US Department of State Dispatch,
Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: Intervention at the London Conference On the
Former Yugoslavia
Eagleburger
Source: Acting Secretary Eagleburger
Description: Intervention on August 26, during the conference held
August 26-28, 1992, London, United Kingdom
Date: Aug, 26 19938/26/93
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Yugoslavia (former), Serbia-Montenegro,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia
Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Democratization,
Human Rights, CSCE, United Nations
[TEXT]
We have gathered here today because, as members of the family of nations--
East and West, Muslim, Christian or Jew--we are compelled to help the
peoples of the former Yugoslavia in their hour of suffering and need. But the
decisions we make in London on their behalf will have consequences beyond
the crisis at hand. For what we accomplish--or fail to accomplish--cannot
help but influence the future of Europe and the shape of the post-Cold War
international system.
Just 3 years ago, mankind began anew its long-interrupted march toward
freedom, enlightenment, and the rule of law. We had every reason then to
hope that all nations liberated from communism would join not only the
Western circle of democracy, but also the circle of peace created by the
reconciliation of historical enemies. We envisaged, in short, an enlarged
commonwealth of democracies poised to enter the 21st century, having
transcended the hatreds and rivalries which had so blighted the century we
were about to leave.
Those hopes remain undiminished, but, in the meantime, events in the
former Yugoslavia have confronted us with the specter there of history not
transcended but relived and of the vision of that land's future as a re-
enactment of its tragic past.
Indeed, there is a chilling echo today in the former Yugoslavia of some of
Europe's darkest moments--of previous examples of racially inspired
repression, aggression, and territorial expansion. However, history teaches
that the conquests of past ethnic cleansers have tended to be short-lived
and that peoples in whose name their crimes were committed have tended to
enjoy an unhappy fate.
True friends of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia must acknowledge that
history did not begin there yester-day, and that the tragedy now unfolding
has ancient and complicated roots. They are aware, in particular, that the
people of Serbia were one of World War II's principal victims, and they
sympathize with their suffering which is still fresh in the minds of many.
I represent a government, in fact, which historically has enjoyed a special
relationship with the people of Serbia. And I recognize that in the ongoing
Yugoslav turmoil, crimes have been committed on all sides. But it is Serbs,
alas, who are most guilty today of crimes which mimic those of their
former tormentors, and which violate the sacred memory of ancestors who
suffered at their hands. And it is the Serbs who face a spectacularly bleak
future unless they manage to change the reckless course their leaders chose
for the new nation.
I make this prediction without satisfaction, but I make it because we must
be absolutely clear: The civilized world simply cannot afford to allow this
cancer in the heart of Europe to flourish, much less spread. We must wrest
control of the future from those who would drag us back into the past, and
demonstrate to the world--especially to the world's 1 billion Muslims--that
the Western democracies will oppose aggression under all circumstances,
not oppose it in one region and appease it in another.
To be sure, we will not settle this conflict here today in London. But
neither will we acquiesce in the de facto constitution of a greater Serbia.
What we will do, I hope, is to establish a coordinated, integrated, and
ongoing process of negotiations which will culminate in a reversal of Serb
aggression and the integration of the former Yugoslav republics into the
wider framework of a democratic Europe. Here at this conference, we
should offer leaders throughout the former Yugoslavia the choice of
cooperating with the international community or paying what we will
ensure is an unacceptable price for aggression. And we should, here at this
conference, place squarely before the people of Serbia the choice they must
make between joining a democratic and prosperous Europe or joining their
leaders in the opprobrium, isolation, and defeat which will be theirs if they
continue on their present march of folly.
In brief, the United States expects this conference to undertake the
following specific tasks.
Humanitarian Relief
First, the delivery of humanitarian relief to the victims of this conflict, and
the granting of immediate, complete, and unimpeded access to all detention
camps.
With winter approaching, our immediate priority is to address urgently the
task of housing and feeding the hundreds of thousands who have been left
homeless in Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, Serbia, and Macedonia. We must also
funnel humanitarian assistance to hundreds of thousands more who are
besieged inside Bosnia, so that they do not become the next wave of
refugees. It will require the opening of safe corridors to accomplish this
goal. The international community must have unimpeded access by ground
and air to deliver humanitarian relief. And while we seek to cooperate
peacefully with all sides, we must be prepared to use all means necessary
to ensure that help reaches its destination.
