US Department of State 

Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992

Title:

Intervention at the London Conference On the Former Yugoslavia

Eagleburger Source: Acting Secretary Eagleburger Description: Intervention on August 26, during the conference held August 26-28, 1992, London, United Kingdom Date: Aug, 26 19938/26/93 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Yugoslavia (former), Serbia-Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Democratization, Human Rights, CSCE, United Nations [TEXT] We have gathered here today because, as members of the family of nations-- East and West, Muslim, Christian or Jew--we are compelled to help the peoples of the former Yugoslavia in their hour of suffering and need. But the decisions we make in London on their behalf will have consequences beyond the crisis at hand. For what we accomplish--or fail to accomplish--cannot help but influence the future of Europe and the shape of the post-Cold War international system. Just 3 years ago, mankind began anew its long-interrupted march toward freedom, enlightenment, and the rule of law. We had every reason then to hope that all nations liberated from communism would join not only the Western circle of democracy, but also the circle of peace created by the reconciliation of historical enemies. We envisaged, in short, an enlarged commonwealth of democracies poised to enter the 21st century, having transcended the hatreds and rivalries which had so blighted the century we were about to leave. Those hopes remain undiminished, but, in the meantime, events in the former Yugoslavia have confronted us with the specter there of history not transcended but relived and of the vision of that land's future as a re- enactment of its tragic past. Indeed, there is a chilling echo today in the former Yugoslavia of some of Europe's darkest moments--of previous examples of racially inspired repression, aggression, and territorial expansion. However, history teaches that the conquests of past ethnic cleansers have tended to be short-lived and that peoples in whose name their crimes were committed have tended to enjoy an unhappy fate. True friends of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia must acknowledge that history did not begin there yester-day, and that the tragedy now unfolding has ancient and complicated roots. They are aware, in particular, that the people of Serbia were one of World War II's principal victims, and they sympathize with their suffering which is still fresh in the minds of many. I represent a government, in fact, which historically has enjoyed a special relationship with the people of Serbia. And I recognize that in the ongoing Yugoslav turmoil, crimes have been committed on all sides. But it is Serbs, alas, who are most guilty today of crimes which mimic those of their former tormentors, and which violate the sacred memory of ancestors who suffered at their hands. And it is the Serbs who face a spectacularly bleak future unless they manage to change the reckless course their leaders chose for the new nation. I make this prediction without satisfaction, but I make it because we must be absolutely clear: The civilized world simply cannot afford to allow this cancer in the heart of Europe to flourish, much less spread. We must wrest control of the future from those who would drag us back into the past, and demonstrate to the world--especially to the world's 1 billion Muslims--that the Western democracies will oppose aggression under all circumstances, not oppose it in one region and appease it in another. To be sure, we will not settle this conflict here today in London. But neither will we acquiesce in the de facto constitution of a greater Serbia. What we will do, I hope, is to establish a coordinated, integrated, and ongoing process of negotiations which will culminate in a reversal of Serb aggression and the integration of the former Yugoslav republics into the wider framework of a democratic Europe. Here at this conference, we should offer leaders throughout the former Yugoslavia the choice of cooperating with the international community or paying what we will ensure is an unacceptable price for aggression. And we should, here at this conference, place squarely before the people of Serbia the choice they must make between joining a democratic and prosperous Europe or joining their leaders in the opprobrium, isolation, and defeat which will be theirs if they continue on their present march of folly. In brief, the United States expects this conference to undertake the following specific tasks.
Humanitarian Relief
First, the delivery of humanitarian relief to the victims of this conflict, and the granting of immediate, complete, and unimpeded access to all detention camps. With winter approaching, our immediate priority is to address urgently the task of housing and feeding the hundreds of thousands who have been left homeless in Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, Serbia, and Macedonia. We must also funnel humanitarian assistance to hundreds of thousands more who are besieged inside Bosnia, so that they do not become the next wave of refugees. It will require the opening of safe corridors to accomplish this goal. The international community must have unimpeded access by ground and air to deliver humanitarian relief. And while we seek to cooperate peacefully with all sides, we must be prepared to use all means necessary to ensure that help reaches its destination. To date, the United Nations and the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] have helped deliver some $500-million worth of assistance to the war zone. But the UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for Refugees] has now called concerned governments to meet again on September 4 [1992] to implement a concrete plan for expanding convoys into Bosnia and meeting the winter shelter needs of refugees everywhere in the former Yugoslavia. The United States will make an initial contribution of more than $40 million and an additional contribution after October. Beyond direct financial assistance, our support will include food, medicine, shelter materials, transportation, and technical assistance. Let me say, parenthetically, that we are aware of the risk that humanitarian assistance could, if we are not careful, help consolidate the land-grab in Bosnia and the political cantonization which the United States categorically opposes. Therefore, we believe it is not too soon for the international community to begin addressing the issue of how we will assist refugees to return to--and to rebuild--what is left of their homes and villages. This is an issue which will have to be part of any political settlement of the present crisis which obtains the support of the United States, and it will require another substantial infusion of international assistance. Finally, we must insist upon an end to the abuses being committed in detention camps throughout Bosnia, and the disbandment of those camps. The international community must receive full access to all such camps at once and on a continuing basis. The ICRC should do all it can to accelerate its ongoing inspections and be joined in its efforts by rapporteurs from the UNHRC [UN Human Rights Commission] and CSCE [Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe].
