also expressed his support for steps that strengthen the
Lebanese Armed Forces in its efforts to expand its national authority. The
President also reiterated his belief that the ongoing negotiations between
Lebanon and Israel offer the best means to bring about a secure border for
the peoples of both countries. Finally, the President noted that he looks
forward to the day when Americans can again travel in safety to Lebanon, a
day which can only come when the militias are disarmed and no longer free
to threaten either Lebanese or Americans.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 38, September 21, 1992
Title: Russian Troop Withdrawal From Cuba: White House
Statement
Fitzwater
Source: White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater
Description: Statement, Washington, DC
Date: Sep, 16 19929/16/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Caribbean
Country: Cuba, Russia
Subject: Military Affairs, Security Assistance and Sales
[TEXT]
We welcome the decision by Russia to withdraw the former Soviet infantry
brigade from Cuba. President Bush sought this result in discussions with
President Gorbachev, and, more recently, with President Yeltsin. This is
further proof of the international isolation of the Castro regime from the
community of nations. We remain committed to freedom and democracy
being fully realized by all Cuban people and look forward to the day when
Cuba joins the democracies of the Western Hemisphere. (###)