To date, the United Nations and the ICRC [International Committee of the Red
Cross] have helped deliver some $500-million worth of assistance to the
war zone. But the UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for Refugees] has now
called concerned governments to meet again on September 4 [1992] to
implement a concrete plan for expanding convoys into Bosnia and meeting
the winter shelter needs of refugees everywhere in the former Yugoslavia.
The United States will make an initial contribution of more than $40 million
and an additional contribution after October. Beyond direct financial
assistance, our support will include food, medicine, shelter materials,
transportation, and technical assistance.
Let me say, parenthetically, that we are aware of the risk that humanitarian
assistance could, if we are not careful, help consolidate the land-grab in
Bosnia and the political cantonization which the United States categorically
opposes. Therefore, we believe it is not too soon for the international
community to begin addressing the issue of how we will assist refugees to
return to--and to rebuild--what is left of their homes and villages. This is
an issue which will have to be part of any political settlement of the
present crisis which obtains the support of the United States, and it will
require another substantial infusion of international assistance.
Finally, we must insist upon an end to the abuses being committed in
detention camps throughout Bosnia, and the disbandment of those camps.
The international community must receive full access to all such camps at
once and on a continuing basis. The ICRC should do all it can to accelerate
its ongoing inspections and be joined in its efforts by rapporteurs from the
UNHRC [UN Human Rights Commission] and CSCE [Conference on Security and
Cooperation in Europe].
A Negotiating Process
Our second task here is to seek a definitive halt to the violence inflicted
day after day on the people of Bosnia. As a first step, I call upon the
Serbian forces to lift the sieges of Sarajevo, Gorazde, Tuzla, Bihac, Mostar,
and other Bosnian cities--a step which must be part of a larger diplomatic
process. Toward this end, we must create a durable international
negotiating mechanism, one that will operate permanently with all the
relevant parties present to achieve a just and lasting settlement.
I emphasize the words "just and lasting." The Government of Serbia has
stated its willingness in London to negotiate peace. But we must make
certain that in agreeing to a negotiating mechanism, all parties agree as
well to negotiate on the basis of principles enshrined in the UN Charter and
CSCE--namely, a commitment to
the peaceful resolution of disputes; respect for the territorial integrity of
other states; rejection of efforts to change borders by force; guarantee of
fundamental human rights, including the rights of minorities; safe return to
their homes of populations victimized by "ethnic cleansing;" and mandatory
compliance with efforts to deliver humanitarian assistance. Only by
agreeing to a peace process based on these principles can we ensure that
negotiations do not become a vehicle for consolidating the fruits of
aggression.
Punishing and Quarantining Aggression
But successful negotiations will require us, above all, to raise the costs
now for those who perpetuate the violence and continue to hold territory
acquired by force. Thus, we believe the third task of this conference is to
reaffirm the international community's resolve to tighten comprehensive
economic sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro and to maintain its political
isolation until all relevant [UN] Security Council resolutions are complied
with. At the same time, we should make all other parties to the conflict
aware that we will impose sanctions against them, too, if they act with
similar viciousness.
We understand that tightening sanctions will impose hardships on the
traditional trading partners of Serbia-Montenegro, and we encourage efforts
to help compensate those states whose strict compliance with the
sanctions is causing them undue pain. But we must resolve no longer to
tolerate continuing and flagrant violations of the sanctions regime.
Several steps are necessary. One, the UN Sanctions Committee
transshipment guidelines must be strengthened to include strict
documentation and inspection procedures. Two, in agreement with the
Government of Romania, we will move quickly to place multinational
sanctions monitors in Romania. The United States is ready to contribute
experts and equipment to this operation. Similar arrangements should also
be established in other areas bordering Serbia-Montenegro, including
Hungary, Bulgaria, Albania, and Macedonia. Three, we must implement new
measures to eliminate violations occurring via the Danube River.
Preventive Diplomacy
The fourth task for this conference must be in the realm of preventive
diplomacy--namely, to ensure the conflict does not expand into areas and
countries not yet directly affected by the fighting.
The immediate step must be to implement decisions taken 2 weeks ago by
the CSCE to insert continuous human rights monitors into those areas of
Serbia--Kosovo, Vojvodina, and the Sandzak--that could become the next
targets of aggression. Further, Serbian leaders have expressed their
readiness to permit international observers on their territory, including
along the Bosnian-Serbian border, and at airbases in Serbia and Montenegro.
Now is the time to turn these words into effective action by deciding, here
today, to place observers along that border and at those airbases.
These monitors must be complemented by others in the states and regions
bordering Serbia. Their function would be to serve both as a deterrent to an
expansion of the fighting and as an "early warning" of its imminent
occurrence.