A Negotiating Process
Our second task here is to seek a definitive halt to the violence inflicted day after day on the people of Bosnia. As a first step, I call upon the Serbian forces to lift the sieges of Sarajevo, Gorazde, Tuzla, Bihac, Mostar, and other Bosnian cities--a step which must be part of a larger diplomatic process. Toward this end, we must create a durable international negotiating mechanism, one that will operate permanently with all the relevant parties present to achieve a just and lasting settlement. I emphasize the words "just and lasting." The Government of Serbia has stated its willingness in London to negotiate peace. But we must make certain that in agreeing to a negotiating mechanism, all parties agree as well to negotiate on the basis of principles enshrined in the UN Charter and CSCE--namely, a commitment to the peaceful resolution of disputes; respect for the territorial integrity of other states; rejection of efforts to change borders by force; guarantee of fundamental human rights, including the rights of minorities; safe return to their homes of populations victimized by "ethnic cleansing;" and mandatory compliance with efforts to deliver humanitarian assistance. Only by agreeing to a peace process based on these principles can we ensure that negotiations do not become a vehicle for consolidating the fruits of aggression.
Punishing and Quarantining Aggression
But successful negotiations will require us, above all, to raise the costs now for those who perpetuate the violence and continue to hold territory acquired by force. Thus, we believe the third task of this conference is to reaffirm the international community's resolve to tighten comprehensive economic sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro and to maintain its political isolation until all relevant [UN] Security Council resolutions are complied with. At the same time, we should make all other parties to the conflict aware that we will impose sanctions against them, too, if they act with similar viciousness. We understand that tightening sanctions will impose hardships on the traditional trading partners of Serbia-Montenegro, and we encourage efforts to help compensate those states whose strict compliance with the sanctions is causing them undue pain. But we must resolve no longer to tolerate continuing and flagrant violations of the sanctions regime. Several steps are necessary. One, the UN Sanctions Committee transshipment guidelines must be strengthened to include strict documentation and inspection procedures. Two, in agreement with the Government of Romania, we will move quickly to place multinational sanctions monitors in Romania. The United States is ready to contribute experts and equipment to this operation. Similar arrangements should also be established in other areas bordering Serbia-Montenegro, including Hungary, Bulgaria, Albania, and Macedonia. Three, we must implement new measures to eliminate violations occurring via the Danube River.
Preventive Diplomacy
The fourth task for this conference must be in the realm of preventive diplomacy--namely, to ensure the conflict does not expand into areas and countries not yet directly affected by the fighting. The immediate step must be to implement decisions taken 2 weeks ago by the CSCE to insert continuous human rights monitors into those areas of Serbia--Kosovo, Vojvodina, and the Sandzak--that could become the next targets of aggression. Further, Serbian leaders have expressed their readiness to permit international observers on their territory, including along the Bosnian-Serbian border, and at airbases in Serbia and Montenegro. Now is the time to turn these words into effective action by deciding, here today, to place observers along that border and at those airbases. These monitors must be complemented by others in the states and regions bordering Serbia. Their function would be to serve both as a deterrent to an expansion of the fighting and as an "early warning" of its imminent occurrence. The European Community (EC) is actively working with Albania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, and Greece to put into place such monitoring teams. We applaud these efforts, urge that they be completed as soon as possible, and stand ready to help as we can. At the same time, the United States is making efforts to put monitors on the ground in the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia, and we will cooperate with the EC to provide the residents of this region with economic help as well.
Conclusion
I began by describing the tragedy in the former Yugoslavia in terms of the seemingly endless cycle of violence and vengeance which has characterized that region for so many centuries. But in truth, there is nothing fatalistic about what is going on in those lands. The fact of the matter is that the conflict was willed by men seeking to perpetuate Europe's last communist regime by manipulating age-old hatreds and fears. The fact of the matter is that the peoples of the former Yugoslavia can still refuse to drink the lethal brew which their leaders have put before them. If they should so refuse, they will be able to join a democratic Europe in a process of integration which is rendering obsolete traditional notions of sovereignty, and which is enhancing the interests of minorities across the continent. The world's democracies--most certainly including the United States--will welcome the Serbs to their midst, and offer them greater security than they could ever hope to enjoy under the law of the jungle now prevailing. But those peoples who choose the irrational path of hatred and aggression cannot expect membership in the newly enlarged community of democratic nations. We will simply not allow them to make a mockery of the more humane and rational future that the collapse of communism and the end of the threat of nuclear holocaust promise. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