The European Community (EC) is actively working with Albania, Hungary,
Bulgaria, Romania, and Greece to put into place such monitoring teams. We
applaud these efforts, urge that they be completed as soon as possible, and
stand ready to help as we can. At the same time, the United States is
making efforts to put monitors on the ground in the former Yugoslav
republic of Macedonia, and we will cooperate with the EC to provide the
residents of this region with economic help as well.
Conclusion
I began by describing the tragedy in the former Yugoslavia in terms of the
seemingly endless cycle of violence and vengeance which has characterized
that region for so many centuries. But in truth, there is nothing fatalistic
about what is going on in those lands. The fact of the matter is that the
conflict was willed by men seeking to perpetuate Europe's last communist
regime by manipulating age-old hatreds and fears. The fact of the matter is
that the peoples of the former Yugoslavia can still refuse to drink the lethal
brew which their leaders have put before them.
If they should so refuse, they will be able to join a democratic Europe in a
process of integration which is rendering obsolete traditional notions of
sovereignty, and which is enhancing the interests of minorities across the
continent. The world's democracies--most certainly including the United
States--will welcome the Serbs to their midst, and offer them greater
security than they could ever hope to enjoy under the law of the jungle now
prevailing.
But those peoples who choose the irrational path of hatred and aggression
cannot expect membership in the newly enlarged community of democratic
nations. We will simply not allow them to make a mockery of the more
humane and rational future that the collapse of communism and the end of
the threat of nuclear holocaust promise. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: Bosnia Chronology: Developments Related to the
Crisis in Bosnia: March 10-August 28, 1992
PA
Source: Office of Public Communication, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Aug, 28 19928/28/92
Category: Chronologies
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Yugoslavia (former), Serbia-Montenegro,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia
Subject: History
[TEXT]
March 10, 1992
The United States and the European Community (EC) issue a joint declaration
in support of ongoing efforts by the United Nations and the EC to achieve a
political settlement to the crisis among the republics of Yugoslavia.
April 7
The United States recognizes the independence of Bosnia-Hercegovina,
Croatia, and Slovenia.
April 27
Serbia and Montenegro proclaim the dissolution of the Socialist Federated
Republic of Yugoslavia and the establishment of a new state, the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. The United States does not recognize this new state.
May 6
At a Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) meeting in
Helsinki, the United States condemns perpetrators of violence in Bosnia-
Hercegovina and urges that Serbian representatives be excluded from all
CSCE activities.
May 12
After delivering a strong warning, the US Ambassador in Belgrade is
recalled to Washington, DC, for consultations.
May 14
The State Department Spokesman expresses concern about allegations of
"ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
May 20
The United States suspends landing rights for Yugoslav National Airlines.
A CSCE Committee of Senior Officials calls for urgent action to provide
humanitarian relief in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
May 22
Secretary Baker, in London, announces diplomatic sanctions against Serbia-
Montenegro because of the "humanitarian nightmare." With US support,
Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia become members of the United
Nations.
May 24
Secretary Baker, in Lisbon, announces that the United States has initiated
discussions at the United Nations on Chapter VII sanctions. He states that
"before we consider force, we ought to exhaust all of the political,
diplomatic, and economic remedies that might be at hand."
May 28
The White House announces a $9-million contribution to assist refugees in
Bosnia-Hercegovina.
May 30
The United Nations adopts Resolution 757, co-sponsored by the United
States, imposing immediate sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro, including
a trade embargo, the freezing of assets abroad, the prohibition of services
related to aircraft and weapons, the prohibition of air traffic, the reduction
of diplomatic staff, a ban on participation in official cultural and sporting
events, and suspension of scientific and technical cooperation.
President Bush freezes Yugoslav assets in the US.
June 1
A UN-mediated cease-fire in Sarajevo takes effect. It lasts only 2 hours.
June 4
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) condemns continuing violence
in Yugoslavia, criticizing Serbia and Montenegro.
June 5
President Bush issues an executive order imposing a trade embargo on
Serbia-Montenegro.
June 8
The UN Security Council (UNSC) adopts Resolution 758 authorizing 60
observers to secure Sarajevo's airport for the delivery of humanitarian
relief once a cease-fire is in place.
June 10
The CSCE establishes an 11-nation task force on Yugoslavia.
June 23
In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Secretary
Baker announces that he will recommend that the President refuse
ambassadorial recognition from Belgrade, close the Yugoslav consulate in
Chicago, and support suspension of Serbia-Montenegro as participants in
international organizations.