Bosnia Chronology: Developments Related to the Crisis in Bosnia: March 10-August 28, 1992

PA Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Aug, 28 19928/28/92 Category: Chronologies Region: E/C Europe Country: Yugoslavia (former), Serbia-Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia Subject: History [TEXT] March 10, 1992 The United States and the European Community (EC) issue a joint declaration in support of ongoing efforts by the United Nations and the EC to achieve a political settlement to the crisis among the republics of Yugoslavia. April 7 The United States recognizes the independence of Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia. April 27 Serbia and Montenegro proclaim the dissolution of the Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia and the establishment of a new state, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The United States does not recognize this new state. May 6 At a Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) meeting in Helsinki, the United States condemns perpetrators of violence in Bosnia- Hercegovina and urges that Serbian representatives be excluded from all CSCE activities. May 12 After delivering a strong warning, the US Ambassador in Belgrade is recalled to Washington, DC, for consultations. May 14 The State Department Spokesman expresses concern about allegations of "ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia-Hercegovina. May 20 The United States suspends landing rights for Yugoslav National Airlines. A CSCE Committee of Senior Officials calls for urgent action to provide humanitarian relief in Bosnia-Hercegovina. May 22 Secretary Baker, in London, announces diplomatic sanctions against Serbia- Montenegro because of the "humanitarian nightmare." With US support, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia become members of the United Nations. May 24 Secretary Baker, in Lisbon, announces that the United States has initiated discussions at the United Nations on Chapter VII sanctions. He states that "before we consider force, we ought to exhaust all of the political, diplomatic, and economic remedies that might be at hand." May 28 The White House announces a $9-million contribution to assist refugees in Bosnia-Hercegovina. May 30 The United Nations adopts Resolution 757, co-sponsored by the United States, imposing immediate sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro, including a trade embargo, the freezing of assets abroad, the prohibition of services related to aircraft and weapons, the prohibition of air traffic, the reduction of diplomatic staff, a ban on participation in official cultural and sporting events, and suspension of scientific and technical cooperation. President Bush freezes Yugoslav assets in the US. June 1 A UN-mediated cease-fire in Sarajevo takes effect. It lasts only 2 hours. June 4 The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) condemns continuing violence in Yugoslavia, criticizing Serbia and Montenegro. June 5 President Bush issues an executive order imposing a trade embargo on Serbia-Montenegro. June 8 The UN Security Council (UNSC) adopts Resolution 758 authorizing 60 observers to secure Sarajevo's airport for the delivery of humanitarian relief once a cease-fire is in place. June 10 The CSCE establishes an 11-nation task force on Yugoslavia. June 23 In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Secretary Baker announces that he will recommend that the President refuse ambassadorial recognition from Belgrade, close the Yugoslav consulate in Chicago, and support suspension of Serbia-Montenegro as participants in international organizations. June 26 The UN Secretary General tells the Security Council that a new Serb military offensive threatens the feasibility of UN forces successfully reopening Sarajevo airport. He suggests the Council consider alternative means of aiding Sarajevo. June 27 An EC declaration refuses to recognize Serbia-Montenegro as the successor state to Yugoslavia. The declaration does not exclude support for military action by the United Nations to achieve humanitarian objectives. June 29 The UNSC adopts Resolution 761 authorizing deployment of additional forces to ensure functioning of the Sarajevo airport and delivery of humanitarian aid. Thirty-four UN peacekeepers officially assume control of the airport from Serbian forces. June 30 The UNSC unanimously adopts a resolution establishing a joint commission to monitor restoration of Croatian authority in zones outside UN-protected areas. The resolution urges Croatia to withdraw to positions held prior to its June 21 offensive and urges the Serb territorial defense forces in Croatia to withdraw and disarm. Department of Defense Secretary Richard Cheney says the United States is prepared to provide air and naval escort protection to humanitarian relief convoys enroute to Sarajevo if explicitly authorized by the UNSC. July 1 In a meeting with the leader of the Serbian Democratic Party, Mr. Micunovic, Deputy Secretary Eagleburger emphasizes that Serbia can only end its international isolation by complying with all relevant UNSC resolutions and CSCE principles. July 3 The UN begins coordinating an airlift of relief supplies to Sarajevo. July 7 The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) re-establishes its presence in Bosnia-Hercegovina and renews its efforts to visit detention centers. July 8 The CSCE Committee of Senior Officials decides not to allow attendance by Serbia or Montenegro at the CSCE summit meeting in Helsinki or at future meetings. July 9 A CSCE summit declaration condemns Serbian aggression and calls for an end to violence. July 10 Secretary Baker meets with Serbian Prime Minister-designate Milan Panic in Helsinki and spells out the steps needed for compliance by Serbia- Montenegro with UNSC resolutions. NATO, in coordination with the Western European Union, agrees on a maritime operation to monitor enforcement of sanctions against Serbia- Montenegro. July 13 The UNSC authorizes an increase in UN personnel in Sarajevo from 1,100 to 1,600. July 16 In the Adriatic Sea, NATO's Standing Naval Force Mediterranean begins monitoring of compliance by Serbia-Montenegro with UN sanctions. July 19 A cease-fire negotiated at meetings in London on July 17 is broken. July 27 EC-sponsored peace talks resume in London. July 28 The United States grants 1-year temporary protection to residents of Bosnia-Hercegovina already in the United States. July 29 Participants in EC-mediated peace talks agree to establish a coordinating committee to discuss cease-fire arrangements, refugees, and humanitarian aid in Bosnia-Hercegovina. August 4 Acting Secretary Eagleburger instructs US missions to press for immediate ICRC access to any places of detention. The UNSC President demands unimpeded access to detention centers in Bosnia-Hercegovina by international organizations, including the ICRC. August 5 Acting Secretary Eagleburger announces additional US actions, including a request for an emergency meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) to examine reports of alleged abuses in detention centers in Serbia and Bosnia-Hercegovina and a request that the CSCE investigate these allegations. He also indicates that the United States is sending monitors to Romania to evaluate the effects of UN sanctions and is developing a resolution that would call on states to collect substantiated information on "war crimes" and transmit such information to the UNSC. August 6 President Bush outlines further US efforts to contain the crisis. These include: -- Support for passage by the UNSC of a resolution authorizing the use of all necessary measures to facilitate delivery of humanitarian assistance; -- Establishment of diplomatic relations with Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina; -- Enhanced enforcement of sanctions against Serbia; -- Stationing of monitors to prevent the conflict from widening; and -- Intensified consultation with NATO on measures to assist the United Nations. August 7 The United States formally requests an emergency meeting of the CSCE Committee of Senior Officials to discuss further steps to address humanitarian problems in Bosnia-Hercegovina. August 8 UNHRC assessment teams depart for Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia to review the status of food, nutrition, shelter, and health programs. August 10 Thirty-five UNHRC members support the US proposal for a special session on the crisis in the former Yugoslavia. August 11 Croatia and Slovenia accept the US proposal to establish full diplomatic relations. August 13 Based on US initiative, UNSC Resolution 770 authorizes "all measures necessary" to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Bosnia- Hercegovina. US-sponsored UNSC Resolution 771 demands immediate access to detention centers by the ICRC and asks countries to provide information on possible violations of humanitarian law. A UNHRC special session on human rights abuses in the former Yugoslavia opens in Geneva. The CSCE Committee of Senior Officials begins its meeting. August 14 The UNHRC appoints a special rapporteur, Tadeusc Mazowiecki, to investigate violations of human rights abuses and report to the Secretary General by August 28, 1992. A UNHRC resolution calls for the ICRC to have unimpeded access to all detention facilities in the region. The North Atlantic Council, meeting to discuss preliminary plans drawn up by NATO's military authorities, requests a more detailed report by August 24. The Western European Union meets in Rome and directs its planning committee to examine military options by August 24. Bosnia-Hercegovina accepts the US proposal to establish full diplomatic relations. August 15 The CSCE appoints a rapporteur mission to inspect places of detention and report on alleged human rights abuses by September 16, 1992. It also confirms to the UN Secretary General its commitment to assist the UN in peace-keeping activities in Bosnia-Hercegovina. August 18 The UN Economic and Social Council endorses the UNHRC resolution on human rights abuses and confirms the appointment of the special rapporteur. August 19 At a Brussels meeting of NATO