June 26
The UN Secretary General tells the Security Council that a new Serb
military offensive threatens the feasibility of UN forces successfully
reopening Sarajevo airport. He suggests the Council consider alternative
means of aiding Sarajevo.
June 27
An EC declaration refuses to recognize Serbia-Montenegro as the successor
state to Yugoslavia. The declaration does not exclude support for military
action by the United Nations to achieve humanitarian objectives.
June 29
The UNSC adopts Resolution 761 authorizing deployment of additional forces
to ensure functioning of the Sarajevo airport and delivery of humanitarian
aid. Thirty-four UN peacekeepers officially assume control of the airport
from Serbian forces.
June 30
The UNSC unanimously adopts a resolution establishing a joint commission
to monitor restoration of Croatian authority in zones outside UN-protected
areas. The resolution urges Croatia to withdraw to positions held prior to
its June 21 offensive and urges the Serb territorial defense forces in
Croatia to withdraw and disarm.
Department of Defense Secretary Richard Cheney says the United States is
prepared to provide air and naval escort protection to humanitarian relief
convoys enroute to Sarajevo if explicitly authorized by the UNSC.
July 1
In a meeting with the leader of the Serbian Democratic Party, Mr.
Micunovic, Deputy Secretary Eagleburger emphasizes that Serbia can only
end its international isolation by complying with all relevant UNSC
resolutions and CSCE principles.
July 3
The UN begins coordinating an airlift of relief supplies to Sarajevo.
July 7
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) re-establishes its
presence in Bosnia-Hercegovina and renews its efforts to visit detention
centers.
July 8
The CSCE Committee of Senior Officials decides not to allow attendance by
Serbia or Montenegro at the CSCE summit meeting in Helsinki or at future
meetings.
July 9
A CSCE summit declaration condemns Serbian aggression and calls for an
end to violence.
July 10
Secretary Baker meets with Serbian Prime Minister-designate Milan Panic
in Helsinki and spells out the steps needed for compliance by Serbia-
Montenegro with UNSC resolutions.
NATO, in coordination with the Western European Union, agrees on a
maritime operation to monitor enforcement of sanctions against Serbia-
Montenegro.
July 13
The UNSC authorizes an increase in UN personnel in Sarajevo from 1,100 to
1,600.
July 16
In the Adriatic Sea, NATO's Standing Naval Force Mediterranean begins
monitoring of compliance by Serbia-Montenegro with UN sanctions.
July 19
A cease-fire negotiated at meetings in London on July 17 is broken.
July 27
EC-sponsored peace talks resume in London.
July 28
The United States grants 1-year temporary protection to residents of
Bosnia-Hercegovina already in the United States.
July 29
Participants in EC-mediated peace talks agree to establish a coordinating
committee to discuss cease-fire arrangements, refugees, and humanitarian
aid in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
August 4
Acting Secretary Eagleburger instructs US missions to press for
immediate ICRC access to any places of detention.
The UNSC President demands unimpeded access to detention centers in
Bosnia-Hercegovina by international organizations, including the ICRC.
August 5
Acting Secretary Eagleburger announces additional US actions, including a
request for an emergency meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission
(UNHRC) to examine reports of alleged abuses in detention centers in Serbia
and Bosnia-Hercegovina and a request that the CSCE investigate these
allegations. He also indicates that the United States is sending monitors to
Romania to evaluate the effects of UN sanctions and is developing a
resolution that would call on states to collect substantiated information on
"war crimes" and transmit such information to the UNSC.
August 6
President Bush outlines further US efforts to contain the crisis. These
include:
-- Support for passage by the UNSC of a resolution authorizing the use of
all necessary measures to facilitate delivery of humanitarian assistance;
-- Establishment of diplomatic relations with Slovenia, Croatia, and
Bosnia-Hercegovina;
-- Enhanced enforcement of sanctions against Serbia;
-- Stationing of monitors to prevent the conflict from widening; and
-- Intensified consultation with NATO on measures to assist the United
Nations.
August 7
The United States formally requests an emergency meeting of the CSCE
Committee of Senior Officials to discuss further steps to address
humanitarian problems in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
August 8
UNHRC assessment teams depart for Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia,
and Slovenia to review the status of food, nutrition, shelter, and health
programs.
August 10
Thirty-five UNHRC members support the US proposal for a special session on
the crisis in the former Yugoslavia.