allies, some North Atlantic Cooperation Council partners, and Austria, the United States offers personnel and logistical support for a Romanian in-country mission to monitor sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro. August 19-23 CSCE Chairman-in-Office, Czechoslovakia Foreign Minister Moravic, visits Belgrade, Skopje, Sarajevo, and Zagreb to pass on the CSCE's strong message denouncing human rights violations and calling for access to detention centers, to secure early deployment of rapporteur and monitor missions, and to review the situation on the ground. August 20 The CSCE Steering Committee names Sir John Thompson head of the CSCE rapporteur mission on detention camps. The US Mission in Geneva offers to support the efforts of the special CSCE rapporteur by providing a US officer to accompany him to Zagreb. The CSCE Steering Committee accepts a US offer of an official to head a mission to Skopje to help prevent spillover of the violence. August 21 UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Mazowiecki departs with a team to the former Yugoslavia to inspect detention camps and examine the human rights situation. August 24 The UN General Assembly begins debate on the situation in Bosnia. Acting US Permanent Representative to the United Nations Watson reiterates US refusal to recognize the claim by Serbia and Montenegro to the rights and privileges of the former Yugoslavia at the United Nations. August 25 The UN General Assembly adopts a resolution calling on the Security Council to take "further appropriate measures" to end the war in Bosnia, including direct military action if necessary. President Bush authorizes $12 million from the US Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Fund to respond to the needs of displaced persons in the former Yugoslavia. He also signs a proclamation restoring Generalized System of Preferences benefits for all former Yugoslav republics, except Serbia and Montenegro. The United States opens embassies in Zagreb and Ljubljana and announces plans to open an embassy in Sarajevo when the security situation permits. NATO ambassadors review a contingency plan for use of 6,000 NATO troops to protect humanitarian convoys in Bosnia. Lord Carrington, the EC's special mediator in the Balkan crisis, announces he will no longer continue in that role. August 26 An international conference, co-sponsored by the United Nations and the European Community to develop an effective response to the continued violence in the former Yugoslavia, opens in London. Acting Secretary Eagleburger urges the conference to: -- Address urgently the delivery of humanitarian relief to the victims of the conflict and the granting of immediate access to all detention camps; -- Create a durable international negotiating mechanism, based on UN and CSCE principles, to achieve a just and lasting settlement; -- Tighten comprehensive economic sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro and to maintain its political isolation until it complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions; and -- Deter the expansion of the conflict by positioning human rights monitors in Serbia and the states and regions bordering Serbia. August 27 Decisions at the London conference lead to: -- Creation of a permanent negotiating forum to manage a political settlement of the crisis; -- Support for the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Hercegovina and recognition by the international community that territorial gains made by force will not be honored; -- A call for "full collaboration" by all parties to permit safe delivery of relief supplies to Bosnia-Hercegovina and long-term assistance for displaced persons; -- A call for "unconditional and unilateral release under international supervision of all civilians detained, and the closure without delay of the detention camps;" -- Agreement to expand the operations of the UN Protective Force (UNPROFOR) in support of UN humanitarian operations in Bosnia-Hercegovina; -- Commitment to place human rights monitors in the territories of the former Yugoslavia and in neighboring states and regions; and -- Agreement on an action plan to ensure rigorous application of sanctions against Serbia. Serbia and Montenegro undertake to cease intervention across their borders with Bosnia and Croatia; to the best of their ability restrain the Bosnian Serbs from taking territory by force and expelling local populations; and to fully observe the relevant resolutions of the UN Security Council. Participants agree to resume negotiations in Geneva on September 3, 1992. August 28 In a report presented to the UNHRC, Special Rapporteur Mazowiecki makes the following recommendations: -- Extending UNPROFOR's mandate to protect populations against human rights violations; -- Creating an information agency to combat racial hatred; -- Establishing a commission to investigate possible criminal acts; -- Basing human rights monitors on such threatened areas as Kosovo; and -- Setting up a commission on disappeared persons. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

Most-Favored-Nation Status for Albania

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Statement by President Bush, released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 26 19928/26/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Albania Subject: Trade/Economics [TEXT] Today, I am signing into law H.J. Res. 507, approving the extension of non- discriminatory treatment (most-favored-nation--MFN-- status) to the Republic of Albania. The US Government fully supports this resolution granting most-favored- nation status to the Republic of Albania. The bilateral trade agreement between the United States and Albania, of which MFN is a key element, was transmitted to the Congress during Albanian President Berisha's visit to Washington in June and marks an historic point in Albanian-American relations. Albania elected its first post-communist government in free and fair elections held in March of this year after decades of self-imposed isolation. Since then, the country has been struggling to convert to a free-market economy. The extension of MFN status to Albania could provide an impetus to Albania's faltering economy and help the country's difficult transition from a command economy to a free market. The United States now enjoys a close, cooperative relationship with the Government of Albania, a government that is firmly committed to democracy and the free market. We hope that with our assistance, and that of its other friends, Albania can transform itself from an under-developed, closed, centralized society to a democratic country with a free market. A freer and more prosperous Albania can also be a stabilizing force in the volatile Balkan region. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

US Contributions To Georgian Hospitals

Tutwiler Description: Joint statement by the United States and Georgia issued by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 24 19928/24/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: Eurasia Country: Georgia Subject: Development/Relief Aid [TEXT] After many years when an independent state of Georgia did not exist, the governments and peoples of the Republic of Georgia and the United States of America are, at last, on a fully equal basis. Besides participation together in the business of the international community in the United Nations and in many other organizations, Georgia and America also have many matters of bilateral interest and concern. Our activities today are addressed to one of those mutual concerns. All of us understand the very difficult period now being experienced by the Georgian people. After the events of the last 70 years, it is not easy to create political institutions for the new republic that will reflect democratic values and human rights. Fortunately, the elections of October 11, 1992, give great promise for creating a genuine national political consensus. An equally strong effort will be necessary to assure Georgia's economic regeneration as a market economy after decades of central planning and management from a long distance away. These transformations will inevitably cause disruption and hardship as old systems are terminated and new ones [are] inaugurated. America has been trying in different ways, alongside other Western countries, to relieve some of the difficulties which Georgia has already experienced and will continue to face. Thus, we have shipped in emergency food supplies and will, within 1 or 2 weeks, begin to deliver a large amount of additional wheat. We also intend to provide individual experts who can help with various projects of agricultural, industrial, and marketing development. Tomorrow's ceremonies, however, focus on an area of major social concern--the health of the Georgian people. During this period, when Georgia's national budget is under great strain from the decline of the economy, the government has only limited resources which it can devote to maintaining and rebuilding the nation's infrastructure, including its health care system. Fortunately, Georgia has a large number of truly excellent and devoted doctors who work in many hospitals. What the United States is contributing today is a sizable amount of modern medical equipment and supplies to two of the most important hospitals of Tbilisi. In making this delivery from the medical command of American military forces in Europe, the aim is to assist these two hospitals in Tbilisi to become even better prepared to serve the health needs of Georgia's citizens. We are confident that the many different relationships which Georgia and the United States are now establishing will further broaden and intensify in future years. All of us involved in this initial medical project are enthusiastic about what has been accomplished and about the possibilities for moving forward together.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