August 11
Croatia and Slovenia accept the US proposal to establish full diplomatic
relations.
August 13
Based on US initiative, UNSC Resolution 770 authorizes "all measures
necessary" to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Bosnia-
Hercegovina.
US-sponsored UNSC Resolution 771 demands immediate access to detention
centers by the ICRC and asks countries to provide information on possible
violations of humanitarian law.
A UNHRC special session on human rights abuses in the former Yugoslavia
opens in Geneva.
The CSCE Committee of Senior Officials begins its meeting.
August 14
The UNHRC appoints a special rapporteur, Tadeusc Mazowiecki, to
investigate violations of human rights abuses and report to the Secretary
General by August 28, 1992.
A UNHRC resolution calls for the ICRC to have unimpeded access to all
detention facilities in the region.
The North Atlantic Council, meeting to discuss preliminary plans drawn up
by NATO's military authorities, requests a more detailed report by August
24.
The Western European Union meets in Rome and directs its planning
committee to examine military options by August 24.
Bosnia-Hercegovina accepts the US proposal to establish full diplomatic
relations.
August 15
The CSCE appoints a rapporteur mission to inspect places of detention and
report on alleged human rights abuses by September 16, 1992. It also
confirms to the UN Secretary General its commitment to assist the UN in
peace-keeping activities in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
August 18
The UN Economic and Social Council endorses the UNHRC resolution on human
rights abuses and confirms the appointment of the special rapporteur.
August 19
At a Brussels meeting of NATO allies, some North Atlantic Cooperation
Council partners, and Austria, the United States offers personnel and
logistical support for a Romanian in-country mission to monitor sanctions
against Serbia and Montenegro.
August 19-23
CSCE Chairman-in-Office, Czechoslovakia Foreign Minister Moravic, visits
Belgrade, Skopje, Sarajevo, and Zagreb to pass on the CSCE's strong message
denouncing human rights violations and calling for access to detention
centers, to secure early deployment of rapporteur and monitor missions, and
to review the situation on the ground.
August 20
The CSCE Steering Committee names Sir John Thompson head of the CSCE
rapporteur mission on detention camps.
The US Mission in Geneva offers to support the efforts of the special CSCE
rapporteur by providing a US officer to accompany him to Zagreb.
The CSCE Steering Committee accepts a US offer of an official to head a
mission to Skopje to help prevent spillover of the violence.
August 21
UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Mazowiecki departs with a team to
the former Yugoslavia to inspect detention camps and examine the human
rights situation.
August 24
The UN General Assembly begins debate on the situation in Bosnia.
Acting US Permanent Representative to the United Nations Watson
reiterates US refusal to recognize the claim by Serbia and Montenegro to the
rights and privileges of the former Yugoslavia at the United Nations.
August 25
The UN General Assembly adopts a resolution calling on the Security Council
to take "further appropriate measures" to end the war in Bosnia, including
direct military action if necessary.
President Bush authorizes
$12 million from the US Emergency Refugee and Migration Assistance Fund
to respond to the needs of displaced persons in the former Yugoslavia. He
also signs a proclamation restoring Generalized System of Preferences
benefits for all former Yugoslav republics, except Serbia and Montenegro.
The United States opens embassies in Zagreb and Ljubljana and announces
plans to open an embassy in Sarajevo when the security situation permits.
NATO ambassadors review a contingency plan for use of 6,000 NATO troops
to protect humanitarian convoys in Bosnia.
Lord Carrington, the EC's special mediator in the Balkan crisis, announces he
will no longer continue in that role.
August 26
An international conference, co-sponsored by the United Nations and the
European Community to develop an effective response to the continued
violence in the former Yugoslavia, opens in London.
Acting Secretary Eagleburger urges the conference to:
-- Address urgently the delivery of humanitarian relief to the victims of
the conflict and the granting of immediate access to all detention camps;
-- Create a durable international negotiating mechanism, based on UN and
CSCE principles, to achieve a just and lasting settlement;
-- Tighten comprehensive economic sanctions against Serbia-Montenegro
and to maintain its political isolation until it complies with all relevant
Security Council resolutions; and
-- Deter the expansion of the conflict by positioning human rights monitors
in Serbia and the states and regions bordering Serbia.
August 27
Decisions at the London conference lead to:
-- Creation of a permanent negotiating forum to manage a political
settlement of the crisis;
-- Support for the territorial integrity of Bosnia-Hercegovina and
recognition by the international community that territorial gains made by
force will not be honored;
-- A call for "full collaboration" by all parties to permit safe delivery of
relief supplies to Bosnia-Hercegovina and long-term assistance for
displaced persons;
-- A call for "unconditional and unilateral release under international
supervision of all civilians detained,
and the closure without delay of the detention camps;"
-- Agreement to expand the operations of the UN Protective Force
(UNPROFOR) in support of UN humanitarian operations in Bosnia-Hercegovina;
-- Commitment to place human rights monitors in the territories of the
former Yugoslavia and in neighboring states and regions; and
-- Agreement on an action plan to ensure rigorous application of sanctions
against Serbia.
Serbia and Montenegro undertake to cease intervention across their borders
with Bosnia and Croatia; to the best of their ability restrain the Bosnian
Serbs from taking territory by force and expelling local populations; and to
fully observe the relevant resolutions of the UN Security Council.
Participants agree to resume negotiations in Geneva on September 3, 1992.
August 28
In a report presented to the UNHRC, Special Rapporteur Mazowiecki makes
the following recommendations:
-- Extending UNPROFOR's mandate to protect populations against human
rights violations;
-- Creating an information agency to combat racial hatred;
-- Establishing a commission to investigate possible criminal acts;
-- Basing human rights monitors on such threatened areas as Kosovo; and
-- Setting up a commission on disappeared persons. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: Most-Favored-Nation Status for Albania
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Statement by President Bush, released by the White
House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 26 19928/26/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Albania
Subject: Trade/Economics
[TEXT]
Today, I am signing into law H.J. Res. 507, approving the extension of non-
discriminatory treatment (most-favored-nation--MFN-- status) to the
Republic of Albania.
The US Government fully supports this resolution granting most-favored-
nation status to the Republic of Albania. The bilateral trade agreement
between the United States and Albania, of which MFN is a key element, was
transmitted to the Congress during Albanian President Berisha's visit to
Washington in June and marks an historic point in Albanian-American
relations.
Albania elected its first post-communist government in free and fair
elections held in March of this year after decades of self-imposed isolation.
Since then, the country has been struggling to convert to a free-market
economy. The extension of MFN status to Albania could provide an impetus
to Albania's faltering economy and help the country's difficult transition
from a command economy to a free market.
The United States now enjoys a close, cooperative relationship with the
Government of Albania, a government that is firmly committed to democracy
and the free market.
We hope that with our assistance, and that of its other friends, Albania can
transform itself from an under-developed, closed, centralized society to a
democratic country with a free market. A freer and more prosperous
Albania can also be a stabilizing force in the volatile Balkan region. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: US Contributions To Georgian Hospitals
Tutwiler
Description: Joint statement by the United States and Georgia issued
by the Office of the Assistant Secretary/Spokesman,
Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 24 19928/24/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: Eurasia
Country: Georgia
Subject: Development/Relief Aid
[TEXT]
After many years when an independent state of Georgia did not exist, the
governments and peoples of the Republic of Georgia and the United States of
America are, at last, on a fully equal basis. Besides participation together
in the business of the international community in the United Nations and in
many other organizations, Georgia and America also have many matters of
bilateral interest and concern. Our activities today are addressed to one of
those mutual concerns.
All of us understand the very difficult period now being experienced by the
Georgian people. After the events of the last 70 years, it is not easy to
create political institutions for the new republic that will reflect
democratic values and human rights. Fortunately, the elections of October
11, 1992, give great promise for creating a genuine national political
consensus. An equally strong effort will be necessary to assure Georgia's
economic regeneration as a market economy after decades of central
planning and management from a long distance away.
These transformations will inevitably cause disruption and hardship as old
systems are terminated and new ones [are] inaugurated. America has been
trying in different ways, alongside other Western countries, to relieve some
of the difficulties which Georgia has already experienced and will continue
to face. Thus, we have shipped in emergency food supplies and will, within
1 or 2 weeks, begin to deliver a large amount of additional wheat. We also
intend to provide individual experts who can help with various projects of
agricultural, industrial, and marketing development. Tomorrow's
ceremonies, however, focus on an area of major social concern--the health
of the Georgian people. During this period, when Georgia's national budget is
under great strain from the decline of the economy, the government has only
limited resources which it can devote to maintaining and rebuilding the
nation's infrastructure, including its health care system. Fortunately,
Georgia has a large number of truly excellent and devoted doctors who work
in many hospitals. What the United States is contributing today is a sizable
amount of modern medical equipment and supplies to two of the most
important hospitals of Tbilisi. In making this delivery from the medical
command of American military forces in Europe, the aim is to assist these
two hospitals in Tbilisi to become even better prepared to serve the health
needs of Georgia's citizens.