US Embassies Open In Croatia and Slovenia

Tutwiler Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 25 19928/25/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: E/C Europe Country: Croatia, Slovenia Subject: State Department [TEXT] On August 6, [1992] President Bush announced that the United States was establishing full diplomatic relations with Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia. The United States, today, will open embassies in Zagreb, Croatia, and Ljubljana, Slovenia. Our new embassy in Zagreb will be housed in our former consulate general building. Our new embassy in Ljubljana will be in temporary quarters at the USIS [US Information Service] cultural center and a local hotel. We plan to open an embassy in Sarajevo when the security situation there permits.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

US Calls for Cease-fire In Afghanistan

Tutwiler Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 27 19928/27/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: South Asia Country: Afghanistan Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Democratization [TEXT] Over the last several weeks, heavy fighting between Afghan factions has continued in Kabul and in other parts of the country causing hundreds of deaths of innocent civilians. The bulk of the deaths appear to have been caused by rocket and artillery bombardment of Kabul by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's forces outside the city. We deplore the loss of human life in Afghanistan. We are also deeply concerned that some diplomats seeking to escape mounting dangers from intense fighting have so far been unable to leave the city. We urge all sides to end the fighting and work for a political settlement of their differences. The United States joins Russia, Pakistan, and others in demanding an immediate cease-fire between the warring parties. We call on all parties to respect the principle of diplomatic immunity and to permit the safe travel of diplomats who want to leave Kabul.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

Electronic Bulletin Board For Consular Affairs

Tutwiler Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 25 19928/25/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: South Asia Country: Afghanistan Subject: State Department, Immigration, Travel [TEXT] An electronic bulletin board has been established in the Department of State's Bureau of Consular Affairs. The bulletin board, known as the Consular Affairs Bulletin Board (CABB), has been designed in compliance with the Aviation Security Improvement Act of 1990. That act required the Bureau of Consular Affairs to create a bulletin board for use by the American public. Users of the CABB will be able to access information from the Overseas Security Advisory Council's (OSAC) electronic bulletin board. Established in 1987 as a means for keeping the international business community informed about security or crime problems abroad, the OSAC bulletin board is maintained by the State Department's Bureau for Diplomatic Security. In addition to crime and security information, the CABB will contain data on a variety of consular subjects. These include travel advisories, passports for US citizens, emergencies involving US citizens abroad, visas for foreigners wishing to come to the United States, acquisition and loss of US citizenship, international adoptions, and entry requirements for Americans wishing to travel to other countries. Access to the CABB is free of charge to anyone with a computer and a modem. Callers dial 202-647-9225 from their modem. The modem speed should be set to either 300, 1,200, 2,400, 9,600, or 14,400 bps, and the termination communications program should be set to N-8-1 (no parity, 8 bits, 1 stop bit). Instructions to sign on are as follows: After dialing in to one of the 32 phone lines at 202-647-9225, callers will be prompted to enter their name, city, and state and will receive a prompt to confirm that information. No password is required. Next, callers will need to answer a series of questions about their personal computers in order to communicate with CABB. A general information screen will then appear. After reading it, users can press any key to continue. To access the data, users need to follow screen prompts to choose items from the menu, search the databases for key words (e.g., Peru, adoption), and download files on specific countries or regions. Callers should keep in mind that the numbered choices on CABB refer to the numbered keys and not to program function or PF keys. CABB operates with "hot keys" so users do not need to push the "enter/return" key to complete an action unless instructed to do so. Consular Affairs and the Bureau of Diplomatic Security will be updating the CABB throughout each day. Individuals with questions or comments on the material being provided by the CABB can send their inquiries to: Department of State, Bureau of Consular Affairs, Office of Public Affairs, Room 5807, Washington, DC 20520. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