We are confident that the many different relationships which Georgia and
the United States are now establishing will further broaden and intensify in
future years. All of us involved in this initial medical project are
enthusiastic about what has been accomplished and about the possibilities
for moving forward together.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: US Embassies Open In Croatia and Slovenia
Tutwiler
Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 25 19928/25/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: E/C Europe
Country: Croatia, Slovenia
Subject: State Department
[TEXT]
On August 6, [1992] President Bush announced that the United States was
establishing full diplomatic relations with Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, and
Slovenia.
The United States, today, will open embassies in Zagreb, Croatia, and
Ljubljana, Slovenia.
Our new embassy in Zagreb will be housed in our former consulate general
building. Our new embassy in Ljubljana will be in temporary quarters at the
USIS [US Information Service] cultural center and a local hotel.
We plan to open an embassy in Sarajevo when the security situation there
permits.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: US Calls for Cease-fire In Afghanistan
Tutwiler
Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 27 19928/27/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: South Asia
Country: Afghanistan
Subject: Regional/Civil Unrest, Democratization
[TEXT]
Over the last several weeks, heavy fighting between Afghan factions has
continued in Kabul and in other parts of the country causing hundreds of
deaths of innocent civilians.
The bulk of the deaths appear to have been caused by rocket and artillery
bombardment of Kabul by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's forces outside the city.
We deplore the loss of human life in Afghanistan. We are also deeply
concerned that some diplomats seeking to escape mounting dangers from
intense fighting have so far been unable to leave the city.
We urge all sides to end the fighting and work for a political settlement of
their differences.
The United States joins Russia, Pakistan, and others in demanding an
immediate cease-fire between the warring parties. We call on all parties to
respect the principle of diplomatic immunity and to permit the safe travel
of diplomats who want to leave Kabul.
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: Electronic Bulletin Board For Consular Affairs
Tutwiler
Description: Statement released by the Office of the Assistant
Secretary/Spokesman, Washington, DC
Date: Aug, 25 19928/25/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: South Asia
Country: Afghanistan
Subject: State Department, Immigration, Travel
[TEXT]
An electronic bulletin board has been established in the Department of
State's Bureau of Consular Affairs. The bulletin board, known as the
Consular Affairs Bulletin Board (CABB), has been designed in compliance
with the Aviation Security Improvement Act of 1990. That act required the
Bureau of Consular Affairs to create a bulletin board for use by the
American public.
Users of the CABB will be able to access information from the Overseas
Security Advisory Council's (OSAC) electronic bulletin board. Established in
1987 as a means for keeping the international business community informed
about security or crime problems abroad, the OSAC bulletin board is
maintained by the State Department's Bureau for Diplomatic Security.
In addition to crime and security information, the CABB will contain data on
a variety of consular subjects. These include travel advisories, passports
for US citizens, emergencies involving US citizens abroad, visas for
foreigners wishing to come to the United States, acquisition and loss of US
citizenship, international adoptions, and entry requirements for Americans
wishing to travel to other countries.
Access to the CABB is free of charge to anyone with a computer and a
modem. Callers dial 202-647-9225 from their modem. The modem speed
should be set to either 300, 1,200, 2,400, 9,600, or 14,400 bps, and the
termination communications program should be set to N-8-1 (no parity, 8
bits, 1 stop bit).
Instructions to sign on are as follows:
After dialing in to one of the 32 phone lines at 202-647-9225, callers will
be prompted to enter their name, city, and state and will receive a prompt
to confirm that information. No password is required.
Next, callers will need to answer a series of questions about their personal
computers in order to communicate with CABB. A general information
screen will then appear. After reading it, users can press any key to
continue. To access the data, users need to follow screen prompts to choose
items from the menu, search the databases for key words (e.g., Peru,
adoption), and download files on specific countries or regions.
Callers should keep in mind that the numbered choices on CABB refer to the
numbered keys and not to program function or PF keys. CABB operates with
"hot keys" so users do not need to push the "enter/return" key to complete an
action unless instructed to do so.