'No-Fly Zone' in Southern Iraq

Bush Source: President Bush Description: Excerpt from a statement by President Bush released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC Date: Aug, 26 19928/26/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Iraq Subject: Military Affairs, Human Rights [TEXT] ...In recent weeks and months, we have heard and seen new evidence of harsh repression by the government of Saddam Hussein against the men, women, and children of Iraq. What emerges from eyewitness accounts, as well as from the detailed August 11 testimony before the UN Security Council of UN human rights envoy Max van der Stoel, is further graphic proof of Saddam's brutality. We now know of Saddam's use of helicopters and, beginning this spring, fixed-wing aircraft to bomb and strafe civilians and villages there in the south, his execution last month of merchants in Baghdad, and his gradual tightening of the economic blockade against the people of the north. These reports are further confirmation that the Government of Iraq is failing to meet its obligations under UN Security Council Resolution 688. This resolution, passed in April of 1991, demands that Saddam Hussein end repression of the Iraqi people. By denying access to human rights monitors and other observers, Saddam has sought to prevent the world from learning of his brutality. It is time to ensure the world does know. And, therefore, the United States and its coalition partners have today informed the Iraqi Government that 24 hours from now, coalition aircraft, including those of the United States, will begin flying surveillance missions in southern Iraq, south of the 32 degrees north latitude, to monitor the situation there. This will provide coverage of the areas where a majority of the most significant recent violations of Resolution 688 have taken place. The coalition is also informing Iraq's government that in order to facilitate these monitoring efforts, it is establishing a "no-fly zone" for all Iraqi fixed- and rotary-wing aircraft. This new prohibition will also go into effect in 24 hours over this same area. It will remain in effect until the coalition determines that it is no longer required. It will be similar to the "no-fly zone" the coalition imposed on northern Iraq more than 1 year ago. I want to emphasize that these actions are designed to enhance our ability to monitor developments in southern Iraq. These actions are consistent with long-standing US policy toward Iraq. We seek Iraq's compliance, not its partition. The United States continues to support Iraq's territorial unity and bears no ill will toward its people. We continue to look forward to working with a new leadership in Baghdad, one that does not brutally suppress its own people and violate the most basic norms of humanity. Until that day, no one should doubt our readiness to respond decisively to Iraq's failure to respect the "no-fly zone." Moreover, the United States and our coalition partners are prepared to consider additional steps should Saddam continue to violate this or other UN resolutions....(###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992 Title:

What's in Print: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960: Vol. XI, Lebanon and Jordan

HO Source: Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs Date: Aug, 31 19928/31/92 Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements Region: MidEast/North Africa Country: Jordan, Lebanon Subject: Military Affairs, Human Rights [TEXT] The Office of the Historian has released the microfiche supplement to Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, Volume XI, Lebanon and Jordan. This supplement and the print volume (released separately in July 1992) present the official record of US policy from files of the Department of State, the Eisenhower Library, the Department of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The compilation includes about 500 documents relating to military actions taken to sustain pro-Western governments in Lebanon and Jordan beginning in July 1958. The application of US military power in support of the Chamoun government in Lebanon was seen as a test of whether the United States would come to the assistance of nations that supported the Eisenhower Doctrine. This doctrine, established in March 1957, and supported by the Chamoun government, proclaimed the United States ready to support independence of states in the Middle East against threats to their independence from countries controlled by international communism. By the time US forces withdrew from Lebanon, civil war had been averted, and a moderately pro-Western government had been established. The microfiche supplement contains a printed guide with a preface that describes the methodology followed in selecting documents, outlines particular problems encountered during the volume's compilation, and evaluates the results of the declassification process. It also contains lists of files and other material consulted, as well as an index to the documents on the microfiche cards. The microfiche supplement to Volume XI (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02342-3) may be purchased for $11.00, domestic postpaid (international customers please add 25%) from the Government Printing Office, Superintendent of Documents, New Orders, PO Box 371954, Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954. For further information, contact Glenn W. LaFantasie, General Editor of the Foreign Relations series, at 202-663-1133. (###)