Consular Affairs and the Bureau of Diplomatic Security will be updating the
CABB throughout each day. Individuals with questions or comments on the
material being provided by the CABB can send their inquiries to: Department
of State, Bureau of Consular Affairs, Office of Public Affairs, Room 5807,
Washington, DC 20520. (###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: 'No-Fly Zone' in Southern Iraq
Bush
Source: President Bush
Description: Excerpt from a statement by President Bush released by
the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington,
DC
Date: Aug, 26 19928/26/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Iraq
Subject: Military Affairs, Human Rights
[TEXT]
...In recent weeks and months, we have heard and seen new evidence of harsh
repression by the government of Saddam Hussein against the men, women,
and children of Iraq. What emerges from eyewitness accounts, as well as
from the detailed August 11 testimony before the UN Security Council of UN
human rights envoy Max van der Stoel, is further graphic proof of Saddam's
brutality.
We now know of Saddam's use of helicopters and, beginning this spring,
fixed-wing aircraft to bomb and strafe civilians and villages there in the
south, his execution last month of merchants in Baghdad, and his gradual
tightening of the economic blockade against the people of the north. These
reports are further confirmation that the Government of Iraq is failing to
meet its obligations under UN Security Council Resolution 688.
This resolution, passed in April of 1991, demands that Saddam Hussein end
repression of the Iraqi people. By denying access to human rights monitors
and other observers, Saddam has sought to prevent the world from learning
of his brutality. It is time to ensure the world does know.
And, therefore, the United States and its coalition partners have today
informed the Iraqi Government that 24 hours from now, coalition aircraft,
including those of the United States, will begin flying surveillance missions
in southern Iraq, south of the 32 degrees north latitude, to monitor the
situation there. This will provide coverage of the areas where a majority of
the most significant recent violations of Resolution 688 have taken place.
The coalition is also informing Iraq's government that in order to facilitate
these monitoring efforts, it is establishing a "no-fly zone" for all Iraqi
fixed- and rotary-wing aircraft. This new prohibition will also go into
effect in 24 hours over this same area. It will remain in effect until the
coalition determines that it is no longer required.
It will be similar to the "no-fly zone" the coalition imposed on northern Iraq
more than 1 year ago. I want to emphasize that these actions are designed
to enhance our ability to monitor developments in southern Iraq. These
actions are consistent with long-standing US policy toward Iraq. We seek
Iraq's compliance, not its partition.
The United States continues to support Iraq's territorial unity and bears no
ill will toward its people. We continue to look forward to working with a
new leadership in Baghdad, one that does not brutally suppress its own
people and violate the most basic norms of humanity. Until that day, no one
should doubt our readiness to respond decisively to Iraq's failure to respect
the "no-fly zone."
Moreover, the United States and our coalition partners are prepared to
consider additional steps should Saddam continue to violate this or other UN
resolutions....(###)
Dispatch, Vol 3, No 35, August 31, 1992
Title: What's in Print: Foreign Relations of the United
States, 1958-1960: Vol. XI, Lebanon and Jordan
HO
Source: Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public
Affairs
Date: Aug, 31 19928/31/92
Category: Speeches, Testimony, Statements
Region: MidEast/North Africa
Country: Jordan, Lebanon
Subject: Military Affairs, Human Rights
[TEXT]
The Office of the Historian has released the microfiche supplement to
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, Volume XI, Lebanon and
Jordan. This supplement and the print volume (released separately in July
1992) present the official record of US policy from files of the Department
of State, the Eisenhower Library, the Department of Defense, and the Joint
Chiefs of Staff.
The compilation includes about 500 documents relating to military actions
taken to sustain pro-Western governments in Lebanon and Jordan beginning
in July 1958. The application of US military power in support of the
Chamoun government in Lebanon was seen as a test of whether the United
States would come to the assistance of nations that supported the
Eisenhower Doctrine. This doctrine, established in March 1957, and
supported by the Chamoun government, proclaimed the United States ready
to support independence of states in the Middle East against threats to their
independence from countries controlled by international communism. By the
time US forces withdrew from Lebanon, civil war had been averted, and a
moderately pro-Western government had been established.
The microfiche supplement contains a printed guide with a preface that
describes the methodology followed in selecting documents, outlines
particular problems encountered during the volume's compilation, and
evaluates the results of the declassification process. It also contains lists
of files and other material consulted, as well as an index to the documents
on the microfiche cards.
The microfiche supplement to Volume XI (GPO Stock No. 044-000-02342-3)
may be purchased for $11.00, domestic postpaid (international customers
please add 25%) from the Government Printing Office, Superintendent of
Documents, New Orders, PO Box 371954, Pittsburgh, PA 15250-7954.
For further information, contact Glenn W. LaFantasie, General Editor of the
Foreign Relations series, at 202-663-1133. (###)